SM010208.doc - Stanford University

advertisement
AMERICAN EMBASSY, TOKYO
PUBLIC AFFAIRS SECTION
OFFICE OF TRANSLATION AND MEDIA ANALYSIS
INQUIRIES: 03-3224-5360
INTERNET E-MAIL ADDRESS: tokyoots@state.gov
DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS
Thursday, February 8, 2001
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
INDEX:
(1) Editorial: U.S. Lt. General's e-mail: Taking his anger out on Okinawa officials
is intolerable
(2) Editorial: No excuse for Okinawa Marine chief's "nuts and wimps" remark
(3) Consul General in Okinawa apologies for U.S. general's e-mail flap; Telephoned
Prefectural Assembly Speaker Iramina
(4) Okinawa e-mail flap: Government moves quickly to quiet down fuss; Worried
about impact on security affairs, elections
(5) Commentary about Japan by Shintaro Ishihara: What significance does the EU
have for Japan?
(6) Reducing ODA: What is cost-effective assistance?
(7) Poll: Opposition bloc fails to absorb people critical of LDP
- 1 -
ARTICLES:
(1) Editorial: U.S. Lt. General's e-mail:
Taking his anger out on Okinawa officials is
intolerable
RYUKYU SHIMPO (Page 5) (Full)
February 7, 2001
Okinawa Marine Commander Lt. General Earl
Hailston has criticized the Okinawa Governor, vice
governors, prefectural assemblymen, and the Kincho
Mayor, referring to them as "nuts and wimps." His email message was taken up in Diet interpellations as
well. It has now created a national stir. The contents
of the e-mail that was sent from the Lt. General to his
subordinates has now escalated into a major issue.
Although the e-mail was a private
communication, it can be taken as a manifestation of
the true inner feelings of the Lt. General. In fact, the
Commandant says in his statement released later,
"Being a private communication from me to my
commanders and acting commanders, the message
was written in a very emotional manner."
The contents of his e-mail evinced the Lt.
General's frustration that has been pent up from a
series of improprieties involving his subordinates.
We still cannot overlook his message.
Discontent with his men should be handled and
settled within the U.S. military. Such is natural,
considering his position. After all, he is the chief
commander of the U.S. armed forces stationed in
Okinawa Prefecture.
He should give undivided attention to how to
tighten discipline among U.S. servicemen because the
cause of friction with Okinawa citizens is traceable to
his men.
In large part, his e-mail is devoted to urging
his commanders to take proper measures to prevent
recurrence of improprieties involving U.S.
servicemen. Such a point is understandable.
He asks in his e-mail: "Why do people drive
cars when they do not have driving licenses? Why do
people roam around to conduct indecent acts like
molestation?" This indicates he is aware that there
are problems among U.S. servicemen. It can be said
that Lt. General Hailston vented his anger by
denouncing Governor Inamine and other prefectural
officials as "nuts and wimps."
Even if the mail was a communication on the
personal level, it is a fact that it was sent from the
person with the highest responsibility in U.S. forces
on Okinawa to his subordinates. In view of such
factor, we must say that what is in the message is
extremely rude and intolerable.
Furthermore, taking his anger and frustration
out on the Governor and the prefectural assembly is
totally improper. What is unacceptable at home is
unacceptable in other countries. We are certain that
the Lt. General is aware of the fact that government
administration and the prefectural assembly are two
separate entities that are not allow to interfere in the
other's affairs.
In a democracy, we have to accept what is
decided by the assembly no matter how disagreeable
it seems. The preamble to the U.S.-Japan Security
Treaty stipulates, "Desiring to uphold the principles
of democracy, individual liberty, and the rule of law,
…"
U.S. troops are stationed in Okinawa based on
that treaty, and their top brass should set an example
by acting out the spirit subscribed in the preamble.
The Commander's e-mail raised questions
about the perception of the top U.S. military officer.
If even the message is criticized as a manifestation of
"Occupation mentality," there does not seem any
room for justifiable explanation.
(01020704st)
- 2 -
(2) Editorial: No excuse for Okinawa Marine
chief's "nuts and wimps" remark
resolution unanimously adopted by the assembly
members elected by the citizens.
Okinawa Times (Page 5) (Full)
February 7, 2001
The governments of Japan and the U.S. in the
1996 joint security statement agreed to lighten
Okinawa's burden. Since then, however, incidents
and accidents involving U.S. servicemen have
frequently occurred, because "too many eggs are
placed in a small basket."
The chief of the United States Marines Corp
in Okinawa reportedly criticized the Okinawa
Governor and vice governors, the Kin Mayor and
others as "nuts and wimps."
Lt. General Earl Hailston, regional
coordinator of the U.S. forces in Okinawa, sent an email message to the commanders and deputy
commanders of various units on January 23,
expressing his views about the recent misdeeds
involving Marines.
Okinawan people are suffering not only from
such incidents. The presence of U.S. military bases
has obstructed its urban development plans and also
generated noise pollution.
We expected that the regional coordinator was
fully aware of such harsh circumstances for the
Okinawan people.
He used the word "wimps" in this message.
In reaction to a molestation incident involving
a Marine, the Okinawa Prefectural Government
unanimously adopted a resolution on January 19
calling for a reduction in U.S. troops, including
Marines.
Hailston called the resolution
"inflammatory."
Angry also with the senior
Okinawan officials, who were just sitting back and
idly watching the resolution passed, he called them
"nuts and wimps."
He supposedly had not anticipated that a
private, internal communication would be released to
the outside. He therefore used slang expressions that
would never be officially used.
The top U.S. Marine explained that his
message was intended to urge the commanders to
"strictly enforce discipline to prevent a recurrence of
an incident." The e-mail certainly includes such an
instruction to the subordinates.
Let us assume a case in which foreign troops
are stationed in one of the states in the U.S., and that
the local residents are experiencing the same level of
suffering that the people of Okinawa do. It is
inconceivable that the residents of that state and the
government would accept a state of "coexistence with
suffering" or "the excessive burden."
To our regret, Lt. Gen. Hailston, despite his
post of regional coordinator, did not understand why
the prefectural assembly adopted the resolution and
instead pushed forward with the military side's logic
of defending his organization.
This is a typical case of the perception gap
[that exists between the U.S. military and Okinawan
residents]. The uproar will not be dismissed by
apologies alone.
(01020704ys)
Probably irked at a series of molestation cases
and calls for reduction in the Marines, the
commander used such an expression.
But it is unacceptable for an American
military officer, as a guest in Japan, to criticize senior
Okinawan officials as "wimps" in reaction to a
- 3 -
(3) Consul General in Okinawa apologies for
U.S. general's e-mail flap; Telephoned
Prefectural Assembly Speaker Iramina
(4) Okinawa e-mail flap: Government moves
quickly to quiet down fuss; Worried about
impact on security affairs, elections
OKINAWA TIMES (Page 2) (Full)
February 7, 2001
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 2) (Full)
February 7, 2001
In connection with the e-mail in which Lt.
Gen. Earl Hailston, commandant of United States
armed forces in Okinawa, criticized the governor, U.S.
Consul General Timothy Betts yesterday morning
telephoned Okinawa Prefectural Assembly Chairman
Kokichi Iramina and offered this apology: "I think it
was highly regrettable. There is no excuse for it."
Chairman Iramina mentioned this call when
interviewed by this newspaper.
Lt. Gen. Earl Hailston, the top brass of United
States armed forces in Okinawa, called Okinawa
prefectural officials, including Governor Keiichi
Inamine, "nuts and wimps," in his e-mail message
sent to his subordinate commanders and other officers
in the U.S. Marine Corps in Okinawa. In dealing
with the matter yesterday, the central government was
quick to put out the fire by such steps as recognizing
that the fault lay with the U.S. military side. The
Government is worried that should anti-base
emotions continue to rise, there might be a serious
impact on the Japan-U.S. security alliance. It also
wants to constrain to a minimum the effect of this
incident on the mayoral election in Urasoe City, the
date of which is getting closer.
The Consul General explained:
"It is
incorrect to think that the view expressed by Lt. Gen.
Hailston is the same as that held by the United States.
He stresses the efforts that have been made to build a
good partnership. I would like you to understand his
purpose was never to make criticism." But regarding
the fact that criticism was put on the Governor and
the Prefectural Assembly, the Consul General
apologized: "I think it is highly regrettable."
In response,
Consul General that
planning to file a
something that can
apology."
(01020706ku)
Chairman Iramina told the
the Prefectural Assembly was
protest, noting, "This is not
be pardoned by just making
[Yoichi Toyoda]
At the Lower House plenary session yesterday,
Prime Minister Yoshiro Mori, speaking of the
problem e-mail sent by Lt. Gen. Hailston, stressed:
"His comment was inappropriate, but the regional
commander has already offered an apology." Later
that afternoon, Deputy Chief Cabinet Secretary Kosei
Ueno replayed the statement at a news briefing. By
immediately acknowledging where the fault lay, the
Government is trying to calm the waters.
Triggered by a molestation case involving a
U.S. Marine in Kin Town on January 9,
disgruntlement by Okinawa residents with the U.S.
military continues to rise. Recently, the Okinawa
Prefectural Assembly adopted for the first time a
resolution calling for a reduction in the presence of
the U.S. Marine Corps in Okinawa.
If prefectural emotions get worse, the JapanU.S. security arrangements could even be affected.
This could pose a dilemma for the current prefectural
administration, which is led by "conservatives" who,
with Inamine's election as governor, recaptured the
- 4 -
helm from "reformists" after desperate efforts. It
could even affect the return of the U.S. forces'
Futenma Air Station's site, a process that is already
stalled. Alarmed, the Government has moved quickly
to quiet the situation.
In addition, a mayoral election in Urasoe City
is set to occur on the 11th with ballot-counting the
same day. This event is viewed as a prelude to the
July upper-house election.
The major issue in the mayoral campaign is
whether to accept the relocation of U.S. forces'
military port in Naha City to Urasoe City. Three
candidates filed to run in the mayoral election. The
first is [the incumbent]; the second is a rookie
endorsed by the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and
the Hoshuto (New Conservative Party) and supported
by the New Komeito; and the third is also a new
candidate endorsed by the Japan Communist Party
(JCP), the Social Democratic Party (SDP), and
Okinawa Social Mass Party.
The results of this election inevitably will
affect all issues involving the U.S. military bases in
Okinawa. LDP Administrative Reform Headquarters
chief Hiromu Nonaka, in order to see a conservativebacked candidate win, is looking to the party's fences
there himself in a visit to the island.
With less than a week to go before the
election, the Government and the ruling camp, trying
to prevent opposition candidates from gaining
impetus, had to be quick to deal with the flap over the
lieutenant general's e-mail comments.
(01020707ku)
(5) Commentary about Japan by Shintaro
Ishihara: What significance does the EU have
for Japan?
SANKEI (Page 1) (Slightly abridged)
February 5, 2001
Half a century was needed since the end of
World War II for European countries to form the
European Union (EU) and create the unified currency
euro in an attempt to catch up with the U.S., even
though Americans are just their descendants. In
Japan's case, it took 50 years to generate a mood to
reconsider our independence as a state, set off by
growing calls for reviewing the Constitution.
Just before leaving for the Davos meeting, I
attended a meeting of all the EU ambassadors in
Japan.
After that and the Swiss meeting, I
reconsidered what significance the EU has for Japan.
From the global point of view, Japan forms
one of the three major poles, together with the U.S.
and the EU, though the Japanese economy is now on
a downward slope. But although Japan has well
established ties with each country in Europe, it has
scarcely prepared any national strategy toward the EU.
The dollar and the euro tend to compete with
each other because of their similar nature, but the yen
and the euro are quite different in nature, so if the two
currencies are linked to each other in operation, a
multiple effect is expected to generate.
In
anticipation of such a possibility, the U.S. has
proposed a new-dollar concept that involves the yen.
Some Foreign Ministry officials have expressed their
agreement to this idea. Such a stance is indisputably
based on defeatism.
The euro has yet to reach its potential, but
once papers and coins are produced and circulated in
people's daily lives next year, the currency is likely to
gain strength.
U.S. pressure blocked Japanese manufacturers
from producing a mid-range jetliner on which
expectations are placed as the successor plane to the
YS11. Japanese heavy industries have sufficient
- 5 -
capability to produce such a plane but are reduced to
just making aircraft parts for such world-class aircraft
manufacturers as Boeing. In the Pacific War, Japan's
Zero fighters gave the Americans bitter experiences.
The U.S., perceiving a threat at the time of Prime
Minister Nakasone [early 1980s], squashed a plan by
Japanese companies to manufacture an epoch-making
next-term fighter that would be even more effective
than the F-15 or F-16 fighter. Based on that
experience, I think, Japanese companies' entry into
the world's aircraft market is close to taboo.
But airplanes undoubtedly remain in high
demand, looking at the limited number of passenger
planes flying, despite the increasing number of
passengers traveling among Southeast Asian
countries, and not just within Japan. Should Japan
and the EU join forces in the aircraft market, they
could certainly carry out a project in a short period.
I dare not say that Japan should turn its back
on America, but Japan should associate with as many
countries that serve our national interests. By doing
so, Japan must be able to play up its presence to the
U.S. Frankly speaking, in trilateral relations, each
country can make use of the other. But bilateral
relations, particularly between Japan and the U.S.,
tend to be unilateral, based on the experiences the
two countries have had with each other since the end
of World War. I fear that Japan might end up being a
"servant" of America.
Britain has yet to join the euro system that
was established to counter the U.S., probably out of
consideration to the U.S. But Germany's former
chancellor Kohl said that that country will likely rush
to the platform just before the train leaves the station.
Either way, the EU countries' moves to unite
themselves to counter the U.S. can be good timing
also for Japan to use its EU card. Attending the
Davos Conference, I felt this anew.
The Foreign Ministry sent the Prime Minister
to this conference, though he could stay in
Switzerland for just four hours. The ministry's
thoughtlessness irked me. Just before the conference
opened, the vice-chairman of Goldman-Sachs made a
statement that could be taken as writing off the
Japanese economy, given the yen's ongoing
depreciation.
He also ridiculed the Japanese
Government's economic outlook, "I wonder whether
the Japanese are reading the chart upside down." He
disregarded the detailed forecast for the Japanese
economy that Taichi Sakaiya, until recently director
general of the Economic Planning Agency, presented
in a session the day before the Prime Minister's
speech.
Speaking of the speech, the Prime Minister just read
out from a draft prepared beforehand. I wonder if the
Foreign Ministry is incapable or just plain lazy.
Foreign Ministry officials who went to Switzerland
for advance work before the Prime Minister arrived
are not qualified to be called diplomats. If the
Japanese prime minister had shot back a retort to that
American company executive who outright criticized
Japan, his presence would have been played up, and
expectations would have grown of Japan. But the
Foreign Ministry does not seem to have even a clue
about how to associate with the EU for the sake of
Japan's revitalization. If that is the case, there is no
other recourse but for the private sector to come up
with some measures.
(01020604ys)
(6) Reducing ODA: What is cost-effective
assistance?
ASAHI (Page 17) (Full)
February 1, 2001
Cuts in Japan's official development
assistance (ODA) are being proposed. The force
behind them is Japan's increasingly growing fiscal
deficit. However, views differ on whether aid should
be reduced and depend on what position one takes
regarding the objectives of ODA.
Yukio Gyohten, Executive Director of the
International Currency Research Institute (former
vice finance minister for international financial
affairs): What Japan needs to provide is not materials
but intellectual infrastructure
- 6 -
-- There is a growing backlash against ODA.
"Given Japan's fiscal wherewithal, I do not
understand why only the ODA budget is being
targeted for cuts. As the society here ages, the burden
of providing social security must be financed by
increasing insurance premiums and tax hikes,
whether one likes it or not. The people, on their part,
are being asked to choose one of two options -receiving pension money or providing assistance
instead. A proposal for giving priority to assistance
cannot possibly be accepted."
-- ODA has played a role of paving the way for
Japan's private companies to make investment in
developing countries and stabilizing the Asian
region through the consolidation of infrastructure
there.
"Many of Asian countries are now middleincome countries. They are now actively accepting
direct investment by the private sector. Bilateral
assistance should, therefore, be provided, based on
the premise that such should be in the interests of
Japan as well in terms of security, diplomacy, and
economic effects.
What is most effective in
achieving this end today is extending assistance for
intellectual infrastructure, including tax, financial,
and accounting systems. Such assistance would not
require an enormous amount of money, but once
Japan participates in such projects, that country's
connection with Japan would become semipermanent. The U.S. is extensively engaging in this
type of activity in Asia after the currency crisis that
hit the region.
"Japan extends ODA for the purpose of
constructing hardware. Once such projects are
completed, that's the end of the assistance. Such an
approach does not produce a ripple effect. That kind
of ODA policy tends to be based on the notion of
assisting declining domestic industrial sectors, such
as construction and steel. In the future, it should
assist companies that have potential to extend their
reach globally.
Such sectors would include
information,
communications,
and
financial
services."
-- Do you think developing countries are now
sufficiently equipped with roads and other
infrastructure?
"No, I would not say that they are fully
equipped with such infrastructure, but Asian
countries have high savings rates. In principle, they
should consolidate their own infrastructure on their
own responsibility. Bilateral assistance tends to be
lax. The consolidation of basic infrastructure would
provide developing countries with a good opportunity
to learn the know-how of a market economy through
their efforts to think about methods of capital
procurement. If necessary, they should carry out such
projects with aid from the World Bank, after passing
its strict screening, as Japan did in the past.
"Many foreign companies are taking part in
projects sponsored by Japan. A question why Japan's
tax money should be used for foreign capital has been
raised."
-- Some countries, such as Africa, are starving.
"International organs should continue to give
a helping hand to very poor countries. However,
since such organs are tending to excessively enlarge,
we should think about a method of utilizing private
donations more positively. Japan should apply its
tax-exemption measure, which is now adopted
domestically, to donations to foreign countries as
well."
-- Some have pointed out that Japan's ODA serves
as a means to substitute wartime compensation.
"The wartime compensation issue has been
settled in diplomatic terms. If other countries say
anything about it, Japan should take a resolute
stance."
Toshio Watanabe, dean of the International
Development Department of Takushoku University
(development economics): Principle is humanitarian
aid
-- ODA is suffering a growing setback.
- 7 -
"True, Japan's finances are tight. However, its
current-account balance is solidly in the black. It has
the world's largest foreign exchange reserves and
external net assets. Japan has benefited from the
merits of mutual reliance to the maximum in the
international community. It now has to pay the cost
of the benefits it has enjoyed."
-- Concrete merits of Japan's extending ODA may
have become unclear. What is your view on that?
"For Japan, which is unable to contribute to
the world on the military front, ODA is a vital means
of carrying out diplomacy. For instance, in order to
form a free trade zone in Asian, countering Europe
and the U.S, and to build a financial cooperation
system like an Asian currency fund, too, it is crucial
for it to strengthen friendly relations with Asia. It is
much more significant than building in Japan
highways that have very small volume of traffic. The
reason why the argument calling for cutting ODA is
mounting is that there are no politicians who can talk
about a clear-cut diplomatic vision."
-- A point has been made that since Asia has
already achieved economic growth, it is not
necessary to help it build infrastructure.
"Now all Asia can do is to step up its
production capability. It cannot afford to take
environmental measures, such as measures to prevent
air and water pollution. If such problems are left
unattended, they will become serious problems.
Preserving the environment requires a considerable
amount of money and technology. ODA is absolutely
necessary in order to pave the way for Japan's
environment-related businesses to make inroads, too.
-- Japan's ODA is drawing fire as pork-barrel aid,
that is to say, it is Japanese companies that receive
contracts in projects sponsored by Japan.
"When Japan was in its high growth stage, its
assistance was rendered in the form of tied loans,
which helped it to find markets. However, Japanese
companies nowadays receive only 20 percent of the
contracts of yen loan-sponsored projects. On the
other hand, local companies are receiving an
increasing number of contracts. The phenomenon is
apparently the benefits brought about by ODA."
-- Another criticism of ODA is that it has
supported dictatorial governments in developing
countries, incurring as a result an unstable
situation there.
"Due to ethnic, geographical, and historical
restrictions, Asian countries have had no other choice
but to employ an authoritarian system. ODA alone
cannot change such a situation. In countries that have
succeeded in developing themselves, ODA is given
high scores, but in countries that have not, ODA has
become the object of resentment."
-- There is criticism that Japan sticks to bilateral
assistance, and so the ratio of loan aid is too high.
"The reason why many of Japan's ODA
disbursements are loan aid is because they are meant
to urge recipient countries to make self-help efforts.
If you look at Asia's development, it is obvious that
this method has been efficient. It is only natural that
each country has its own approach when giving
assistance."
(01020603yk)
"We should also consider the possibility of
expanding ODA-eligible areas. Japan has placed
emphasis on Asia when providing ODA, but Africa
has a serious poverty problem. Nowadays, ODA is
often discussed from the viewpoint of national
interests, but basically it should be provided as
humanitarian aid empowered by dignity."
- 8 -
(7) Poll: Opposition bloc fails to absorb
people critical of LDP
Q: Which political party do you support or like
now?
NIHON KEIZAI (Page 2) (Excerpt)
February 6, 2001


Questions & Answers
(Figures shown in percentage. In parentheses denote
the results of a survey conducted in December 2000.)

Q: Do you support the Mori cabinet?



Yes
No
Can't say (C/S) + don't know (D/K)
15.7(18.1)
70.6(69.9)
13.7(12.0)
Q: (Only for those who answered "yes") Why?
(multiple choice)





Because it's an LDP cabinet
53.5(50.9)
The prime minister is trustworthy
33.2(30.0)
It's stable
13.9(13.0)
It's clean
8.7(13.6)
The prime minister has international sensibility
8.7(13.4)
The prime minister lacks leadership 61.2(64.7)
The prime minister is untrustworthy 44.3(44.7)
It's unstable
43.1(46.4)
Its policies are bad
40.7(38.5)
The prime minister lacks international sensibility
37.0(39.4)
Q: What do you want the Mori cabinet to pursue?
(multiple choice)





Economic recovery
Pension, welfare
Juvenile crime prevention, education
Employment
Fiscal turnaround
59.5(58.5)
51.9(50.8)
46.8(45.2)
36.1(37.2)
35.8(38.8)





Popularity ranking for premiership
(Figures shown in percentage. In parentheses denote
the results of a survey conducted in December last
year.)
Q: (Only for those who answered "no") Why?
(multiple choice)









Liberal Democratic Party (LDP)
31.0(33.1)
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto)
20.9(20.5)
Social Democratic Party (SDP or Shaminto)
7.1(6.6)
Japan Communist Party (JCP)
5.7(5.9)
Liberal Party (LP or Jiyuto)
4.4(4.0)
New Komeito
3.4(4.4)
New Conservative Party (NCP or Hoshuto)
0.5(0.4)
Sakigake
0.2(0.1)
Liberal Federation (LF or Jiyu Rengo) 0.0(0.2)
Other political parties
0.8(0.7)
None
20.7(20.3)
C/S + D/K
5.2(3.7)
1. Naoto Kan (DPJ)
2. Takako Doi (SDP)
3. Junichiro Koizumi (LDP)
4. Ryutaro Hashimoto (LDP)
5. Ichiro Ozawa (LP)
6. Yohei Kono (LDP)
7. Yukio Hatoyama (DPJ)
8. Prime Minister Mori
9. Koichi Kato (LDP)
10. Kazuo Shii (JCP)
12.3(9.9)
11.9(9.9)
10.9(9.1)
10.8(11.9)
9.4(7.1)
5.3(6.7)
4.8(6.6)
4.2(4.3)
3.9(6.1)
1.2(1.3)
Method of survey: The poll was taken by Nikkei
Research over the telephone on February 2-4. A total
of 3,000 persons were sampled out of all males and
females, aged 20 and up, across the nation. The rate
of effective respondents was 59.3%.
(01020705im)
- 9 -
Download