John A. Williams Uinta County School District #1 8 March 2011 AN ANALYSIS OF SCHOOL BUSINESS PRACTICES TO INCREASE AVAILABLE SLACK RESOURCES FOR CONTINGENCIES AND OTHER MANAGEMENT CONCERNS Introduction As the economy, since about 2009, deteriorates leading to declining local and state revenues, school districts throughout the nation have been scrambling to shore up their balance sheets and profit and loss statements. While their short-term actions may be grouped into revenue, productivity and efficiency, and cutting or retrenchment activities (Higgins 1984), few studies have examined the individual tactics practitioners use to improve their financial conditions at the district level (Hess 2010). This paper seeks to address this deficiency by reporting the practices that New York school districts have used to increase available slack resources in the pre-recessionary time of 2005. A potentially useful concept circulating in business and organizational behavior fields is slack resource theory. Originally described by Cyert and March (1963), slack resources are underutilized resources that can be either obtained or redeployed for use by an organization. The underlying idea of slack resources is that no organization operates one-hundred percent efficiently and that a degree of extra resources is beneficial, since excess resources or slack allows organizations to have the wherewithal to respond to contingencies or to make programmatic changes. This paper addresses four general questions. First, what are slack resources? Second, what is the relationship between slack resources and general district conditions? Third, what practices do district business managers use to increase available slack resources for contingencies and other management concerns? Fourth, what can practitioners and policy makers learn from the results? 1 What are slack resources? A literature review The concept of slack resources first arose out of organizational theory with Chester Barnard describing slack resources in his Functions of the Executive (1938). He stated that executives might receive inducements greater than what they contribute to their company. In 1963, Cyert and March put a name to this construct of excess contribution calling it slack resources. However, they added additional features to the concept that have clouded the concept ever since. They stated that slack resources could include all not fully utilized resources, including reserves, excess capital equipment, and staff. Cyert and March’s delineation generated two competing camps of scholars. One group claimed that slack resources was either a tool of at least a benign benefit to allow organizations increased flexibility to respond to internal and external conditions (Bourgeois and Singh 1983), whereas the second group countered that slack resources was an evil that created efficiency and principal-agent demons (Jensen 1986). The two positions are not irreconcilable; Bourgeois (1981), Nohira and Gulati (1996), Tan (2003) and Tan and Peng (2003) have attempted to show that moderate amounts of slack resources benefit organizational productivity and either too much or too little decrease productivity. Some scholars (Nohira & Gulati 1997; Cheng & Kesner 1997; Daniel et al. 2004) have classified slack resources two ways: as a useful tool for management that allows organizations to improve, and secondly as a wasteful source of inefficiencies. This paper will examine slack resources through the first paradigm: slack resources as a useful tool with the understanding that a high or excessive amount of slack resources in any organization is inefficient, undesirable and wasteful. Those with management responsibilities may be inclined to increase or maximize slack resources, since slack resources provides greater management flexibility (Bourgeois & Singh 1983). This flexibility is often, but not always, in the form of cash resources that managers can use in their organization. Examples in education include school leaders using excess cash 2 resources to hire or purchase additional staff, services, or equipment to accomplish new programs or directions. Those scholars that agree with the conceptualization that slack resources benefit organizations tend to use ideas of satisficing from March and Simon (1958) as an argument. Economists in this group look at slack resources as resources that have utility in “smoothing” difficulties that arise in organizations (Cyert & March 1963). They imply that resources used in flush times can bolster needs in more austere circumstances. These scholars point out that there may be some long-run advantages of having some amounts of slack resources within the organization. Stipak and O’Toole (1993) and Higgins (1984) both state that the concept of slack resources is an associated idea as a solution to retrenchment and fiscal stress. Slack resources definitions There is no universally accepted definition of slack resources (Riahi-Belkaoui 1994). Scholars define slack resources emphasizing particular factors, and have described general characteristics and then used narratives to refine further their definitions. Definitions of slack resources coalesce on the idea that organizations have marginal or surplus resources either assimilated into an organization (such as excess buildings), or in reserves (such as savings or equity accounts). The following is a list of definitions of slack resources partially adapted from Bourgeois (1981) and Singh (1986): • Cyert and March (1963): “The disparity between the resources available to the organization and the payments required to maintain the coalition” [p. 36]. • Child (1972): “The margin or surplus [performance exceeding ‘satisficing’ level] which permits an organization’s dominant coalition to adopt structural arrangements which accord with 3 their own preferences [vs. ‘goodness of fit’ dictates of contingency theory], even at some extra administrative cost” [p. 12]. • Cohen, March, and Olsen (1972): “The difference between the resources of the organization and the combination of demands made on it” [p.12]. • March and Olsen (1979): “The difference between existing resources and activated demands” [p. 87]. • Dimick and Murray (1978): “Those resources which an organization has acquired which are not committed to a necessary expenditure. In essence, these are resources which can be used in a discretionary manner” [p. 616]. • Pfeffer and Salancik (1978): “Slack resources [is] apparent in the form of extra profits or resources” [p. 274]. • Wilson (1979) [quoted in Singh 1986]: “Every organization can be said to have a set of functions which define that organization . . . It is also possible to consider some quantity or threshold of resources . . . that is necessary to perform these functions . . . slack [is] any organizational resource or asset beyond that threshold” [p. 5]. • Nohria and Gulati (1997) define slack as “the pool of resources in an organization that is in excess of the minimum necessary to produce a given level of organizational output” [p. 604]. Perhaps the most quoted definition (Sharfman et al. 1988; Tan & Peng 2003) of slack resources comes from Bourgeois (1981): Slack resources is that cushion of actual or potential resources which allows an organization to adapt successfully to internal pressures for adjustment or to external pressures for change in policy, as well as to initiate changes in practice with respect to the external environment. 4 Bourgeois’ statement implies that organizations can use slack for contingency relief and strategic innovation and problem solving for internal and external activities and challenges. Wasted resources, such as damaged inventories, are not slack resources (Mayrhofer 1997); rather slack resources are resources that are in reserve or not effectively deployed. Reserves, savings, and unobligated cash are examples, but slack resources may also include surplus employees in a particular department (Williamson 1963), excess overhead (Daniel et al. 2004), or spare capital equipment (Bourgeois 1981) to be utilized later under changed economic circumstances. Thompson (1967) noted that buffers to external environments (a form of slack resources) allow organizations to withstand emergencies and economic downturns. For slack resources to be useful to managers and leaders, two necessary conditions must be present according to Sharfman, Wolf, Chase and Tansik (1988). First, slack resources must be identifiable to administrators. Second, slack resources must be accessible and deployable by managers. Resources that do not meet these categories are not slack until that happens. “Accessibility” means that managers can capture and use identified resources. Inaccessible resources in the education setting may include resources that are difficult to convert into money such as overstaffed but legally mandated positions. Moreover, resources must be deployable to be slack resources. Deployable implies that managers have the legal authority to reassign a resource for a needed use. Bourgeois and Singh (1983) categorized types of slack resources along a continuum of ease of deployment. They state that there are three types of slack resources: available slack, recoverable slack, and potential slack. Available slack is slack resources that is readily available such as cash and marketable securities (Bourgeois & Singh 1983). Recoverable slack represents slack resources that an administrator can use, but requires some effort or organizational changes to capture the slack. Sale or redeployment of surplus capital equipment or buildings is an example of recoverable slack. Both available slack and recoverable slack focus on resources 5 within an organization and are often indexed to expenditure budgets. Potential slack focuses on revenue sources external to the organization. Bourgeois and Singh (1983) identified potential slack in excess resources created from debt or equity markets. In the public sector, they may include additional grants (such as the recent ARRA education grants) and new government funding. Using Bourgeois and Singh’s definition, the three forms of slack resources graphically and algebraically show as follows: Figure 1 Three types of slack resources Potential Slack Ŕ Available Slack Ř Recoverable Slack Organization Expenditures E Revenues R Necessary Expenditures Ê Expenditures Revenues, Fund Balances, and Reserves If E = expenditures, Ê = expenditure payments necessary to maintain organization coalitions, R = revenues and, Ŕ = new amount of organizational resources (often in the form of grants and extraordinary revenues), then recoverable slack for a firm or organization = R – Ê given that E > Ê Available Slack (Ř) = reserves, unused assets, and fund balances Potential slack resources (Ŕ) = grants and unanticipated revenues 6 The figure has two conceptual Achilles heels. First, organizations are collections of coalitions or temporary economic, political, or social alliances (such as between management and teachers unions or between a district and their vendors), each with various degrees of information and preferences (Stevenson, Pearce, & Porter 1985). Second, organizational leaders may suffer from information deficiencies as they attempt to measure accurately slack resources. Returning to above Figure 1, it is difficult for inside managers or outside observers to know exactly the actual amount of necessary expenditures of an organization; observers estimate Ê – the necessary expenditures (Bourgeois 1981). Second, there is no accurate measure of potential slack – potential slack is limited by internal resources (such as grant writing staff) with the funding markets and sources where organizations seek additional resources including, in education, the grant competition market. Education observers and managers could possibly estimate the munificence of these markets (and one might expect the perceptive education manager to do so), but would never know for certain how many resources are available. Where do slack resources show on balance sheets and statements of revenues and expenditures? As Figure 1 emphasizes, slack in a current year is the relationship between fund balance, revenues, and expenditures, and offset each other to determine relative slack amounts. The same can be said about slack resources on the balance sheets; excess assets are only excess in relation to the liabilities and equity. For example, an underutilized building is not specifically noted in audited financial reports, although its net financial capitalized value is listed as a capital asset on the government-wide balance sheets; its presence becomes slack only as related to the net effect of other buildings and space requirements. Costs of excess teachers would show up as expenditures in a statement of revenues and expenditures, but need to net against revenues and fund balances. A similar measure to Bourgeois and Singh’s three types of slack, Sharfman et al. (1988), Tan and Peng (2003), and Busch (2002) categorize slack upon a scale of “absorbed” and “unabsorbed” slack, with absorbed slack being excess costs in an organization, and unabsorbed 7 slack being un-deployed resources. This characterization is analogous to two of Bourgeois and Singh’s three types of slack resources, with unabsorbed slack being similar to available slack and absorbed analogous to recoverable slack. If one substituted terms “available slack” for “unabsorbed” and “recoverable slack” for “absorbed,” one would likely arrive at the same conclusions with the two sets of terms. Stipak and O’Toole (1993) and Higgins (1984) both state that slack resources is an associated idea with retrenchment and fiscal stress. Fiscal stress often influences leaders of organizations to seek slack resources as a remedy to economic challenges. While the literature is growing on the affects of fiscal stress on organizations, there are few studies on how governments and organizations respond to fiscal stress according to Maher and Deller (2007). Maher and Deller state that only four studies have addressed practices and fiscal stress in governmental settings: Wolman (1982), Morgan and Pammer (1988), Schick (1988) and Maher and Deller (2007). Wolman (1982), Morgan and Pammer (1988) and Schick (1988) wrote about and during the fiscally turbulent 1970s and 1980s. Wolman’s study outlined practices, and used archived financial information on fiscal practices during retrenchment periods. Morgan and Pammer and Maher and Deller, in contrast, did cross sectional surveys of municipality practices to relieve fiscal stress. Wolman and Morgan and Pammer empirically measured their lists of practices differently. On one hand, Wolman used his list of practices as a framework to examine city budgets and fiscal reports of 23 United States cities from 1977 to 1980. The archival study reported that most cities sought to both increase revenues, of own-source and intergovernmental funds, as well as decrease total spending. On the other hand, Morgan and Pammer’s study asked city mangers to rate their list of practices in terms of importance (measured in dollars). Their analysis concluded with regression models that looked at independent variables of environmental decline, fiscal stress, organizational structure (strong or weak city manager), group pressure, 8 spending preferences, administrators’ perception of problems, and administrative sophistication. They reported that management practice importance was “unstructured” and “difficult to predict,” since their models accounted for only eight percent of variation for revenue-type practices, nine percent of variation for productivity practices, and fourteen percent of variation for cutting/expenditure practices. They ascribed the unexplained variance to crude measures and to Cohen, March, and Olsen’s (1972) “garbage-can model” of management decision making. Morgan and Pammer surveyed medium to large cities throughout the nation on retrenchment practices. Maher and Deller likewise surveyed cities and municipalities. However, the latter study’s surveys were limited to significantly smaller cities, towns, and municipalities in the State of Wisconsin. Both Morgan and Pammer and Maher and Deller asked municipal leaders to respond to a battery of Likert questions about fiscal conditions, demographics, and the practices they use and summarized factors using factor analysis. In Morgan and Pammer’s study the responses were factor analyzed into component variables of revenue, productivity, and expenditure practices. Maher and Deller’s factor analysis found five component variables: productivity improvement, increased revenues, avoidance/defer/borrow, service cuts, and reduced spending. The two studies then used these factors as outcome variables in regression analyses. On the independent variable side, Maher and Deller used predictor variables of the degree of fiscal stress with socio-economic factors. There were some similarities in model design (using factor analysis and regression) and dependent variables (revenue, expenditure, and productivity); the models in both studies have relatively low prediction power (Adjusted R2 range from .006 to .23 in Maher and Deller and .08 to .14 for Morgan and Pammer). While factor analysis statistically combines variables, the studies do not address the practices singularly. Schick’s (1988) study was a comparison of budgeting and management practices of governments in developed Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries. The qualitative report compared practices of various nations. While Schick reports 9 many of the same practices, such as revenue, productivity/efficiency, and cutting/expenditure practices, its scope of study differs from the other three studies since it reports at the multinational level. Schick concludes that as executives recognize greater fiscal stress, they are more likely to respond with retrenchment practices, and as they perceive lowered amounts of resources, they are more likely to use retrenchment practices. The sample This current study is similar to these fiscal stress studies in that it uses practices drawn from the fiscal stress research of Morgan and Pammer. However, it differs in that it focuses examining school district practices to free up available slack resources rather than to decrease fiscal stress. This study sampled school business officials in New York State through an email survey in 2005. The e-mail addresses came from membership records of the New York State Association of School Business Officials (NYSASBO). About 900 members were on their membership database in early 2005. The NYSASBO membership directory contains the name, district, title, and e-mail address of current dues paying members. For this study, the school business membership of NYSASBO stands as a proxy of all New York school districts. Since it is a statewide association joined by many school business officials representing school districts of various sizes, wealth, and geographical locations, surveying its membership approximated the population of all New York school districts. By choosing the NYSASBO membership to survey, what selection biases may result? First, there may be districts with no employees who are NYSASBO members. Smaller school districts may have this situation, since a school with small enrollment (e.g., enrollment of 50 students or less) may employ only a part-time school business official also serving as a superintendent who may join NYSASBO. This was the case in that the sample underrepresented some types of districts. There may also be school business officials who have not kept their 10 membership dues current, and NYSASBO excludes them from membership. Districts that had more than one member of NYSASBO could have had more than one response from a single school district; the number of single districts with multiple respondents was 33 from the 290 initial respondents. The study excluded members of NYSASBO having job titles of school board member or chief information officer since they would most likely not know the day-to-day financial decisions that a district takes; the number excluded was small (n = 5). The study also excluded Board of Cooperative Educational Services (BOCES) school business officials as well as special legislative school districts (mostly single school districts with special missions such as incarcerated youth). Lastly, the study also excluded surveys from New York City since demographically and financially New York City is an outlier from other New York State school districts. In addition to the above base model, the study controlled for three district demographic factors as categorized by New York State: district location (upstate, downstate, suburb, etc.), district wealth or needs (large city, high needs rural, high needs urban, medium need, and low need school districts), and district size (large, medium, or small city school districts, and large, medium, and small central school districts). The study sent 903 surveys to members of NYSASBO; 290 responded to the survey for a 32 percent response rate. However, of the respondents, the survey had a high incompletion rate with about 100 incomplete surveys, possibly due to the length of the survey and the busy schedules of business officials. Using state supplied financial, demographic and socio-economic information about school districts, and comparing those population parameters to the sample using one-way ANOVA, the sample compares favorably to the state school district populations on some dimensions used by the New York State Education Department. The sample and the population are not significantly different in unallocated fund balance per pupil, wealth (using New York State district needs index), and county representation. There were significant 11 differences in setting; the sample had significantly fewer downstate suburban and rural school districts. The sample had significantly different community types, with under-representation of small central school districts (which are also located only in rural areas). What is the relationship between slack resources and general district conditions? Fiscal stress. The study asked respondents to rate the amount of fiscal stress. Those surveyed could respond in one of five categories: “no fiscal stress” (1.0), “little fiscal stress” (2.0), “some fiscal stress” (3.0), “quite a bit of fiscal stress” (4.0), and “heavy fiscal stress” (5.0). Table 1 shows the frequencies reported for fiscal stress. The average amount of fiscal stress in New York schools was 3.32, which is between “some” and ‘quite a bit” of fiscal stress. The standard deviation for the fiscal stress distribution was .97. Table 1 Degree of fiscal stress Frequency Valid No fiscal stress Little fiscal stress Some fiscal stress Quite a bit of fiscal stress Heavy fiscal stress Total 11 29 104 60 23 227 Valid Percent 4.8 12.8 45.8 26.4 10.1 100.0 Amount of slack resources. The survey found variation of districts reporting the current amount of slack resources among districts. On a Likert scale of “1” being no slack resources, “2” being some slack resources, “3” representing sufficient slack resource and “4” being ample slack resources, the average respondent indicated that their district had 2.3 (somewhat more than some slack resources) with a standard deviation of .81. Table 2 reports the frequency to the question the relative amount of slack resources in their respective district. 12 Table 2 In terms of dollars, amount of slack resources sampled districts currently have for contingencies or other management concerns Frequency Valid Percent Valid No slack resources Some slack resources Sufficient slack resources Ample slack resources Total 41 135 74 22 272 15.1 49.6 27.2 8.1 100.0 The four categories of slack resources (no, some, sufficient and ample) have significant associations with other variables. The mean scores of each category is inversely related to fiscal stress, with those reporting no slack reporting high amounts of fiscal stress, and those with ample slack resources reporting lower fiscal stress (see Figure 2). As slack resources decrease in school districts, fiscal stress increases. Figure 2 Slack resources and fiscal stress Mean scores of slack resources compared with fiscal 1= no fiscal stress 5= high fiscal stress stress 5.00 4.00 3.00 2.00 1.00 - 4.00 No slack resources 3.48 2.82 2.39 Some Sufficient Ample slack slack slack resources resources resources Voter relations. Bourgeois & Singh (1983) claimed that there is a positive association between slack resources and voting public who approve yearly operating budgets. This assertion was confirmed with the survey. As relations between district administration deteriorate between voting public, it may be due to fiscal constraints evident in the amount of available slack 13 resources. This study asked district leaders to rate the relationship between their respective districts and the voting public. Reponses included “poor” (1.0), “tolerable” (2.0), “good” (3.0) and “excellent” (4.0). The average response was rated at “good” (3.04) with the standard deviation being .73. 1= poor 4= excellent Figure 3 Slack resources and voter relations Slack mean scores and voter district relations 4.00 3.00 2.00 1.00 0.00 2.88 2.99 3.25 No slack Some slack Sufficient resources resources slack resources 3.22 Ample slack resources Generally, the relationship is positive with slack resources and voter relations showing that as slack resources increase in a district, the relationship with the voting public also increases (see Figure 3), although there is a slight decrease in voter relations with districts that have ample slack versus districts that reporting sufficient slack. Coalitions. As noted in the previously, Cyert and March (1963) first associated internal organizational coalitions with slack resources, although Gulick and Urwick (1937) were among the first to research coalitions in organizations (Stevenson, Pearce, & Porter 1985). Bourgeois (1981) discussed the possible relationship between slack resources and coalitions. In management literature, Stevenson, Pearce, and Porter (1985) summarize literature to arrive at eight definitional characteristics of organization coalitions: (1) interacting group of individuals, (2) deliberately constructed, (3) independent of the formal structure, (4) lacking formal internal 14 structure, (5) mutual perception of membership (a knowledge of who is in the coalition and who is not), (6) issue oriented, (7) external focus, with (8) concerted member action. Their enumeration, while summarizing coalitional literature, too broadly defines coalitions since it may exclude some coalitional participants on point number 3. Coalitions may be independent of power structures, but they may also be part of the power structure, such as a management team or oversight board. This exception is in harmony with Cyert and March’s (1963) listing of coalitions composed of employees, managers, stockholders, etc. within and without formal organizational structures. Bourgeois (1981) proposed relating coalition building to slack resources. As contention rises, often because of or over resources, it may foretell limited slack resources. Coalition building may indicate a politicized atmosphere whereby organizational members create coalitions to use scarce resources. Thus, as coalition building increases, slack resources decreases. Later, in Bourgeois and Singh (1983), they reported that the two factors do relate to slack resources by empirically showing that slack resources and coalitions are inversely proportional. Coalitions increase in membership or intensity as they compete against other coalitions for fewer resources. The survey allowed respondents to rate the amount of coalition building in their respective districts. They could respond in one of five ways to the question: “How often has it been necessary for you to join forces with other school leaders (as a coalition) to influence a policy decision in your district?” They could respond with “never” (1.0), “infrequent” (2.0), “sometimes” (3.0), “often” (4.0), and “always” (5.0). The mean amount of coalition building was 2.65, between infrequent and sometimes. The standard deviation was 1.00. 15 Figure 4 Slack resources and coalitions 1= no coalition 3= some coalitions Mean slack resource scores compared with degree of coalition amounts in district 3 2.75 2.71 2.63 2 1 2.18 0 No slack resources Some Sufficient slack slack resources resources Ample slack resources Slack resources and funding. Slack resources relate with the amount of funding district receives, and it appears that it is more a function of local resources on the revenue side. The amount of total revenue per pupil (Figure 5) shows that as slack resources increase there is a corresponding increase in total revenue. However, the slack resources associate more strongly with local resource revenues and revenue capacity. Figures 5 and 6 show positive relationships between local revenue and perceived amounts of slack resources. Assessed valuation divided by total weighted pupil units (AV/TWPU) and slack resource further confirms that slack resources and local revenue generating capacity is proportionally related as illustrated in Figure 7. 16 Figure 5 Mean slack resource categories and total revenue/pupil Total revenue/pupil Dollars 20000 15000 14995 15090 14859 16691 10000 5000 0 No slack Some slack resources resources Sufficient Ample slack slack resources resources Figure 6 Mean slack resource categories and local revenue/pupil Local revenue/pupil Dollars 12000 9000 6000 6794 6829 8064 9629 3000 0 No slack resources Some slack resources 17 Sufficient slack resources Ample slack resources Figure 7 Mean slack resource categories and assessed valuation Assessed valuation/Total weighted pupil units 600,000 500,000 400,000 300,000 200,000 100,000 - 512,328 399,620 300,039 No slack resources 302,121 Some slack resources Sufficient slack resources Ample slack resources On the expenditure side, it appears that there is a slight increase at both ends of the slack scale with respect to the amount of dollars expended per pupil as shown in Figure 8. Figure 8 Mean slack resources versus expenditures/pupil Expenditures/Pupil Dollars 20,000 15,000 15,034 14,818 14,888 16,691 10,000 5,000 No slack resources Some slack resources Sufficient Ample slack slack resources resources Fund balance per pupil. As governmental entities, school districts follow a modified accrual accounting system that starts with an amount of fund balance, or net assets, and adds revenues and subtracts expenditures against it as the year progresses (Everett, Johnson, & Madden 2007). 18 This basis of accounting focuses on the organization’s position—where it is in relation to the beginning fund balance. New York State had an un-obligated fund balance limit of 2% in 2005 (the legislature subsequently raised it to 4% in 2009) (Knight & Levinson 1999; New York State Real Property Tax Law Section 1318 1977); fund balance in excess of 2% should have been returned to voters or can be placed in a dedicated reserve (such as a capital reserve, tax certiorari reserve, or workers compensation reserve). These reserves are not easily deployable for other use outside of voters’ approval. Unallocated fund balance has no obligations against it (Everett, Johnson, & Madden 2007), and is a logical location for slack resources (Singh 1986). The New York State Education Department publishes unreserved fund balance information collected on the annual ST-3 report on its website (NYSED 2005). Combining this information with the survey shows that per pupil fund balance is proportional to slack resources; as an organization decreases fund balance the amount of slack resources also decreases. Table 3 shows the percentile distribution of unallocated fund balance per pupil of the districts that responded to the survey. 19 Table 3 Statistics of Unallocated fund balance per pupil N Valid Missing Standard deviation Minimum Maximum Deciles 288 1 691.45 (968.12) 5,118.35 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 265.30 386.02 500.79 561.97 636.55 738.26 866.30 1,116.55 1,561.50 There is a positive association of mean slack resource categories with unallocated fund balance per pupil. Figure 9 shows that the unallocated fund balance dollars doubles from the relationship of no slack resources to ample slack resources. Figure 9 Slack resources and unallocated fund balance/pupil Unallocated fund balance/pupil Dollars 1500 1277 1000 500 678 875 961 0 No slack resources Some slack resources 20 Sufficient slack resources Ample slack resources What practices do district business managers use to increase available slack resources for contingencies and other management concerns? The study reports what practices have district leaders have used in the past five years prior to 2005 to increase slack resources for contingencies and other management concerns. Of the three practice types, respondents reported using efficiency/productivity practices the most as a type, with a combined average percentage of 66%; the range of districts using particular productivity practices was between 15% for shifting to other government units and 89% for improve through better management practices. The second highest practice type, taken together, was cutting/expenditure practices with the average score of 57% using them. These scores ranged from reduce administrative expense at 83% to 8% reporting that they use wage freeze. Revenue-type practices had the least high average as a group at 53%. The high and low percentage scores were seek grants at 93% and litigate for revenues at 15% usage, respectively. In addition to answering questions about what types of practices school business managers use, the responses were also used as an independent variable (used or not used in the last five years). Table 4 shows the percentage of respondents that have used revenue-type practices in the past five years. School districts look locally to property taxes (83% using) to relieve financial difficulties, to lobby the state legislature for funding (82%) and member-items (legislative amendments granting specific aid to a school district) for relief (79%). Seeking grants can come from many sources and levels: government, nonprofit, and for profit sources as well as locally, state, and federal levels. The respondents indicate that districts used practices, such as grants, increase property taxes, and funding changes that generate large dollars, and use less frequently practices that result in smaller amounts of revenue such as selling district assets or practices involving conflict such as litigation. 21 Table 4 Past five year users of revenue-type practices Total Respondents Users Valid Percent USER Seek grants USER Increase property taxes USER Lobby legislature for increased funding USER Seek special legislative (member item) grants USER Seek local revenue sources (e.g., district foundations, donors) USER Obtain additional intergovernmental revenue USER Increase long-term borrowing USER Increase short-term borrowing USER Defer some payments USER Sell district assets USER Increase student fees (e.g., student parking, activity fees) USER Litigate for increased revenues 221 217 205 181 92.76 83.41 219 179 81.74 216 170 78.70 221 135 61.09 210 121 57.62 221 102 46.15 222 215 218 92 59 59 41.44 27.44 27.06 218 45 20.64 216 33 15.28 More than eighty percent of school business officials reported using four productivity/efficiency practices: close to 90% reported using improving productivity through better management practices. Adoption of energy conservation practices, and joint purchasing agreements, and labor saving techniques each had about 84% use in New York school districts. Table 5 shows past five-year use of productivity/efficiency practices. 22 Table 5 Past five year users of productivity/efficiency practices Total Respondents Users Valid Percent USER Improve productivity through better management practices USER Adopt energy conservation practices USER Enter joint purchasing agreements USER Improve productivity by adopting labor saving techniques USER Contract out services with other government units USER Contract out services with the private sector USER Shift responsibilities to other units of government 218 196 89.91 222 193 86.94 220 185 84.09 217 181 83.41 216 118 54.63 217 94 43.32 214 33 15.42 Table 6 lists the percentage of past five year use prior to 2005 of cutting/expenditure practices to slack resources. New York districts have used cutting/expenditure practices that involve operating expenditure reductions, such as reduction of administrative expenses (82%) and employee exiting, such as attrition (78%) and early retirement (73%) much more frequently than practices involving worker reduction of wages. For example, districts used practices of wage freezes (8%) and hiring freezes (37%) much less frequently. With the high cost of health care, reduction in health care benefits (76%) was a popular practice. District leaders used across-theboard cuts more often (65%) than other programmatic cuts such as elimination of programs (55%), cutting least productive programs (51%), or reducing programs funded by intergovernmental revenue (24%). The study used the variable of past five year user as a predictor of present practice plans, with the hypothesis that past users of practices would plan to use practices in the future. 23 Table 6 Past five year users of cutting/expenditure practices Total Respondents Users USER Reduce administrative expenses USER Reduce overtime USER Attrition USER Reduce expenditures for supplies and travel USER Negotiate reductions in costs of health care benefits USER Encourage early retirement USER Impose across-the-board cuts USER Reduce capital expenditures USER Layoff personnel USER Eliminate programs USER Defer maintenance of buildings or capital equipment USER Keep expenditures below inflation USER Reduce employee compensation (such as benefits) USER Cut least productive departments/programs USER Reduce services funded by property taxes USER Impose hiring freeze USER Reduce services funded by intergovernmental revenue USER Institute wage freeze 24 Valid Percent 213 218 216 175 175 169 82.16 80.28 78.24 218 168 77.06 213 161 75.59 211 155 73.46 214 141 65.89 211 210 210 127 116 116 60.19 55.24 55.24 211 114 54.03 207 110 53.14 207 107 51.69 210 107 50.95 209 214 91 80 43.54 37.38 200 48 24.00 208 17 8.17 What can practitioners and policy makers learn from the results? At a time when school district resources are contracting, practitioners may look within their organizations to convert recoverable slack resources into available slack resources to be used to alleviate fiscal stress and difficulty. The surveyed business managers in New York State report that they have used revenue, productivity/efficiency, and cutting practices to free available slack resources in their districts. The results show that past revenue practices include seeking grants and increasing property taxes to increase available slack. Past efficiency measures include finding available slack through better management and labor practices and conservation; popular past cutting practices include reducing overtime and administrative expenses and attrition. The respondents imply that New York school districts have focused on low political cost practices. Those practices that have higher transactional costs or lower return are used less frequently such as litigation, selling district assets, or wage freezes. For practitioners these practices are road maps of what practices are most popular and presumably can provide a degree of available slack. While practitioners may look to particular practices, the survey data also indicates that there are socio-economic and geographic factors that influence the amount of slack resources a district has. Slack resources seem to be largely a function of assessed valuation per pupil; those districts with larger assessed valuations also report higher per pupil fund balances, per pupil expenditures, and lower amounts of fiscal stress and coalitions. 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