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Rebel or Revolutionary: The Story of Tito Kayak
His hands weren't the hands of a soldier. Frail, lacerated and clumped into claws— they were the hands
of someone with a degenerative condition. Arthritis, perhaps.
“Don't squeeze so hard,” he says; his voice raspy and low, with an apologetic timbre. “I screwed them
up in Vieques this weekend.”
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Metro San Juan in:
Alberto De Jesús waits in front of a white ‘90s model Isuzu Rodeo with rust stains that are eating at the
surface like a rash. Years of exposure to the wind and sun, maybe.
He was affable, courteous. This was the interview he had been avoiding for weeks, but he had hurried
through rush hour traffic to do. A tight schedule, the environmental activist admits.
INSIDE JUN/JULY 09 ISSUE
Love him or hate him, De Jesús sits at the epicenter of Puerto Rico 's modern environmental justice
movement. Misión Industrial, United Cataño Against Contamination and other environmental
organizations were at the forefront of the movement long before De Jesús could spell “Vieques,” but it
is his media self, “Tito Kayak,” who has become the face of the environmental fight, the spokesman, if
you will, of the struggle between the Earth and the State.
His are radical strategies, seldom forgotten by citizens, and always spectacular, playing like small
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His are radical strategies, seldom forgotten by citizens, and always spectacular, playing like small
telenovelas for the local sensationalist media. In 2000, he planted Puerto Rico 's flag atop the Statue of
Liberty, a seminal moment in the Vieques effort to drive the U.S. Navy off the island. In July 2005, he
attempted to switch the United Nations flag for ours during the UN's Decolonization Committee
Hearings. Last year, in a dramatic escape from authorities at the Paseo Caribe site, he swung from a
crane onto a kayak and disappeared by the Dos Hermanos Bridge, foiling the attemps of the police's
First Response Unit, known as FURA, to catch him.
But that was Tito. De Jesús was here in my office. Tired, unshaven and demoralized—he had injured
himself in Vieques and was coping with a personal problem.
De Jesús' fighter instincts would awaken shortly. He scanned the office —soundboards, doors, old
magazine editions laid down on the table in the foyer. He jumped off the chair, startled, as if he had
come to a pressing conclusion, ran out the front door and began dialing away frantically on a beaten-up
cell phone.
Within 15 minutes he returned and announced he would abandon the interview. He'd been advised
against it by someone from the environmental group Amigos del MAR. He apologized. I asked why,
and a woman on the phone's speakerphone replied, “It can compromise the objectives of our
organization,” spoken in an unctuous, overly dramatic tone.
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Such secrecy characterizes leftist organizations, a defense mechanism that poses the proverbial question
for the rest of the population: “What are they hiding?” This is the guy who flew a Palestinian flag from
an Israeli surveillance tower, a fearless legend accustomed to media attention, yet afraid of public
scrutiny.
That awkward individual in a scurrying rush is incompatible with those who know him and have
worked by his side. Sandra Valentín, an environmental lawyer and part of the legal team that challenged
the Courtyard by Marriot's parking lot construction on the Isla Verde beach, describes him as an honest
person, an unshakable warrior willing to accept the consequences of his actions. “Sometimes
movements have to be radical to incite action,” she says. “In his case there is always action. I admire
that he's always ready to pay the price for what he believes.”
Vieques and Beyond
De Jesús became a household name in 1999 during the Vieques struggle to expulse the Navy. But his
environmental work began before that, with the organization Amigos del MAR (Revolutionary
Environmental Movement for its acronym in Spanish). Since 1995, these activists have travelled the
island on an intense educational campaign that included environmental workshops for students. This was
the “awareness” half of their agenda. An aggressive campaign to stop international vessels that carry
plutonium and harmful waste through the Caribbean was launched as well.
De Jesús upped the ante when he became directly involved in the Vieques struggle. The death of David
Sanes on April 19 during a bombing target practice in Vieques motivated De Jesús and Amigos del
MAR to spearhead many civil disobedience camps.
This tactic forged the cause for Vieques. Demonstrators trespassed into the practice ranges; some
camping there until removed by federal marshals, becoming a phenomenon broadcast the world over.
Former Puerto Rican Independence Party President Rubén Berríos and Robert F. Kennedy Jr. were
among those arrested, and world leaders, politicians, intellectuals, religious leaders and artists supported
the cause.
The turtle speed of a liberation process that had mobilized an entire continent and beyond did not satisfy
De Jesús. In an act of defiance, he hoisted the Puerto Rican flag to the top of the Statue of Liberty in
New York . The gesture became a symbol of Boricua pride and prowess.
A Necessary Force
When De Jesús and other activists occupied the Paseo Caribe construction site in San Juan , few
expected the brouhaha to evolve into the media frenzy that followed. The new facilities reached the
beach front, which environmentalists' argue is public property, and the construction impeded access to
the San Gerónimo Fort.
Demonstrators camped on the premises and De Jesús climbed up a crane and sat for an entire week. On
Nov. 13, 2007, holstered on a harness, hiding his face under a black mask, De Jesús slid down a thin
rope to the canal below. Supporters had prepared a red kayak. He climbed on board and headed for the
Dos Hermanos Bridge. FURA maritime units were waiting on the other side of the bridge, but when his
red kayak appeared, a decoy had taken over the vessel. De Jesús swam but was intersected by two
police jet skis. Then, from the bridge, one after another, men started to jump. With decoys swimming
all around him, De Jesús escaped unnoticed and unscathed. He later turned himself in to the police. On
Feb. 8, 2008, Superior Court Judge, Oscar Dávila Sulliveres ruled that the site was not public property
and declared the San Gerónimo Caribe Project Inc. owners of the land.
Dr. Palmira N. Ríos, sociologist and director of the School of Public Administration at the University of
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Puerto Rico , Río Piedras Campus, holds that these are efficient strategies to attract public attention and
motivate change.
“He sends his message through innovative means that grasp the public's attention,” says Ríos. “Events
need to be powerful and memorable to be media worthy, and Tito has been very capable of using the
media efficiently.”
For Ríos, these action scenes are more efficient than conventional marches and protests. Sluggish
turnout at protests can hurt the cause, she adds. “With respect to the media, people question their
strength because there is no one there.”
Ríos adds that through De Jesús' persistent demonstrations at the Paseo Caribe site, the public did learn
of possible violations and questionable permits granted by government agencies.
“We know of the environmental cause, of the potential or real violations because he created awareness,”
says Ríos. “In the Paseo Caribe case, the court decided in favor of the developer. Within the legal
framework, his permits were in order. But after the demonstrations, people began questioning what was
or wasn't public property and if developers could build in these areas. He truly made people question
the process by which the country issues [construction] permits.”
Political activism has proven to be an efficient weapon in modern politics. Long before Puerto Ricans
expelled the military from Vieques, community-based groups in Cataño and Guayanilla had fought the
industrial plants that were polluting their air and contaminating their resources. Misión Industrial and
United Cataño Against Contamination were pioneers in the environmental justice movement that began
in the early ‘70s.
“In both cases there were intense and extensive organizational efforts,” says Juan Rosario, an
environmental health expert associated with Misión Industrial.
United Cataño Against Contamination, with the collaboration of Misión Industrial, forced the Bacardi
plant in Cataño to reduce organic waste products from the alcohol fermentation process. The organic
sludge, labeled a “monster” by the residents, had an unpleasant smell and tinted the water an unsightly
brown hue. The U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) put pressure on the company as well, and
the company developed a biodigestor that turned organic residue into gas, which they then used as an
energy source. This was an environmentally friendly solution also because the gas partially replaced the
use of oil derivates to generate energy.
“It was one of the first renewable-energy projects in Puerto Rico ,” Rosario adds.
In the continental United States , environmental justice spread far and wide. Demonstrations and other
forms of resistance came to public light when conscientious citizens across the country began noticing
the harmful health effects of an industrialized America .
Environmental historians trace the origins of the U.S. 's environmental justice movement partly to a
case in Warren County, North Carolina. In 1978, the mostly African American community found out
that the state was going to build a landfill to hold 40,000-cubic yards of soil contaminated with the
chemicals known as PCBs. The community responded with a four years of resistance that included a
month-long protest and over 500 arrests for civil disobedience.
Eileen McGurty, associate chair of John Hopkins's Environmental Sciences and Policy department and
author of “Transforming Environmentalism: Warren County , PCBs and the Origins of Environmental
Justice,” wrote about the positive consequences of collective protests. “The flurry of disruptive
collective action in the 1960s transformed the study of social movements from an explanation of the
deviance of discontents to investigations that assumed social movement participants had legitimate
political claims.”
The effectiveness of massive protests is well documented, but in Puerto Rico , they may have lost their
political clout. Environmental lawyer and University of Puerto Rico Professor Érika Fontánez-Torres
argues that citizens are indifferent to massive demonstrations because they interrupt their daily
activities.
“The majority of people feel uncomfortable with these protests and are intolerant,” says FontánezTorres. “When they see that it is Tito Kayak, they reject him, his objectives and methodology.”
Fontánez-Torres regrets this collective apathy and stresses that De Jesús resorts to these actions only
when conventional means fail.
“Before he said, ‘I'm going up on that crane,' many people asked for reports, many went to the courts
and filed complaints… when that didn't work, he said ‘now I'm going to get up on that crane,' and it has
been effective,” adds Fontánez-Torres.
Fontánez-Torres, who was involved in the Marriot case, argues that the demonization of the
environmental groups is lead by the developers and the companies behind them.
“Obviously Tito Kayak, didn't have the money, but when the verdict of the Marriot case was revoked, a
full page ad was published in the paper,” says Fontánez-Torres. “The same happened with the
Northeastern Ecologic Corridor Nature Reserve, when the developer Dos Mares placed full ads
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defending their projects. They have the economic power, so what is there left to do, but protest and
make a lot of noise.”
Aside from developers, De Jesús and Amigos del MAR, the group he represents, face one more
obstacle. According to Sociologist Ríos, having De Jesús as the protagonist in the environmental fight
can hurt their objectives. “It's his idiosyncrasies, his style that projects, not the objectives of the
collective,” says Ríos.
She adds opponents might try to harm the movement by attacking him and his credibility. She cites the
cases of the Puerto Rican Independence Party during the 1950s, when Nationalist Party leader Pedro
Albizu Campos was incarcerated and allegedly subjected to radiation experiments. Ríos warns that
organizations like Amigos del MAR and other leftists groups lack transparency, which hurts their
trustworthiness in the public eye.
“To me, their process is not clear,” says Ríos. “How many are there? How do they make decisions?
They want transparency from the government, but civil society groups need to do it as well.”
Numerous calls by MSJ to Amigos del MAR were not returned. Ríos suggests these organizations must
create alliances to achieve their goals and create a social safety net.
When reminded that during the Marriot and the Paseo Caribe demonstrations, religious, political and
civil rights groups supported the Amigos del MAR's mission, Ríos explains that they were supportive of
the cause, not necessarily the group.
“There was support for the cause, but no one knows if they were working together,” Ríos responded.
Carlos Carrasquillo, a psychologist with 25 years experience with community-based organizations,
agrees that alliances are the key.
“Real messiahs try to collectivize their cause,” he says. To Carrasquillo, De Jesús became a makeshift
messiah that organizations come to when they need assistance. People or organizations, he fears, might
take advantage of him to further their own goals and receive protection.
But at the end, who protects the leader? Messianic tales seldom have a happy ending. Christ was
crucified, and Martin Luther King and Mahatma Gandhi were murdered. These were De Jesús' heroes,
according to an indymedia.org interview. Carrasquillo adds that De Jesús is not interested in a position
of power; he's both a martyr and a hero. And like Christ who was rejected by his own, De Jesús won't
find supporters among the general population.
“The message is accepted by the ones who believe there is an environmental problem,” he says. “I don't
think he would gain many followers with those methods. Those who have already rebelled against the
system might follow him. A rebel and a revolutionary are not the same thing and he falls in the
category of rebel, although he wants to lead a revolution.”
Pensamiento Da Cor: La Nueva Exposición de Marcano
La nueva exposición del artista José Marcano se titula PENSAMENTO DA COR,
del portugués que en español se traduce a “Pensamiento de Color”. Consta de
17 piezas de impasto con rayado en veladura, con transparencia sobre tela en
formato grande.
Ashes to Ashes: Puerto Rico’s Coal Combustion Problem
“Toward the end of last February we started to see the trail of ashes,” Miriam
Gallardo recalls. “The first thing they did was dig a wide ditch and everything was
filled with ashes.”
Power Gallery
When people—be they constituents, journalists or dignitaries—visit the governor
inside La Fortaleza, they often wait in El Salón de Los Gobernadores, a foir
adorned with official paintings of Puerto Rico's governors.
Rebel or Revolutionary: The Story of Tito Kayak
Love him or hate him, De Jesús sits at the epicenter of Puerto Rico 's modern
environmental justice movement.
Hell or Highwater
Now well into the second 100 days as Governor of Puerto Rico, the wee morning
hours of Nov. 5, 2008, are just a memory to Luis Fortuño. He barely recalls his
Brooks Brothers shirt still damp with sweat after a 20-hour day that culminated
with his acceptance speech before a throng of New Progressive Party faithful
drunk with victory.
The Everyman
If baseball is theater, perhaps an apt title is Everyman, the 15th century morality
play about fleeting materialism. In the modern MLB version, Carlos Delgado
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personifies the protagonist because he is a man possessing a multitude of talents.
Off the Beaten Path
Whether your fantasy getaway calls for a secluded beach bungalow, a centuriesold plantation in the mountains, or a jungle-wrapped rainforest retreat, chances
are you won't have to wander too far from home— Puerto Rico has just the ticket
for turning your craving into a reality.
Not Saying Adiós
As Fox's talent showcase “American Idol” crowns its eighth winner this month,
Puerto Rican participant Jorge Nuñez wonders what could have been and what
might still be...
Legacy of a Legend
The Latin music community mourns the passing of prominent music impresario
Ralph Mercado. Guarded by his family, Mercado, who managed and recorded artists
including Marc Anthony and Tito Puente, lost his battle with cancer, leaving
behind a legacy of award-winning songs and seminal music concerts that helped
define the salsa and Latin music industry.
What’s in a Name?
Dressed in an impeccable suit, Donald Trump entered the Ritz Carlton ballroom
and sat down flanked by his children Ivanka, Eric and Donald Jr. The ballroom
filled to capacity; television cameras and reporters festooned the front row. The
brouhaha could have easily been confused with a J-Lo sighting, but it was in fact
a reception for one of the world’s foremost businessmen.
Gearing Up for Success
The production of her first music video should have exhausted Maxinne. But the
electro pop star, whose career is just blossoming, soldiers on, practicing
choreographies, doing yoga and meditation and gearing up for her Puerto Rican
media tour that begins this month.
World Baseball Classic:Play Ball!
The World Baseball Classic, Major League Baseball’s answer—they hope— to the
world craze over soccer, begins its second run on March 5. Sixteen nations are
playing each other for the title of “world champ.”
Green Acres
When it comes to the Puerto Rico Open, scheduled for March 9-15, perhaps the
saying goes: “the second time is the charm.” The Donald Trump-owned
championship golf course that hosts the open has been improved to enhance the
degree of difficulty on those championship links.
Beautiful Minds
Beauty of intellect, soul and character: Five of Puerto Rico's shining lights share
with Metro San Juan the attitudes and philosophies that helped them overcome
obstacles and build successful lives.
Comedy King
Once the hearse and its accompanying cars drive past him, Santiago continues his
commute home, silently. That scene became more poignant on Jan. 15, when
Muñiz passed away at age 86 after battling ill health for over a decade.
Oscar Picks
Special Feature
New Kid on the Block
Most Boricua audiences are just now hearing the name Jorge Alberti, but if you
ask soap opera fans in Mexico and Chile, chances are they are very well
acquainted with that name. The 31-year-old actor already has a well-established
resume in Latin TV soaps with the fan base to go along with it.
Heaven & Hell at the San Juan Star
On a smoldering Saturday afternoon deep in August, I realized The San Juan Star
was finished.
Beating The Holiday Blues
The ghost of the recession has prevented some diners from enjoying a good night
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out, but Metro has found a way to beat the recession blues. This article serves as
a map to some of the hottest, most relaxed and – above all cost effective–
hangouts of the season.
Just A Girl
Mayra Matos steps out of her navy-blue sedan, revealing long, elegant legs.
They're covered in skin-tight jeans and her bell sleeve shirt reveals a hint of her
smooth shoulders. She stands about 6 feet tall in high heels. She wears faux
Dolce and Gabbana sunglasses and a frown.
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