D
US-China Foreign Language, ISSN 1539-8080
December 2011, Vol. 9, No. 12, 817-823
DAVID
PUBLISHING
Phonological Features of Cockney English Illustrated
in My Fair Lady
Irina-Ana Drobot
Technical University of Civil Engineering Bucharest, Bucharest, Romania
The aim of the paper is to investigate the phonological features of Cockney English illustrated in the movie My Fair
Lady, the 1964 musical adaptation, starring Audrey Hepburn and Rex Harrison. The features that are insisted upon
in the Cockney dialect English will be pointed out, as well as its status as one of the traditional dialects of London’s
poor working class.
Keywords: phonology, features, dialect, Cockney, musical
Introduction
The 1964 musical adaptation of My Fair Lady, starring Audrey Hepburn and Rex Harrison, portrays
Cockney English by means of characters’ speech, but also by means of comparisons to RP (Received
Pronunciation) and by comments on it.
The character Eliza Doolittle is a speaker of Cockney English. Her father is also presented as speaking in the
same way, together with other secondary characters. Henry Higgins, professor of Phonetics, makes a wager with
his friend Colonel Pickering: that he can teach flower girl Eliza Doolittle the proper way of speaking and the
manners necessary for her to pass for a duchess in the highest society. After Henry Higgins’ way of judging
Cockney speakers in general, and mentioning some of the characteristics of pronunciation of this dialect, we are
presented with differences between RP English and Cockney English during the scenes where he tries to teach
Eliza “proper” pronunciation.
Cockney English is one of the traditional dialects of London’s poor working class.
For Henry Higgins, the way a person speaks is the most important factor in establishing his/her social class.
Success, for him, comes together with understanding and mastering a perfect and proper approach to the English
language.
Peter Ladefoged was the chief linguistic consultant on this film. Director George Cukor wanted him to teach
the film’s star, Rex Harrison—who acted the role of Professor Henry Higgins—to behave like a phonetician. It is
Ladefoged’s voice that is heard producing the vowel sounds in the film.
Irina-Ana Drobot, junior teaching assistant at Department of Foreign Languages and Communication, Technical University of
Civil Engineering Bucharest.
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PHONOLOGICAL FEATURES OF COCKNEY ENGLISH
Cockney English—Phonological Features Presented in My Fair Lady
H-dropping and Diphthong Alterations
In the song “Why Can’t the English”, professor Higgins offers some noticeable phonological features of
Cockney English (see Example 1):
Example (1) Hear them down in Soho Square
dropping “H”s everywhere
Speaking English
any way they like
-Uh, you, sir, did you go to school
-What do you “tike” me for, a fool?
No one taught him “take” instead of “tike”
The first one, h-dropping, is considered by Sivertsen to be a stylistic marker of emphasis in Cockney.
The second one is a diphthong alteration /eɪ/ → [æɪ~aɪ] (see Example 2):
Example (2) take [teɪk] → [taɪk]
The same diphthong alteration is noticeable in Eliza’s pronunciation in one of the exercises professor
Higgins offers her for practice (see Example 3):
Example (3) The rain in Spain stays mainly in the plain.
Professor Higgins offers us the RP way of pronunciation, while Eliza pronounces the same sentence in
Cockney English. The diphthong alteration /eɪ/ → [æɪ~aɪ] can be seen in the words whose pronunciation is
given under Example (4):
Example (4) rain [raɪn]
Spain [spaɪn]
stays [staɪz]
mainly [maɪnli]
plain [plaɪn]
Professor Higgins even does a play upon words on this diphthong alteration (see Example 5):
Example (5) -Didn’t I “sigh” that?
-No, Eliza, you didn’t “sigh” that. You didn’t even say that.
Here Eliza pronounced “say” [saɪ]. Another exercise involves making Eliza practice speaking without
h-dropping (see Example 6):
Example (6) In Hertford, Hereford and Hampshire, hurricanes hardly ever happen.
In Eliza’s first attempt, h-dropping occurs as well as the insertion of a “h” in the pronunciation of “ever”
(see Example 7):
Example (7) In ‘Ertford, ‘Ereford
‘n’ ‘Ampshire,
‘urricanes ‘ardly
“hever” ‘appen.
Professor Higgins makes a comment on the latter as follows (see Example 8):
PHONOLOGICAL FEATURES OF COCKNEY ENGLISH
819
Example (8) -Does the same thing hold true in India, Pickering?
This peculiar habit of not only dropping a letter like the letter “H”, [...] but using it where it
doesn’t belong, like “hever” instead of “ever”.
[...]
-Why is it Slavs, when they learn English, have a tendency to do it with their “G”s?
-They say “ling-er” instead of “lin-ger”.
[...]
-Then they turn right around and say “sin-ger” instead of “sing-er”.
[...]
-Why is it Slavs have been using it where it isn’t needed, and in English have to do it with their
“G”?
There are other instances where sounds other than “h”s are dropped for Cockney English speaking
characters in the movie (see Example 9):
Example (9) (a) [ə] in flowers [flaʊr]
(b) [v] in of [ɒ], [ə]
(c) [ɪ] in captain [kæptn]
(d) [ð] in them [əm]
Also, in the scene where, before she finally manages to pronounce correctly “The rain in Spain stays
mainly in the plain”, Eliza drops her “h” in “headache” (see Example 10):
Example (10) -Eliza, if I can go on with a blistering headache, you can.
-I’ve got an headache too.
Eliza’s father too drops “h”s (for instance, he pronounces “harm” and “happiness” without [h]) (see Example 11):
Example (11) (a) Not that I mean any harm, mind you.
(b) Makes a man feel prudent-like, and then good-bye to happiness.
For the dropping of the [v] sound in “of”, professor Higgins gives Eliza the following exercise of
pronunciation (see Example 12):
Example (12) -How kind of you to let me come.
-No, no, no, no.
Kind of you. Kind of you.
It’s like “cup of tea”.
Kind of you. Cup of tea.
Say, say, “Cup of tea”.
-Cuppatea.
-No, no. A cup of tea.
The diphthong alteration /eɪ/ → [æɪ~aɪ] is insisted upon in the movie. In a humorous moment, Pickering
pronounced “plain cake” as [plaɪn kaɪk].
Goose-Fronting
“You” is pronounced by characters speaking Cockney as [jy:]. This is an instance of a phonological
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PHONOLOGICAL FEATURES OF COCKNEY ENGLISH
process called goose-fronting.
Wells (1982b) defined this lexical set, which is sometimes referred to as /u:/ or “uw”. It usually occurs in
the sequence /ju:/, as in the previously mentioned example. It involves a fronter realization of /u:/.
G-dropping
There are other instances of dropping various sounds, at the end of some words (see Example 13):
Example (13) (a) Look where you’re goin’, dear. Look where you’re goin’.
(b) And you wouldn’t go off without payin’ either.
(c) -What’s all the bloomin’ noise?
-There’s a “tec” takin’ her down.
(d) Here, take the whole bloomin’ basket for sixpence!
(e) Someone’s head restin’ on my knee
In the examples in Example (13), what happens is that “ng” [ŋ] is pronounced as “n” [n]. This
phonological feature is sometimes called “g-dropping”. It takes place in gerunds. This is also a very common
feature in the speech of some Americans, regardless of their ethnical background. According to Rickford,
however, there is no “dropping” involved. Instead, he (1999) claimed, an alveolar nasal is used as a substitute for
a velar nasal (p. 13).
There are, however, exceptions: g-dropping does not occur only with gerunds (see Example 14):
Example (14) Well, you wouldn’t have the face to ask me the same for teachin’ me my own language… as
you would for French, so I won’t give more than a shillin’, take it or leave it.
Another diphthong alteration is noticeable in the Example (13a). The diphthong /əʊ/ becomes /ʌ/, [æַ~ɐ]
in Cockney English. The endpoint may be [ʊ], but more commonly it is rather opened and/or lacking lip rounding,
being like a centralized [ɤ¨]. The broadest Cockney variant approaches [aʊ]. “Goin’” is pronounced [gaʊɪn].
The diphthong /aɪ/ becomes [ɑɪ] or even [ɒɪ] in “vigorous, dialectal” Cockney. Such an example is present
in Mr. Doolittle’s speech (see Example 15):
Example (15) But get me
to the church on time
Insertion
The insertion of the sound [r] can be noticed in one of Eliza’s songs (in the pronunciation of the word
lovely) (see Example 16) and also in Mr. Doolittle’s speech (see Example 17):
Example (16) Oh, wouldn’t it
Be loverly
Example (17) It’s nearly 5:00. My daughter Eliza’ll be along soon.
Between the pronunciation of “Eliza” and “ll” he introduces the sound [r].
Vowels
“Time” is pronounced as [tɑɪm] by Eliza’s father.
Professor Higgins tries to get Eliza to pronounce the vowels in RP English, not in her Cockney dialect (see
Example 18).
Example (18) -Say your vowels.
PHONOLOGICAL FEATURES OF COCKNEY ENGLISH
821
-I know me vowels. I knew them before I come.
-Well, if you know them, say them
-A, E, I, O, U.
-Wrong! A, E, I, O, U.
In Cockney dialect, the vowels are pronounced differently from RP, as shown in Example (19):
Example (19) (a) /ʌ/ → [ɐ] or a quality like that of [a]: [dʒamʔ’tsaph] “jumped up”.
(b) /ɑ:/ has a back, open, unrounded variant, [ɑ] which Beaken (1971) claimed characterizes
“vigorous, informal” Cockney (Wells, 1982b, p. 305).
(c) /æ/ may be [ɛ] or [ɛɪ], with the latter occurring before voiced consonants, particularly
before /d/: [bɛk] “back”, [bɛ:d] “bad”.
(d) /ɛ/ may be [eə], [eɪ], or [ɛɪ] before certain voiced consonants, particularly before /d/:
[beɪd] “bed”.
(e) /i:/ → [əi~ɐi]: [bəiʔ] “beet”.
(f) /ɒ/ may be a somewhat less open [ɔ]: [kɔʔ] “cot”.
(g) /ɔ:/ → [o:] or a closing diphthong of the type [oʊ~ɔo] when in non-final position, with the
latter variants being more common in broad Cockney: [soʊs] “sauce”-“source”, [loʊd]
“lord”, [‘woʊʔə] “water”.
(h) /ɔ:/ → [ɔ:] or a centring diphthong of the type [ɔə~ɔwə] when in final position, with the
latter variants being more common in broad Cockney; thus [sɔə] “saw”-“sore”-“soar”,
[lɔə] “law”-“lore”, [wɔə] “war”-“wore”. The diphthong is retained before inflectional
endings, so that board and pause can contrast with bored [bɔəd] and paws [pɔəz].
(i) /u:/ → [əʉ] or a monophthongal [ʉ:], perhaps with little lip rounding, [ɨ:] or [ʊ:]: [bʉ:ʔ]
“boot”.
/ɜ:/ is on occasion somewhat fronted and/or lightly rounded, giving Cockney variants such as [ɜ.:], [œ¨:].
This can be seen in Mr. Doolittle’s speech, in his pronunciation of “year” (see Example 20):
Example (20) A year ago I hadn’t a relation in the world, except one or two who wouldn’t speak to me.
Consonants
As with many accents of England, Cockney is non-rhotic. Final -er is pronounced [ə] or lowered [ɐ] in broad
Cockney. This is the way Eliza pronounced “father”.
Th-fronting
/ð/ can become [v] in any environment except word-initially when it can be [ð, d, l, ʔ, Ø] (see Example 21):
Example (21) [mavə] mother
[dæɪ] they
/θ/ can become [f] in any environment. [mɛfs] “maths”. This is another instance of th-fronting. But in
Example (22) it does not occur (in “thank”):
Example (22) Thank you, Eliza. You’re a noble daughter.
In Cockney English, there is an occasional replacing of /r/ with /w/. For example, “thwee” instead of “three”.
According to Peter Wright, this is not a universal feature of the Cockney dialect, but it was more common in the
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PHONOLOGICAL FEATURES OF COCKNEY ENGLISH
London area than anywhere else in Britain. In Example (23), in the speech of a woman who speaks Cockney,
however, it does not occur (in the word “three”):
Example (23) Moved in with a swell, Eliza has. Left here in a taxi all by herself, smart as paint, and ain’t
been home for three days!
However, the insertion of the sound [r] is visible in her speech (at the end of “Eliza”).
The movie focuses on the most distinctive and easily noticeable features of pronunciation in Cockney
English. Also, there is speaker variation for Cockney English. The problem of “correct” and standard English and
dialect is still in discussion. There are various attitudes towards this issue. Language develops differently in
different groups. Education and status are linked to the kind of language used.
In the 19th century, “Cockney” was transformed from a name for the working class to the point for
prescriptivists to condemn the decay of proper pronunciation.
Conclusions
There are some phonological features insisted upon in the movie, and they are sometimes presented
humorously. Most of the characters who are part of Cockney English speakers are presented dropping various
sounds in their speech, at the beginning or at the end of some words and replacing the diphthong /eɪ/ with
[æɪ~aɪ]. This is because these are the most easily recognizable features of this dialect.
As part of her new status, there are some changes in Eliza’s way of speech. Her pronunciation
approximates RP English. Her father, however, despite his appropriation of middle class morality, retains his
usual Cockney pronunciation.
Henry’s standard English is considered the correct approach to pronunciation (and grammar) in the United
Kingdom, although many UK citizens speak with an accent specific to the region where they live. Standard
English is taught in schools and spoken by public figures in the government and the media.
The question of dialects and education or status attached to them as compared to RP English is still here.
Daley (2009), in an April article written for Telegraph, noticed that:
[...] While school teachers were being told not to correct local dialect because to do so would be to impose southern
“bourgeois culture” on other regions and classes, whole generations of children were locked into the hopeless limitations of
their own backgrounds. (And this applies as much to extreme “cockney” pronunciation as to Northern accents).
Without the ability to speak their own language properly, they were deprived of social and geographical mobility: the
kind of personal freedom and self-determination that middle class people take for granted. [...]
Eliza and Henry for instance both live in London, and yet their dialect vary greatly. Why does this happen?
Languages are constantly evolving. In their use of language in everyday life, people may change existing rules.
New rules may not be shared by groups of people who live far away from each other. Peter Trudgill suggests
that objections to language change are often “presumably really objections to what the objectors perceive to be
symbolic of a threat to their culture and way of life”.
References
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