History: JB / mhi / September 09
Edward I and Scotland, 1297 – 1305
‘…The Edwardian conquest of 1296 had been too easy and the occupation which followed it was too
superficial. It may be doubted if more than a handful of leading Scots … had resigned themselves to a
permanent English occupation and overlordship.’
William Wallace is not known to have been involved in the war before 1297, but William Douglas
certainly had been and his first wife had been the Steward’s sister. Wallace’s family were tenants of
the Steward and it may be that the Lanercost chronicler was correct in claiming that bishop Wishart
of Glasgow and the Steward instigated Wallace’s action. The bishop, the Steward and Bruce were all
major figures in western Scotland, and the first two were the only survivors of the Guardians of 1286
– 92 still in Scotland.
Document 1
Wallace’s rising, May 1297
The earl of Warenne, to whom our king had committed the care and custody of the whole kingdom of
Scotland, because of the awful weather said he could not stay there and keep his health. He stayed
in England, but in the northern part, and sluggishly pursued the (exiling of the) enemy, which was the
root of our later difficulty. For the king’s treasurer, lord Hugh de Cressingham, a self important and
proud man who loved money, had not built the stone wall which the king had ordered to be built on
the new rampart at Berwick. A public robber called William Wallace, a vagrant fugitive, called all the
exiles to himself and made himself almost their prince; they grew to be numerous. With him was
associated also sir William Douglas, who at the taking of the castle of Berwick had surrendered
himself and his men to our king, saving his life and limb. When the king had restored everything to
him he became unmindful of these good deeds and turned robber working with a robber … when the
aforesaid earl and treasurer reached the south, the two Williams with perverse people thought they
could find the justiciar of our king at Scone, where he had heard pleas, and they hastened to destroy
him. But he was forewarned and escaped with difficulty, leaving to the enemy many spoils. When
they had collected these, they went on no longer secretly as before but openly, confining at the point
of the sword all the English whom they could find beyond the sea of Scotland (Forth) and then turning
to the besieging of castles. Robert Bruce the younger, earl of Carrick … swore that he would
faithfully help our king and his men against the Scots and all his enemies by advice and aid, and
would prevent hurt to him as far as his abilities would stretch. But soon after, he called together the
knights of his father from the land of Annandale (for his father was staying in southern England,
ignorant of this deceit) and said to them: ‘My dear friends, you know it is true that at Carlisle I recently
took an oath of which you know and have heard, a foolish oath extorted by force, for I made it moved
by fear, in my body but not in my mind. I am truly sorry and contrite. I hope I will soon have the
benefit of absolution. Since no one indeed ever hates his own flesh and blood, neither do I; I must go
to my people and join my nation from which I am born. But I ask you that you will please come with
me, and be my counsellors and very dear friends.’ When they put off their answer to the next day,
they went away at night secretly, choosing rather to bear for the time the cost, however great, than
infamously to break the fealty made to our king. He (Bruce) indeed aspiring to the kingdom, as was
publicly said, joined a perverse people, and was allied with the bishop of Glasgow and Steward of
Scotland who were the authors of the whole evil. From then on that wicked race and faithless Scots
killed all the English whom they could find.
Chronicle of Walter of Guisborough 1297
Cressingham’s letter (Document 2) shows that, despite the capitulation of Irvine by Bruce, the Stewart
and Bishop Wishart, Wallace still represented a danger to England, and that earl Warenne did not
seem to be taking the situation seriously.
Document 2
Letter from Hugh de Cressingham to Edward I, 23 July 1297
Sire, the letter says that if you had the earl of Carrick, the Steward of Scotland, and his brother (who,
as you understand, are the supporters of the insurrection) … you would think your business done.
And you charge me herein to employ all the skill that I can by means of the money which you hae
sent me, and every other good means in my power.
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History: JB / mhi / September 09
Edward I and Scotland, 1297 – 1305
Document 2
Letter from Hugh de Cressingham to Edward I, 23 July 1297
Sire, before your letters reached me, I had been at Bolton moor, in the county of Northumberland, by
the advice of your council, which then was at Berwick, and the knights of the earl of Warenne, your
guardian of Scotland, that is to say, on 10 July, when the most select of the county came to me, and
we decided upon making an expedition against the enemies on the Thursday next before the feast of
St. Margaret, provided the host came to Roxburgh on the Tuesday before that Thursday. And the
muster was made on the Wednesday, and we were three hundred horses and 10,000 foot. And we
would have made an expedition on the said Thursday, had it not been for sir Henry Percy and sir
Robert Clifford, who arrived on the Wednesday evening in that town, and made known to those of
your people who ere there, that they had received to your peace all the enemies on this side of the
Scottish sea, and they were answered that even though peace had been made on this side,
nevertheless it were well to make an incursion upon the enemies on the other side of the sea of
Scotland, if they saw it necessary, or that an attack should be made upon William Wallace, who lay
there with a large company (and does so still) in the forest of Selkirk, like one who holds himself
against your peace. Whereupon it was determined that no expedition should be made until the earl’s
arrival; and thus matters have gone to sleep, and each of us went away to his own residence.
Original in PRO
Document 3 illustrates ‘a country-wide sabotage of the occupation regime and a methodical attempt
to restore the independent administration of the realm’².
Document 3
Letter from Cressingham to Edward I, 24 July 1297
Sire, I received your letters by the hand of Romeyn, your messenger, at Berwick-upon-Tweed on 23
July, by which you commanded and charged me that I should employ the whole (of the money which
I could) raise from the issues and the rents of the realm of Scotland in the accomplishment and the
advancement of the business which the earl of Warenne, sir Henry Percy … (and others shall
perform) for you in these parts.
Sire, at the time when this letter was made, nor previously, from the time when I left you, not a penny
could be raised in your (realm of Scotland by any means) until my lord the earl of Warenne shall enter
into your land and compel the people of the country by force and sentences of law.
And whereas, sire, you order me that if nay Scotsmen have paid to your enemies rents or … (which)
ought to have been paid to you, I should cause them to be levied again to your use, I will do so, sire,
as speedily as I shall be able. But, sire, let it not displease you, by far the greater part of your
counties of the realm of Scotland are still unprovided with keepers, as well by death, sieges, or
imprisonment; and some have given up their bailiwicks, and others neither will nor dare return; and in
some counties the Scots have appointed and established bailiffs and ministers, so that no county is in
proper order, excepting Berwick and Roxburgh, and this only recently. But, sire, all this shall be
speedily amended, by the grace of God, and the arrival of the lord earl, sir Henry Percy, and sir
Robert Clifford, and the others of your council. For each will (as he ought) take pains to do what is for
your honour and profit with the greatest haste that may be.
Sire, as to the commandment which you have given me about earl Patrick (of Dunbar) and his son, I
understand, sire, that it is on your account that they remain; for they have conducted themselves well
and loyally up to this time, and, as far as I can perceive, they will always do so.
Sire, as to the others of the land who ought o come to your service, and about whom there had been
a delay for certain reasons, as I have heretofore intimated to you, when the earl comes, sir Osbert
Spaldington and I will discover the good, and whether there are any bad; and the good ones whom
we trust shall remain, as you have ordered; and the others, of whom were are suspicious, we will
cause to come to your service, by request, as your warrant wills. And if they will not, or despise to
come, we will let you know of them, and therein you will command that is your pleasure.
²Barrow, GWS Robert Bruce and the Community of the Realm of Scotland, Edinburgh 1988. p.85
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Edward I and Scotland, 1297 – 1305
Document 3
Letter from Cressingham to Edward I, 24 July 1297 continued….
Sire, I have caused abundance of ships to be prepared, which are in the harbour of Berwick, to guard
the sea, should the earl make a foray to the parts beyond the Scottish sea…
Original in PRO
Document 4 shows Andrew Moray and Wallace effectively acting as rulers of Scotland but indirectly
emphasises that John, even if a prisoner and abroad, was still the rightful king.
Document 4
Letter of William Wallace and Andrew Moray, 11 October 1297
Andrew of Moray and William Wallace, leaders of the army of the kingdom of Scotland, and the
community of the realm, to their wise and discreet beloved friends the mayors and common people of
Lübeck and of Hamburg, greeting and ever-increasing sincere affection. We have been told by
trustworthy merchants of the kingdom of Scotland that you, because of your kindness and not
because of what we deserve, are considerate, helpful and well disposed in all cases and matters
affecting us and our merchants and we are therefore more obliged to give you our thanks and worthy
repayment: to this end we willingly enter into an undertaking with you, asking you to have it
announced to your merchants that hey can have safe access to all ports of the Scottish kingdom with
their merchandise, because the kingdom of Scotland, thanks be to God, has been recovered by war
from the power of the English. Farewell. Given at Haddington in Scotland, 11 October 1297.
We ask you furthermore to agree to promote the business of John Burnet and John Frere, our
merchants, just as you may wish us to promote the business of your merchants. Farewell. Given as
above.
Original in Hanseatic Archives
Printed in Stevenson, J, Documents Illustrative of Sir William Wallace (1841) no, 15
At some unknown date Wallace had been made Guardian and knighted, presumably because of his
victory at Stirling Bridge. After the defeat at Falkirk in July 1298, however, he resigned the
guardianship. The comments on the Comyns in Document 5 must be seen as propaganda written
when there was a king of the Bruce family, David II, on the throne.
Document 5
The Guardianship, 1298
But after the victory (of Falkirk), which was granted to the enemy through the treachery of Scots, the
said William Wallace, seeing by these and other strong pieces of evidence, the obvious wickedness
of the Comyns and those who were in league with them, chose rather to serve with the crowd, than to
be set over them, to their ruin, and the grievous wasting of the people. So, not long after the Battle of
Falkirk, at he water of Forth, he, of his own accord, resigned the office and charge which he held, of
Guardian.
The same year, John Comyn, the younger, became Guardian of Scotland: and remained in that office
until the time when he submitted to the king of England – namely, the next year after the struggle at
Roslin. But, during that time, John Soules was associated with him, by John Balliol, who had then
been set free from prison, and was living on his lands of Balliol.
Chronicle of John of Fordun,
Annals, CIII
Papal support for the Scots was not consistent, but Scottish and French diplomacy had been successful
for the time being. Document 6 is a letter delivered to Edward I at Sweetheart Abbey by Archbishop
Winchelsea of Canterbury on 26 August 1300. The Pope reminds Edward of the background to the
conflict.
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History: JB / mhi / September 09
Edward I and Scotland, 1297 – 1305
Document 6
Bull of Boniface VIII to Edward I, 27 June 1299
…It may have come to the knowledge of you royal highness that from ancient times the kingdom of
Scotland belonged by right to the Roman Church, and is known to belong to it still, and that it was,
and is, not feudally subject to your ancestors, the kings of the kingdom of England, or to you …
And also when the king (Alexander III) in person offered in your presence the fealty due from the
lands of Tyndale and Penrith, situated in the kingdom of England, he publicly declared aloud that he
made public that fealty only for those lands in England and as king of Scotland nor for the kingdom of
Scotland. On the contrary, he openly declared that he, being in no way subject to you, ought not to
offer or swear fealty to you in any way, and you accepted that kind of fealty …
When the late maid Margaret, your (great) niece, then a minor, was left as his heir, wardship did not
come to you as if lord of the kingdom, but certain of its magnates were elected for its guardianship.
And after a dispensation had been obtained from the apostolic see for contracting marriage between
your son Edward and Margaret, you are known to have safeguarded the interests of the magnates,
before they were willing to consent to the marriage, by writing that the kingdom should remain
completely free and subject to no-one, for ever … Moreover, when Margaret died and at length
disagreement among (different) parties arose over the succession to the kingdom of Scotland, the
magnates of the kingdom were not willing to come into your presence outside the borders of the
kingdom unless a statement was made to them by your letter patent that this was not out of duty but
by special grace, and that no harm to the liberties of that kingdom could come from it…
Original in PRO: Papals Bulls
Document 7 is a report by a spy in the Scottish army forwarded to Edward I by his constable of
Roxburgh. It demonstrates the difficulty of trying to secure the cooperation of the Bruce and Comyn
factions. Bishop Lamberton of St. Andrews, who had just returned from the Continent, seems to have
been brought in as a kind of mediator. Thus the guardianship consisted of one bishop, one earl and
one baron.
Document 7
Report of quarrels among the Scots leaders, 19 August 1299
At the council sir David Graham demanded the lands and goods of sir William Wallace because he
was leaving the kingdom without the leave or approval of the guardians. and sir Malcolm, sir
William’s brother, answered that neither has lands nor his good should be given away, for they were
protected by the peace in which Wallace had left the kingdom, since he was leaving to work for the
good of the kingdom. At this, the two knights gave the lie to each other and drew their daggers. And
since sir David Graham was of sir John Comyn’s following and sir Malcolm Wallace of the earl of
Carrick’s following, it was reported to the earl of Buchan and John Comyn that a fight had broken out
without their knowing it; and John Comyn leaped at the earl of Carrick and seized him by the throat,
the earl of Buchan turned on the bishop of St. Andrews, declaring that treason and lese majesty were
being plotted. Eventually the Steward and others came between them and quietened them. At that
moment a letter was brought from beyond the Firth of Forth, telling how sir Alexander Comyn and
Lachlan were burning an devastating the district they were in, attacking the people of Scotland. So it
was ordained then that the bishop of St. Andrews should have all the castles in his hands as principal
captain, and the earl of Carrick and John Comyn be with him as joint Guardian of the kingdom. And
that same Wednesday, after the letter had been read, they all left Peebles.
Nat. MSS Scot. ii. no. viii
The continuing problem of securing harmonious relations among the Guardians is illustrated in this
letter, document 8.
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History: JB / mhi / September 09
Edward I and Scotland, 1297 – 1305
Document 8
Letter from the Constable of Edinburgh Castle about the change of Guardian, 10 May 1300
To his dear friend sir Ralph Manton, his friend John Kingston, greeting… Sir … you must know that
on Tuesday next after the feast of St John the Evangelist in May the great lords of Scotland held their
parliament at Rutherglen near Glasgow, and the bishop of St Andrew and sir John Comyn were in
discord and the Steward of Scotland the earl of Atholl held to the party of the bishop. And sir John
Comyn said that he did not wish to be Guardian to the kingdom any longer jointly with the bishop, but
at last they were agreed and chose sir Ingram Umfraville to be one of the Guardians of the kingdom
in place of the earl of Carrick. And because the earl of Buchan was not there, since he had gone to
Galloway to draw to himself the Galwegians …they prorogued their parliament to the feast of St John
in the same place, on which day the earl of Buchan and all the magnates of Scotland will be (there)
with their power…
Original in PRO: Ancient Correspondence
The Gatehouse of Caerlaverock Castle
Caerlaverock Castle was built in the last quarter of the 13th century by the Maxwell family. It was
besieged and captured by Edward I in 1300, and a romantic poem, ‘The Siege of Caerlaverock’ was
written to celebrate the event. In 1313 Robert Bruce recaptured it.
The Poem ‘The Siege of Caerlaverock’ (Document 9) has given the Galloway campaign of 1300 ‘ an
underserved prominence’³ and its main interest lies in the description of the heraldry of those
involved. Nonetheless it gives a vivid account of a siege.
³Powicke, FM, The Thirteenth Century, 1216 – 1307 (The Oxford History of England, vol 4) 2nd edn. Oxford, 1262 p.693
Document 9
The Siege of Caerlaverock Castle, 13 July 1300
Caerlaverock Castle was so strong a castle that it did not fear a siege, (and) therefore the king came
himself because it would not agree to surrender. But it was always provided with men, engines and
provisions for its defence whenever it was required. Its shape was like that of a shield, for it had only
three sides with a tower at each angle, but one of them was a double one, so tall, so long and so
large that under it was the gate with a well made and strong drawbridge and other adequate
defences. It had good walls and good ditches filled from side to side with water. And I believe that
there never was seen a castle more beautifully situated, for at the same time could be seen the Irish
Sea to the west and a fine countryside to the north, surrounded by an arm of the sea, so that no
creature could approach it on two sides without placing himself in danger from the sea. Towards the
south it was not easy because there were numerous dangerous ways by wood, by marshes and by
ditches. And therefore the army had to approach it from the east.
And in that place, by the king’s command, his battalions were formed into three as they were to be
quartered. Then were the banners displayed; one might see many a warrior exercising his horse
there, and there appeared three thousand brave men at arms. Consequently those in the castle, on
seeing us arrive, might believe that they were in greater peril than they ever could remember. And
so, as soon as we were thus drawn up, we were quartered by the marshal, and then might be seen
houses of many different kinds, built without carpenters or masons, and many a cord stretched, with
white and coloured cloth, with many pegs driven into the ground, many a large tree cut down to make
huts, and leaves, herbs and flowers gathered in the woods which were scattered inside.
Soon after, it fortunately happened that the navy arrived with the engines and provisions, and then
the foot soldiers began to march against the castle. Then might be seen stones, arrows and
crossbow bolts flying among them, but so well did those inside exchange their tokens with those
outside that in one short hour there were many wounded and maimed, and I do not know how many
killed.
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Edward I and Scotland, 1297 – 1305
Document 9
The Siege of Caerlaverock Castle, 13 July 1300 continued
They made their way forward to the very brink of the ditch. And those of Richmond moved at that
moment close to the bridge and demanded entry: they were answered with heavy stones and
cornues. In this advance Willoughby took a stone in the middle of his chest which would have been
protected by shield if he had deigned to use it … Hamsart bore himself so nobly that fragments of his
shield might often be seen to fly into the air, while those inside defended themselves by loading
heads and necks with the weight of heavy blows. Those led by Graham did not escape, for there
were not more than two who returned unhurt or brought back their shields unbroken.
…Kirkbride received many a heavy and crushing stone … so stoutly was the gate of the castle
assailed by him that never did smith strike iron with hammer as he did there. Nonetheless, such huge
stones, crossbow bolts and arrows were showered upon them that they were so hurt and exhausted
with wounds and bruises that it was with very great difficulty that they were able to pull back.
Those inside bent their bows and crossbows and prepared their espringalls and kept themselves in
readiness to throw and hurl.
Those inside would not surrender but so defended themselves that they resisted those who attacked
all that day and night, and the next day until terce. But their courage was considerably lowered
during the attack by Brother Robert who sent numerous stones from the robinet without a brake from
the dawn of the previous day until the evening. Moreover, on the other side he was setting up three
other very large engines, of great power and very destructive, which cut down and broke through
whatever they strike. Fortified town, citadel, and barrier – nothing is safe from their strokes. Yet
those inside did not flinch until some of them were killed, but then each began to repent his obstinacy
and to be dismayed. The missiles fell in such a way, wherever the stones entered, that when they
struck any of them neither iron cap nor wooden shield could save him from a wound. And when they
saw that they could not hold out any longer or endure more, they begged for peace and put out a
pennon, but the man who displayed it was shot through the hand into the face with an arrow by some
archer. Then they begged that they would do not more to them, for they would give up the castle to
the king and throw themselves upon his mercy. And at this news the marshal and the constable, who
always remained on the spot, called off the attack, and they surrendered the castle to them.
And this is the number of those who came out of it; sixty men of different kinds and ranks. But they
were all kept and guarded till the king commanded that life and limb should be given them. Then the
whole army rejoiced at the news of the capture of the castle, which was so noble a prize.
‘The Siege of Caerlaverock’
Contemporary poem (abridged)
Document 10 is a very full statement of Edward I’s view of his position in relation to Scotland.
Boniface VIII told Edward’s envoy that he had read this courteous and plain statement with much
pleasure and gave the envoy to believe that Edward’s claim would be successful. However, the pope
said that the matter would have to be laid before a consistory, and that the state of his health often
meant that it was difficult for a consistory to meet. This looks like playing for time.
Document 10
Edward I’s reply to Boniface VIII, 7 May 1301
…Our predecessors, the king of England, possessed by superior and direct lordship from most
ancient time the suzerainty of the kingdom of Scotland and its kings in temporal matters and the
things belonging to it, and they received liege homage and oaths of fealty from those kings and from
such magnates of the kingdom as they so desired. We, continuing in the possession of that right and
lordship, have received the same in our time, both from the king of Scotland and from the magnates
of that kingdom; indeed, the kings of England enjoyed such prerogatives of right and lordship over the
kingdom of Scotland and its kings that they have even granted the kingdom itself to their faithful men,
removed its kings for just causes, and established others to rule in their place under themselves…
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Edward I and Scotland, 1297 – 1305
Document 10
Edward I’s reply to Boniface VIII, 7 May 1301
Then the kingdom of Scotland became vacant after the death of King Alexander and subsequently by
the death of Margaret, queen and lady of the kingdom of Scotland and our (great) niece. The
bishops, abbots, prior, earls, barons, magnates and other nobles, and the communities of the whole
kingdom of Scotland came to us freely and spontaneously and as they were bound by law …Oaths of
fealty were given to us by them, as due and customary to the superior lord of Scotland, and the
towns, burghs, and villages and the castles and other fortresses of the kingdom were surrendered
into our hands, and to secure the kingdom we, by our royal right, appointed certain officials and
ministers, to whom they were content to be obedient during that time of vacancy, as they were to our
royal precepts and commands.
Afterwards various persons who were disputing among themselves about the succession came to us,
as superior lord of the kingdom of Scotland, asking that we should grant them the fullness of justice,
they being willing, and expressly agreeing, to accept our jurisdiction as superior lord of the kingdom
of Scotland. And in the end, after the petitions and rights of these parties had been suitably set out
and heard in form of law, and had been examined, scrutinised and diligently considered before us as
superior lord in the presence of almost all the prelates and nobles of the whole kingdom of Scotland,
we, acting with their agreement and express assent, duly promoted as king of Scots John Balliol,
whom we found to be true heir in succession to the kingdom and to possess the best right to it…
This John, king of Scotland, having rendered due and accustomed homage and the oath of featly to
us, came to our parliament at our command, and was present in them as our subject, and accepted
our pleasure and commands, at those of the superior lord of Scotland, being obedient and subject to
us in all things, until he and the prelates, earls, barons, nobles, communities and other greater men of
that kingdom … wickedly embarking on the crime of treason, entered into plots … for the
disinheritance of ourselves, our heirs, and our kingdom … We mobilised the resources of our power
against John and the Scottish people, as the law allowed, and proceeded against them as notoriously
contumacious traitors and as our public enemies. So the kingdom of Scotland was subjected to our
power by right of ownership, and John, king of Scotland, publicly admitting those treasons and crimes
before us and the magnates of our kingdom, gave the kingdom of Scotland into our hand freely,
completely and absolutely, as far as he had effective possession of it.
At this, the prelates, earls, barons, nobles and communities of the kingdom of Scotland, whom we
received into our royal peace offered homage and fealty to us as the immediate and proper lord of the
kingdom of Scotland and the towns, villages, castles, and fortresses of the kingdom and all other
places belonging to the kingdom were surrendered to us, and by virtue of our right we appointed our
officials and ministers to govern the kingdom of Scotland.
Copy in PRO Close Rolls
On 26 January 1302 Edward I, under pressure from the French, agreed to a truce for nine months.
On 16 February Robert Bruce (the future king) surrendered to the English. The reason may be that
king John had been transferred from papal to French custody and there was a rumour that Philip IV
intended to restore him with the help of a French army. A Balliol restoration would not only block
Bruce’s claim to the throne, but also jeopardise his position as earl of Carrick and his inheritance of
Annandale, which his father still held. Neither Edward nor Bruce would benefit from King John’s
restoration. Document 11 marks Bruce’s return to the allegiance of Edward I.
Document 11
Agreement between Edward I and Robert Bruce, 1301 x 1302*
Be it remembered that whereas sir Robert Bruce the younger, who was in the homage and faith of
the king of England for the earldom of Carrick (i.e. from August 1296 to the summer of 1297), rose in
rebellion against the said king his lord, through evil counsel, and has submitted himself to the peace
and will of the same king in hope of his good grace, the king, for the sake of the good service which
Robert’s ancestors and family have rendered to the king and his ancestors, and the good service
which Robert himself has promised to render in the future, has declared his grace and will in this
manner.
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Edward I and Scotland, 1297 – 1305
Document 11
Agreement between Edward I and Robert Bruce, 1301 x 1302* continued
That is to say, that Robert and his men and his tenants of Carrick will be guaranteed life and limb,
lands and tenements, and will be free from imprisonment.
If it should happen that by a papal ordinance, or by a truce, or by a conditional peace touching the
war against Scotland or the war against France, Robert should be at a disadvantage, so that he may
not be able to enjoy his lands, of which he has possession at present in Scotland, the king promises
to take his loss into consideration so that he may have reasonable maintenance, as is proper for him.
And the king grants to Robert that, so far as it lies in his power, he will not be disinherited of any land
which may fall to him by right from his father, in England or Scotland.
And the king grants to Robert the wardship and marriage of the earl of Mar’s son and heir.
And because the said [king – or Robert – fears (?) that] the kingdom of Scotland may be removed
from out of the king’s hands (which God forbid!), and handed over to sir John Balliol or to his son, or
that the right may be brought into dispute, or reversed and contradicted in a fresh judgement, the king
grants to Robert that he may pursue his right and the king will hear him fairly and hold him to justice
in the king’s court. If, by any change, it should happen that the right must be adjudicated elsewhere
than in the king’s court, then in this case the king promises Robert assistance and counsel as before,
as well as he is able to give it.
And if, after the kingdom of Scotland is at peace in the king’s hands, any person should wish to do
injury to Robert the king will maintain and defend him in his right as before, as a lord ought to do for
his man.
Original in PRO (Duchy of Lancaster)
*’’x’ indicates that the date is unknown, but that it is sometime between 1301 and 1302
The defeat of Philip IV at Courtrai (1302) by the Flemings led to a treaty between France and
England (May 1303) from which the Scots were excluded. The pope’s quarrel with Philip caused him
to favour Edward; the result was a papal letter blaming the Scottish bishops for the continuing war
(August 1302). The Scots were thus losing their two most powerful allies against Edward. The letter
(Document 12) seems to be an attempt to maintain morale in Scotland with its optimistic view of the
Anglo-French treaty and reference to the battle of Roslin, but it is not certain that the letter reached
its destination: the only surviving copy is one which was intercepted.
Document 12
Letter from the Scots envoy in France to the Guardian, 25 May 1303
To the venerable and discreet men, their dear friends in Christ, the lords John Comyn, Guardian of
the kingdom of Scotland, the prelates, earls, barons and the rest of the faithful of the community of
the same realm, - W[illiam Lamberton) and M[atthew Crambeth], by divine mercy humble ministers of
the churches of St Andrews and Dunkeld, John, earl of Buchan, James, the Steward of Scotland,
John Soules, Ingram Umfraville and William Balliol, knights, greeting and triumph over enemies, with
the spirit of consolation. In case you are ignorant of current events in the kingdom of France, we
notify you that a final peace was made and sworn between the kings of France and England on
Tuesday next after the feast of the Ascension (23 May), and on the same day it was decreed by the
king of France and his council that solemn messengers should be sent to the king of England to draw
him back from the Scottish war and to secure an armistice for you until a certain time, so that in the
meantime the kings may personally meet in France and hold discussions with each other, in which
discussions the king of France shall make our peace useful for our kingdom as the king most firmly
promised us; and the reasons why his peace should come before ours is because it appeared by the
advice both of the king of France and of the king of England, following weighty deliberation about it,
that after concord and friendship have been contracted between them, out peace may be the more
quickly, easily and usefully arrived at; therefore, the king of France wished to make peace with the
king of England so that as a result he could arrive more quickly at our peace; and therefore do not ….
8
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Edward I and Scotland, 1297 – 1305
Document 12
Letter from the Scots envoy in France to the Guardian, 25 May 1303continued ….
…be disturbed or troubled about anything if the English tell you that peace has been made between
the kings to the exclusion of the Scots, because the reason why it has been so done is expressed
above. Wherefore we beg and soundly advise you to be full of courage, and if the king of England
agrees to the armistice – as he will agree, as we firmly hope – that you will also agree according to
the form which the envoys of the king of France will send you by one of us who shall be known to
you. We shall send him to you in company with the envoys – even although it may happen that this
armistice will be harmful to some in that, in the short run, they will lack their lands – since it is
expedient that some sustain slight harm for a short time in order that afterwards greater benefit may
follow. If, however, the king of England hardens his heart and refuses the truce, but continues the
war with you, defend yourselves, so that by your manly defence you may conquer with the help of
God, or at least until receive other encouragement from us. Do not be surprised that none of us
comes to you at present, for we should gladly all come, but the king of France has not allowed any of
us to leave until we may carry with us the outcome of the negotiations; when that is achieved, we
shall comes to you, notwithstanding any danger by land or sea; and therefore, for God’s sake, in no
way despair; and if you knew how much honour has come to you throughout many regions of he
world from your last fight against the English, you would greatly rejoice. You should know for certain
that in those matters which contribute to the speeding up of the negotiations we shall, so far as we
can, omit nothing relating to them - just as we have so far, God knows, omitted nothing. The envoys
of the king of France who are o come to the king of England shall have power not only to make an
armistice but also to treat for final peace with the king of England, just as was said to us by the advice
of the king of France to you, you are to receive them honourably for your honour and that of the
kingdom. At Paris.
APS, I, 454 -5
(Copied from the original letter)
With the French war at an end and the pope’s change of policy, Edward I was free to deal with
Scotland. His campaign of 1303 took him as far north as Kinloss. He met with little resistance apart
from that offered by sir William Oliphant and the garrison of Stirling Castle, which endured a three
months’ siege from May to July 1304. Five months before the fall of Stirling, in February 1304,
English envoys met John Comyn and the council at Strathord and terms were agreed. Comyn
salvaged what he could, especially in securing recognition of Scots law and how it should be amended
when necessary ‘with the advice of the good men of the land’. But ‘the humanity of the surrender
terms’ (Document 13) ‘was marred by a relentless pursuit of Wallace which could only be aimed at
his extermination and which bore every mark of a personal vendetta.4’ Documents 13 and 14 have
ominous references to Wallace.
4 Barrow
GSW, Robert Bruce and the Community of the Realm of Scotland, Edinburgh, 1988, p.130
Document 13
Documents about the surrender of 1304 (undated) Sir John Comyn surrendered 9 February
1304
Certain matters spoken about between messengers of the lord king and John Comyn and his
adherents …concerning peace.
First, it was said for sir John Comyn that it should be granted that his life and limb would be saved
and he would be quit of imprisonment and of all trespass and all manner of thing raised or caused to
be raised by him in time of war and also of ransom, and he would retain the lands of his former
heritage while he is exiled for one year out of Scotland; yet this John, for reverence and honour of …
the king and to gain his goodwill, puts lands and everything else above mentioned in the will and
grace of … the king saving that this body be not imprisoned and that he will bear exile as the king
previously dedicated; … he will hold neither land nor anything else without the king’s good wish and
will …
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Edward I and Scotland, 1297 – 1305
Document 13
Documents about the surrender of 1304 (undated) Sir John Comyn surrendered 9 February
1304 continued
Item, as to the other Scots folk (apart from four named below) 5 it was discussed that they be saved
life and limb, he quit of imprisonment and not disinherited. For their ransom and the amends for the
trespass they have done to … the king and for the settlement of the kingdom of Scotland they put
themselves at the king’s ordinance. It is understood that heirs who are of age must enjoy the same
conditions; … all the strongholds now in the …king’s or his men’s hands are to remain there till the
next parliament, when the king will ordain his will. Prisoners of war will be freed on both sides except
sir Herbert Morham and his father.
Item about the bishop of Glasgow, the king intends that he have the general conditions … and be
exiled from Scotland for two or three years for the great evils he has brought about.
Item about William Wallace, the king intends that he be received to his will and to his ordinance.
Item … when sir John Comyn has done homage and featly to the king … the king will issue his letters
patent to undertake all the matters spoken about and granted.
The king intends that as it is agreed about the prisoners of war, so all also be understood to make
deliverance of those handed over as hostages for the ransoms of those taken. And in such manner
that if nothing of the ransom for which such hostages were handed over is paid, let there be payment
and that all the remainder of the ransom which remains to be paid be released and pardoned and the
hostages quit and freed by both sides.
For sir John Comyn and those agreeing with him on both sides of the sea.
First that he grants them life and limb without any imprisonment, lands… and goods …
And that all manner of trespass and forfeitures … be pardoned …
And that they be kept in all their laws, usages, customs and franchises in all points as they were in
the time of king Alexander unless there is law which is to be amended, and this (amending) is to be
by the king’s advice and the advice of the good folk of the land and that the ransom of lands is to be
in the king’s good grace. But they are not to be charged more than the others who came before, and
that no ordinance which the king or his council makes with effect in the kingdom of Scotland or on its
inhabitants should prejudice the persons asking these conditions, that these articles be saved to them
in all points.
5
Original in PRO
Printed in Palgrave: Documents and Records, 1837, pp.283-5
the Steward, John de Soules, Fraser and Thomas du Bois
Document 14
Letter of Edward I and Wallace, 3 March 1304
And in reply to the matter wherein you have asked us to let you know whether it is our pleasure that
you should hold out to William le Waleys any words of peace, know this, that it is not our pleasure by
any means that either to him, or to any other of his company, you hold out any word of peace, unless
they place themselves absolutely and in all things at our will, without any exception whatever.
Original draft in PRO
Professor Barrow had described Edward I’s ordinance for Scotland as ‘mild and statesmanlike’, and
it was in harmony with the demands that Comyn had made at Strathord, Edward consulted the
Scottish leasers and gave them some say in government. An assembly was to be held to review the
laws of Scotland; the only arbitrary change was the abolition of the custom of the Scots and Brets,
which seem to be the archaic custom of paying blood money to the victim or his relatives in cases of
assault or murder. Those who submitted to Edward recovered their lands. Scotland, however, was
now referred to not as the kingdom, but as the land, of Scotland.
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Edward I and Scotland, 1297 – 1305
Document 15
Edward I’s Ordinance of Scotland, Lent 1305
An ordinance made by the king for the good order of Scotland.
Note that our lord and king, in his parliament which he held at Westminster, in Lent, in the thirty-third
year of his reign, made it known to the good people of the land of Scotland that they should cause the
community of the land to assemble, and that acting together they should elect a certain number of
persons to come, on behalf of the community, to the parliament at Westminster: and to that place
came the bishop of St Andrews and of Dunkeld, the abbot of Cupar and the abbot of Melrose, the earl
of Buchan, John Mowbray, Robert Keith, Adam Gordon, and John of Inchmartin, being those who
were chosen as the tenth to come on behalf of the community, made no appearance, wherefore, by
command of our lord the king, John Menteith was appointed to his pace. To treat of the business of
Scotland, together with these representatives of Scotland, certain Englishmen were appointed and all
of them, both English and Scots, who were present at this discussion, and each of them individually,
by command of our lord the king, were sworn.
As regards the business discussed between the delegates of England and of Scotland the first thing
considered was the government of the land of Scotland. And in the matter of setting a Guardian over
the country, it was agreed that John of Brittany should be the king’s lieutenant in Scotland and
Guardian of the country.
Further, it was agreed that the sheriffs of the country shall be natives of Scotland, or of England, and
shall be appointed and dismissed by the king’s lieutenant, and by the chamberlain at their discretion
… and those who are made sheriffs shall be the most capable, suitable and efficient that can be
found for the good of the king and the people, and for keeping and maintaining the peace.
The king’s lieutenant, and the chancellor, and the chamberlain may at their discretion removed the
said justiciars and sheriffs, and replace them with others, whether English or Scots by birth, who in
their view are satisfactory…
As for the laws and customs to be use din the government of the land of Scotland, it is ordained that
the custom of the Scots and the Brets be henceforth forbidden, so that is never to be used … that the
king’s lieutenant, at the time that he comes to Scotland, shall cause the good people of the land to
assemble … and that there … shall be read over the laws that king David made, and also the
amendments and additions which have been made since the kings. And the king’s lieutenant, in
concert with the council which shall be there, composed of English and of Scots, shall reform and
amend the laws and customs … And those matters which they cannot amend, or dare not undertake
without the king, together with those that they have agreed on, shall be put in writing … and taken to
the king at Westminster (1306) buy the lieutenant and by certain people of Scotland … Those who
come (to the king) shall have full power, on behalf of the community of the realm, to give consent to
what shall be decreed in the matter, to the same degree as the whole community could do if it were
present…
PRO Close Roll 33 Edward I
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History: JB / mhi / September 09
Edward I and Scotland, 1297 – 1305
Task sheet 3
1
How can you tell from the text that Document 1 is an English account of events?
2
To what extent do Documents 1 and 11 illustrate the opportunities of Robert Bruce, the future
king?
3
In what ways do Documents 2 and 3:
a)
Suggest that Edward I failed to appreciate the seriousness of the situation in Scotland?
b)
Support or contradict Walter of Guisborough remark in Document 1 about (i) earl Warenne?
(ii) Cressingham?
4
How do Documents 1-4 help our knowledge and understanding of Wallace’s rise to power?
5
How valuable is Document 4 for assessing the prospects for an independent Scotland after the
victory of Stirling Bridge?
6
a)
How far does Pope Boniface’s account of events in Document 6 agree with that of Edward I
in Document 10?
b)
In what ways does the Papal Bull of 1299 (Document 6) reflect the concerns that the Scots
had had from the Treaty of Birgham onwards?
c)
Explain the importance of this Bull in the Scottish campaign for independence.
7
How accurate an account of the effectiveness of the Scots’ leadership is given in Documents 5,
7 and 8?
8
a)
What can a historian learn from Document 9 about the way in which the siege of a castle
might be conducted?
b)
In what ways do the illustrations on p.64 and p.66 confirm the defensive features of the
castle described in Document 9?
9
How accurate is the description given in Document 10 of the situation which had evolved in
Scotland between 1286 and 1301?
10
How far do Documents 11 and 12 explain Edward I’s success by 1304?
11
Do Documents 13 and 15 bear our Professor Barrow’s view that Edward’s intended settlement
for Scotland was ‘mild and statesmanlike?’
12
Essay Question
Using your own knowledge and the documents in the chapter, discuss the importance of William
Wallace in the struggle for Scottish independence between 1296 and 1298.
12