Research Group for Studies in Sport and Physical Culture
Sport as a Vehicle for Social Transformation
2003 Conference Proceedings
San Francisco State University
Department of Kinesiology
College of Health and Human Services
Proceedings Editors:
Susan G. Zieff, Ph.D.
Maria J. Veri, Ph.D.
OFFICERS
DIRECTOR…………………………………………………..Susan G. Zieff
CO-DIRECTOR………………………………………………Maria J. Veri
CO-DIRECTOR………………………………………………Louisa Webb
ISBN 0-9741972-1-1
Identity Press
Fountain Valley, California
Printed in San Francisco, California
Table of Contents
Introduction
3-11
Adjusting Our View: Sport, Identity, and Social Transformation
Becky Beal
12-18
African American Women in Sport: A Few Reflections on Research
Rita Liberti
19-25
‘White Chocolate,’ Black Quarterbacks, Redskins, the Three Rods
(A-Rod, I-Rod, and J-Rod) and Cablanasians:
Examining Racial Images in Sport
Maureen Smith
26-33
“Barbed Wire Athletes: The Sporting Practices of Japanese-American Internees During World
War II”
Michael Mott
34-40
Reconstructing Masculinity and Heterosexuality in an Age of Decreased Homophobia
Eric Anderson
41-45
Rethinking the Possibilities: Creating Exercise Space for People with Spinal Cord Injuries
Tamar Z. Semerjian
46-53
Community Connections
Penny Hastings
54
Contributors
55-56
2
“Sport as a Vehicle for Social Transformation”
culture at the local, regional, national,
Research Group and Conference
and international levels.
The idea of developing an
Philosophy
annual conference arose within the
“There is one thing that—even if it were
context of the two-fold effort of our
considered essential—no student
Research Group: to conduct research on
movement or urban revolt or global
the possibilities for social
protest or what have you would ever be
transformation within the sportsworld,2
able to do. And that is to occupy the
and to create alliances between
football field on Sunday.”
academics involved in activist oriented
1
Umberto Eco (1990)
research and individuals in the
community to bring these ideas into the
In 2001, the Research Group for
public domain. These proceedings
Studies in Sport and Physical Culture
reflect the mission of the RGSSPC and
(RGSSPC, and now Research Group for
provide readers with insightful, and at
Sport, Education, and Physical Culture)
times provocative, analyses of issues in
was founded by Susan Zieff, Maria
sport and physical activity that are
Veri, and Louisa Webb, within the
related to the 2003 conference theme of
Department of Kinesiology at San
“Sport as a Vehicle for Social
Francisco State University. Our mission
Transformation.” The six presenters
statement advances our concerns with
whose papers appear here were selected
raising awareness of and conducting
for inclusion in this conference because
research on sociocultural issues in sport
of their commitment to creating social
and physical activity. We are
change through sport. They are also
committed to promoting widespread
invested in working to make sport and
understanding of sociological, historical,
research on sport more inclusive and
pedagogical, political, and cultural
reflective of the tenets of social justice.
processes in sport and other forms of
In the field of critical sport
physical culture. To this end, the
studies there has been a growing effort
RGSSPC is interested in addressing
to bridge the chasm between the
community-wide matters and building
acquisition of scholarly knowledge and
working relationships with those
its application in the broader social
engaged in various facets of physical
world. Sociologists, historians,
anthropologists, physical educators, and
3
cultural studies critics investigating the
transformation and social justice both as
socio-cultural meanings found in sport
processes and goals that we hope are
and exercise domains are increasingly
increasingly incorporated into school
documenting the potential role of
curricular and extracurricular activities,
physical activity in the promotion of
for example. This also means to
social change.3
increasingly pursue the work begun by
Resistance Scholarship
scholars such as Pat Griffin and Don
Yet, an effective theoretical
Sabo, and activists such as Donna
approach to examining social
Lopiano of the Women’s Sports
transformation has proved elusive.
Foundation, who have brought
Scholars have pointed out that the
terminology such as fairness, equality,
populations involved in “alternative” or
access and opportunity, and social
transformational activities are as
justice into the minds and vocabulary of
difficult to classify and categorize as
educators and educational institutions
those in traditional arenas. As Becky
nationwide and internationally.
Beal points out in her essay,
This conference expanded upon
skateboarders are as likely to be sexist
the notion of a linked social resistance
and homophobic as participants in
and social transformation by addressing
conventional sport.
its meanings in the context of sport. We
This means that we need to ask
have created and hope to continue
even more specific questions about the
creating opportunities for intellectual
nature of the transformation. Beal’s
discourse and connection to community
observation that “critics have asked
issues around sport. To take sport
whether the actor has to intend her
seriously in this setting also means to
behavior to be transformative in order to
take elements of popular culture
be classified as resistance, and if so,
seriously.
what level, personal or social, satisfies
One of the challenges of
the criteria of resistance” (p. 13), is one
“resistance scholarship” is the practice
such example. From this perspective, we
of making explicit cultural practices that
can ask: must resistance be
are otherwise “taken for granted.” Sport
demonstrated by all members of the
culture is so embedded in dominant
group?
culture, that its values and associated
We envision exploring the
relationships between social
behaviors have become objects of
uncritical devotion. The lack of a broad,
4
social critique of the “sport system”
a subject that may otherwise have gone
makes it possible for dominant values
unnoticed. The catalyst for change in
and practices to persist. It is these
sport sometimes appears in unlikely
unquestioned viewpoints that have
forms.
proven to be problematic and limiting
Yet, even when there’s
for many populations for example,
opportunity for change in the
consider the ways that hegemonic
sportsworld, there continues to be
masculinity limits female sporting
resistance. The space for resistance that
behavior or the ways that racial beliefs
occurs in all hegemonies4 is often
prevent some athletes of color from
(purposely) closed off in sport. For
accessing some sport arenas. We need to
example, playing the national anthem
critique the dominant sports model of
before most sporting events provides the
competition, performance, elitism, and
opportunity for dissent. After all, the
limited access while highlighting new
American flag is rich in symbolic
possibilities for sport in models of
meaning: freedom of speech,
inclusiveness and gender
individualism, and equal rights.
deconstruction.
It is the examination of the ways
When Manhattanville College
basketball player Toni Smith turned her
that the public has avoided and resisted
back on the American flag when the
a critique of the sport system that makes
national anthem was played during the
the possibility of altering the public
2002/2003 collegiate basketball season
discourse about sport so powerful. It is
to express her views against American
the movement away from the dominant
involvement in a war with Iraq, she
discourse that has—inadvertently or
found herself paying the price as the
not—advocated an “all hands off”
object of scrutiny by those who
approach to pointing out problems in
interpreted her behavior as anti-
sport. In some cases, overt activism in
American. Challenging the links
sport–National Council of Women’s
between nationalism and organized
Organizations President Martha Burke’s
sport is an especially difficult task; it is
efforts to force Augusta National, home
not only seen as anti-sport, but anti-
of the Professional Golf Association’s
American.
Master’s golf tournament, into accepting
Transformational Opportunities
female members in 2002—instigated a
broader national forum for discourse on
There are two main approaches to
examining the transformational possibilities of
5
sport. The first approach aims to transform sport
world was paying attention as athletes paid the
away from its practices as an institution that
price for their activism.
reinforces and replicates dominant culture values
Edwards then published The Revolt of the
and systems. The second perspective takes the
Black Athlete (1969) in which he described his
stand that society can be transformed through
views on the exploitation of African American
sport. The latter approach centers its discourse
athletes in American society. Two years later The
on such social and cultural factors as race,
Athletic Revolution was published by Jack Scott,
gender, social class, sexuality, ability, national
an early critique of the ways in which collegiate
identity, and ethnicity. To take this route means
athletes provide services without compensation.
to address the potential for the development of
The American Indian Movement also began its
positive/resistive values. Either approach
efforts in the 1970s to raise awareness about sport
requires discourses that focus on the question of
mascots and team names, and logos such as
the “ideal nature of society” and the role of sport
Chiefs, Indians, and Redskins.
in its development. Given its great popularity,
An early advocate of the anti-Native American
sport can be put to use as a progressive social
mascot movement, Stanford University gave up its
mechanism in the service of a variety of political
Indian logo and became the Cardinal. Yet this
aims.
level of activism has been sporadic in the
There are numerous historical antecedents for
sportsworld, and we continue to be surprised when
the kind of athletic activism we are proposing,
prominent individuals speak out. The press
both in the last century and earlier. One of the
attention to former University of North Carolina
most pivotal events in the history of “sport as
basketball coach Dean Smith’s vocal opposition to
political protest” was the demonstration
the death penalty is a notable example.
undertaken by black athletes during the Mexico
Scholars and academics have, since the 1960s,
City Olympics in 1968 under the guise of the
conducted research concerning the ways in which
Olympic Project for Human Rights initiated by
sport functions as a social institution.5 More
then sociology lecturer and former athlete, Harry
recently, others working in the newer area of
Edwards.
cultural studies of sport have examined more
Tommie Smith and John Carlos the gold and
closely the intersections between race, social class,
bronze medal winners in the 200 meters, wore
and gender.6 In addition, such scholars have also
black socks and one black glove, and with heads
considered processes related to commercialization
bowed, raised their gloved fists into the air as the
and globalization in sport.
American national anthem was played. They were
Sport as a Mechanism for Social
Progress
sent home by the U.S. Olympic committee, and
later stripped of their team membership. But, the
There are local, national, and
international examples of sport events
6
that are inclusive and participation-
lobbying institutions to re-consider
oriented, lending evidence for the
dealing with athletic apparel companies
transformational possibilities through
that lack good human rights records.
sport. In the San Francisco Bay Area,
The “no-sweatshop labor” movement
the spring ritual “Bay to Breakers” road
has been successful at sports
race encourages involvement of
powerhouses such as Duke, UNC
individuals at all performance levels and
Chapel Hill and Michigan.
in the process promotes other kinds of
Unfortunately, the students in the
transformation, particularly those seen
vanguard of this movement are not
in individual identities as the race has
athletes.
turned into a community costume party.
Racist, sexist, and homophobic
One Bay Area program, SportsBridge,
comments by prominent athletes
though no longer in existence, linked
demonstrate the persistence of such
female athlete mentors with junior and
beliefs, and maybe particularly in the
high school girls who were matched by
sportsworld, but the national discourses
cultural background and identity.
that have consequently been raised have
Another Northern California event, Girls
also demonstrated the power of the sport
Sports Expo, provides exposure to and
domain as a potential agent for change.
opportunity in sport for girls otherwise
The recent homophobic comments by
excluded from organized sport because
San Francisco 49er Garrison Hearst
of economic and other social limitations.
about the revelation by former NFL
On the national level, sport
player Esera Tuaolo of his
activists must confront the rhetoric of
homosexuality became an opportunity
nationalism and conformity. The
for sport leaders—like then 49er Coach
critique of Toni Smith’s back-turn on
Steve Mariucci—to take a stand about
the flag during the national anthem is a
social issues. It is critical that sport
strong reminder of the connections
leaders take the steps to articulate these
between sport and patriotism in the
kinds of messages.
United States. The persistence of
On the international level, there
vigorously devoted sports fans such as
have been numerous efforts historically
the Cameron Crazies at Duke also
to transform society through sport.
reminds us that there is more support for
Many countries refused to participate in
“pro-sport” behavior than that exhibited
sport competition with South Africa
by students across the nation who are
during the era of apartheid, the
7
government policy of institutionalized
resistance through sport. Keynote
racism. Indeed, the International
speaker Becky Beal opened the
Olympic Committee banned South
conference with a presentation entitled
African athletes from the Olympics
“Adjusting Our View: Sport, Identity,
between 1964 and 1991 because of
and Social Transformation.” In her
apartheid. Ironically, the IOC also
presentation, Beal critically assessed
punished the two African American
social transformation research using
athletes who voiced similar views
Bourdieu’s concept of social location as
against racism during the 1968
a theoretical framework. She highlighted
Olympics.
key examples from her previous
An important symbol of
research on the alternative sport of
political identity—the national flag—
skateboarding to illustrate the lived
has been used overtly by nations
experiences of skaters. Social location,
entering or re-entering into Olympic
according to Bourdieu, refers to three
competition. Some nations use the
types of capital: economic, social, and
Olympics to make public statements
cultural. By considering the social
about the readiness of their nation to
location of skaters, Beal contends that
participate in the international economy,
the resistant and transformative nature
as did South Korea when it hosted the
of skateboarding can be better assessed,
1988 Games. Messages of unity are also
as well as the processes of identity
expressed during international sporting
formation at play in this cultural
events; witness the 2000 Sydney games
practice. In Beal’s estimation, the
when the North and South Korean teams
conceptual use of social location in
entered the stadium during the opening
critical sport studies “encourages us to
ceremonies holding hands. During
adjust our view from assessing social
Wimbledon and the U.S. Open in 2002,
transformation based solely on the
international political sentiment was
outcome…to focusing on the process of
generated when a Muslim Pakistani and
identity formation and social change.”
Jewish Israeli man formed a doubles
(p.10)
team.
The remainder of the conference
Conference 2003
The presenters explored a
was organized into two themes: Session
1: “Diversity and Negotiating Identity,”
variety of issues addressing the
and Session 2: “Re-Thinking Sport:
possibilities of social transformation and
Transformational Possibilities.”
8
In Session I, Rita Liberti’s
Quarterbacks, Redskins, the Three Rods
paper, “African American Women in
(A-Rod, I-Rod, and J-Rod), and
Sport: A Few Reflections on Research”
Cablanasians: Examining Racial Images
provided an overview of her historical
in Sport.” In this examination of racial
research on the experiences of black
images and the stereotypes on which
female basketball players at historically
they are based, Smith highlighted media
black colleges and universities during
constructions of contemporary athletic
the first half of the twentieth century.
figures in order to explain how racial
Liberti emphasized the importance of
images in sport are produced and
challenging monolithic approaches to
discuss the social implications of such
historical inquiry into women’s sport
images. Playing off the conference
history in order to produce more
theme, Smith asks, “if sport is to be used
nuanced narratives that consider identity
as a vehicle for social transformation,
formation and social context. Her
where are we headed regarding race and
research serves as a case in point, as she
ethnicity…and…who is sitting in the
centers her narrative on black
driver’s seat?” (p. 29)
sportswomen in the pre-Civil War
Session 2 began with Eric
Anderson’s presentation,
South.
Michael Mott followed with a
“Reconstructing Masculinity and
presentation entitled “Barbed Wire
Heterosexuality in an Age of Decreased
Athletes: The Sporting Practices of
Homophobia.” Through his
Japanese-American Internees During
ethnographic research on male college
World War II.” Mott’s historical
athletes involved in the sport of
analysis focused on the role sport played
cheerleading, Anderson concluded that
in Japanese internment camps in the
decreases in cultural homophobia have
United States from 1942-1945. Mott
allowed cheerleading to become a space
illustrated how sport served as a means
in which the construct of masculinity is
of creating and negotiating identity, as
expanded to include both gay and
well as resisting and conforming to
straight men and to de-emphasize
American culture for first and second
narrow stigmatizations of homosexual
generation Japanese Americans.
behavior.
To conclude Session 1, Maureen
Tamar Semerjian followed with
Smith presented the provocatively titled,
a preview of a funded research project
“’White Chocolate,’ Black
on individuals with spinal cord injuries
9
that is underway at Cal State-LA. In
discussion of important issues and topics
“Re-thinking the Possibilities: Creating
in sport and physical culture.
Exercise Space for People with Spinal
Finally, we appreciate the
Cord Injuries,” Semerjian discussed the
students who attended this conference;
physiological and cultural objectives of
their feedback will play a role in our
this research project, and emphasized
continued conceptualization of our
the need to bring research on individuals
research group projects. Jason Willard, a
with disabilities and related issues from
student in the course, “Culture, Gender
the margins to the center of critical sport
& Movement,” wrote: “as I reflect on
studies.
this conference I became more aware of
The Session 2 program
the amount of questions there are to be
concluded with a presentation by Penny
asked about the sport culture.” He
Hastings, a Bay Area writer and girls’
singled out Penny Hastings’
sports activist. In “New Strategies for
presentation and claimed, “Her
Involving Girls in Sport,” she spoke of
organization is so positive that I was left
the benefits of physical activity
with the urge to help.”
involvement for girls, and shared
Echoing the need for
insights from her work as the organizer
questioning sport, “Sport in America”
of Girls Sports Expo, an annual event in
student, Shawn Shin noted that Maureen
Santa Rosa, CA that offers girls the
Smith’s presentation on “racial images
opportunity to spend a day learning and
in sport was quite remarkable in the way
participating in a variety of expert-
that it opened and questioned many
taught sport activities.
perceptions I had previously.” We are
Conclusions
One of the guiding objectives of
the RGSSPC is to engage in work that
connects the academic world to the
community at large. We are grateful to
all participants in the conference for
assisting us in our inaugural efforts. In
addition, the Research Group and its
conference provides San Francisco State
on the right track indeed if conference
speakers are inspiring students to ask
critical questions and to volunteer for
work in community sports and
recreation programs.
The conference also served as a
place where students could learn about
cultural research in sport that they
otherwise might not encounter.
University students, the campus, and the
“Culture, Gender & Movement” student
local community with a forum for the
Martin Herstein “appreciated the
10
presentations by Rita Liberti and
Eco, U. (1990) “Sports Chatter.” In Travels
in hyperreality. N.Y.: Harcourt Brace and
Company.
2
Robert Lipsyte was an early voice
describing the social impact and meanings
associated with sport participation. See
Lipysyte, R. (c. 1975). Sportsworld. N.Y.:
Quadrangle/New York Times Book Co.
3
Messner, M.A. (1996). “Studying up on
sex,” Sociology of Sport Journal 13 (3):
221-37; Fernandez-Balboa, J-M. (1997).
Critical postmodernism in human
movement, physical education, and sport.
Albany: State University of New York
Press; Griffin, P. (1991). “Changing the
game: Homophobia, sexism, and lesbians in
sport. Quest 44, 251-265.
4
Sage, G. (1998). Power and ideology in
American sport. 2nd edition. Champaign, IL:
Human Kinetics.
5
Loy, J. and Kenyon, G.S. (1969). Sport,
culture, and society: a reader on the
sociology of sport. New York: Macmillan;
Gerber, E., Felshin, J., Berlin, P., Wyrick,
W. (1974). The American woman in sport.
Reading, MA.: Addison-Wesley Publ., Co.
6
Some examples of scholarly works on
sport and Cultural Studies include: Andrews,
D.L. (1996). The fact(s) of Michael Jordan’s
blackness: Excavating a floating racial
signifier. Sociology of Sport Journal, 13(2),
125-58; Birrell, S. & McDonald, M.G. (eds.)
2000. Reading sport: Critical essays on
power and representation. Boston
Northeastern University Press; Hall, M.A.
(1996). Feminism and sporting bodies.
Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics; Whannel,
G. (1998). Reading the sports media
audience. In L.A. Wenner (ed.) MediaSport,
pp.221-232. NY: Routledge; Willis, Paul
(1994). “Women in sport in ideology.” In
Sport, Culture and Ideology, 117-135.
1
Michael Mott because they made it
possible for “students at San Francisco
State to come and learn about some
historical events that took place and are
not really talked about in the sports
world.” Finally, in his comments on
Liberti’s presentation, classmate Bryan
Payne added that “it was keen how
basketball gave…a window…to look at
black culture at that period, particularly
the gender roles prescribed…the
interviews brought a lot of warmth and
humanity to the study of black women’s
basketball.”
In society, many individuals
accept the role of the arts, music, and
other cultural activities as
transformative and humanizing; this is a
role we envision for sport. The potential
force of this role for sport can be sensed
in the research of the scholar-activists
presented here, as can the immense
amount of cultural work needed to
realize it.
Susan G. Zieff
Maria Veri
Editors
11
Adjusting Our View: Sport, Identity,
and Social Transformation
Becky Beal
Department of Sport Sciences
University of the Pacific
Stockton, CA
the resources readily available to pursue
those options. The use of social location
also encourages us to adjust our view
from assessing social transformation
based solely on the outcome, an “all or
nothing” approach, to focusing on the
When given the opportunity to
give the keynote for the conference on
“Sport as a Vehicle for Social
Transformation,” I was very excited and
honored since this is the topic that
engenders the most passion in me.
Simultaneously, it is one of the most
challenging issues, since social practices
are rife with contradictions and
therefore, often fall short of far-reaching
change. Over the past twenty years, the
topic of sport as a means of social
change has been discussed in depth. I
will highlight selected issues faced by
those who conduct this type of research
in the hope of providing an avenue for
useful discussion.6
Looking at the two main themes
of the conference, negotiating identity
and envisioning new models of sport,
led me to focus on social location as a
means to connect biography with social
change. Using social location as the
organizing concept allows the researcher
to investigate the complexity of social
transformation; one can focus on the
perspectives of the participants, what
processes of identity formation and
social change.
Those who study social
transformation are often committed to
social justice issues and frequently
engaged in community projects.
Although a commitment to social justice
may be shared, the path to achieve it is
debated. Some researchers favor a
traditional liberal approach, others a
radical one, while many have taken on a
postmodern sensitivity to social issues.6
The first form of social
transformation I want to cover is
enfranchisement. A basic goal of many
liberal democracies is to ensure the right
and opportunity of its citizenry to
participate in its social and political
communities. This is extended to
ensuring the right to participate fully in
physical activity. Although we in the
United States may take participation in
sport for granted, globally this is not the
case. Bruce Kidd and Peter Donnelly
(2000) recently identified a variety of
human rights movements and initiatives
that include physical activity.6 Even
options they perceive as beneficial, and
12
within the United States there are still
more people as the assumptions of ideal
major equity issues, as indicated by the
citizenry are broadened.
on-going debates around Title IX as
The most radical approach to
well as full access for those with
social transformation is to forthrightly
disabilities. Some scholars may think of
challenge mainstream norms and values.
enfranchisement as a “modern” solution
This is the least common form of change
and, therefore, out of step and
in sport but does have a history.
potentially ineffective in a postmodern
Researchers in this tradition often use
world. I suggest that access and
the concept of social resistance as an
opportunity are fundamental aspects of
analytical tool; some examples include
both personal and social transformation.
feminist softball (Birrell & Richter,
Kidd and Donnelly (2000) identified
1987), and rugby and mountain
some of the basic concerns of those
climbing (see Donnelly 1993).
working in human rights and sport;
Researchers have criticized the
besides access, the goals include the
scholarly work that is labeled as social
right to make choices about one’s body
resistance. The umbrella critique is that
and the right to associate freely.
the research tends to romanticize
The symbolic significance of an
“alternative” lifestyles, when in fact all
athletic body is also a fundamental
of these lifestyles fall short of complete
component of change linked to
social transformation. This criticism has
enfranchisement. The athletic body
caused those of us doing this kind of
symbolizes strength, ability, and
research to clarify our assumptions
competence. The more various groups
about what determines “resistance” --
are enfranchised, the more they are
specifically to articulate the criteria
associated with those characteristics.
associated with the intent of the
This has the potential of challenging
participants as well as the outcome of
assumptions that able bodied males are
their actions. It is my contention that
the model citizens. The concern is that
focusing on the group’s social location
the standards of athleticism need to be
is one means of developing a more
challenged, not just who can
complex analysis of resistance, one
legitimately pursue athleticism. With
which addresses the above critique by
the circulation of more athletic models,
paying careful attention to the
there is increased potential to empower
participants’ biographies, their social
13
context, and the contradictions that are
skaters to purchase necessary
part of social life.
equipment, and for a growing
Although I am not a scholar of
contingency, to pay for access to skate
Pierre Bourdieu, I have found the
parks. Social and cultural capital tend to
research that has used his concepts
be more in control of the participants.
about social location to study sport very
For teenagers, their social network is a
insightful, and I think Bourdieu’s work
tenuous balance between adult
can provide tools to help analyze the
advocates and their peers. While adults
6
complexity of social change. In
can provide important resources for
particular, one’s location will impact
teens’ development, their peers provide
what norms and values are perceived to
the pivotal piece in creating an adult
be in need of change, as well as indicate
identity distinct from their parents.
what resources are available for
Teens create this identity and in doing
negotiating this change.
so create a cultural capital of “cool” or
Bourdieu classified three types
“hip” practices and knowledge.6
of capital for negotiating one’s place in
My findings show many
the world: economic, social, and
contradictions in skateboarders’ actions.
cultural. Economic capital is one’s
In ways, skateboarders intentionally
material resources. Social capital
challenge some of the norms and values
includes one’s social network, and
associated with mainstream sport. In
cultural capital involves sets of skills
particular, they resist a hierarchal
such as bodily disposition as well as
authority structure by creating an
(sub)cultural knowledge.
informal practice run by the skaters. In
To provide an example, I will
addition, most skaters do not embrace
draw from my work on skateboarding
formal competition; instead they seek
and social resistance. With respect to
informal challenges where other skaters
the broadest sense of skateboarders’
are not commonly defined as the
social location, three demographic
opponent or enemy. On the other hand,
trends standout. They are generally
they tend to embrace other values of
middle class teenage males. Therefore,
mainstream sport, especially the desire
their economic capital usually depends
to push physical limits, risking their
on their parents’ socio-economic status
health, as well as sexist and homophobic
(primarily middle class). This allows
actions and attitudes.
14
Looking at the skaters’ social
location would help to explain these
contradictions. Questions that need to
hip hop, in their construction of a tough
masculinity.6
The social location of skaters
be posed are: who is skating and what
gives insight into their priorities and the
are their priorities and available
capital that enables them to negotiate the
resources to attend to those priorities?
style and the meaning of their physical
By addressing those questions, skaters’
activity. In this case, creating an
style and types of resistance can be
alternative adult masculinity is one
better assessed.
priority that is constructed by not only
Skaters are primarily white
their economic capital, but through
teenage males who live in the suburbs.6
skaters’ development of a specific set of
A main priority for these skaters is their
dispositions that signify an “authentic”
status as adult men. It is my contention
skater. For those of us who research
that these skaters are creating a
social transformation, using social
masculinity that meets their needs; one
location allows us to better explain the
which embraces an “alternative” value
contradictions and resulting strengths
of competition and body size without
and weaknesses of that group’s efforts
jeopardizing male privilege. Many
towards social change.
skaters’ bodies are lean or small, and as
Social Resistance: concerns and
noted before, many skaters reject formal
comments
competition. In addition, they
Work on ‘alternative’ lifestyle
frequently associate their activity with
groups has come under criticism for
an artistic practice. The participants
romanticizing teenage angst, and for
embrace an artistic sensibility and value
implying that youthful rebellion
smaller bodies. These tendencies do not
constitutes genuine social resistance.6
bode well for gaining status among men
In addition, the usefulness of the
in mainstream culture. To ensure some
concept “social resistance” has also been
masculine status, skaters also adopt risk-
questioned. Critics have rightly noted
taking behavior, as well as traditional
the fuzziness of the criteria used to
sexist and homophobic attitudes.6
determine whether a behavior or action
Although they live primarily in the
can be classified as resistance. In
suburbs, skaters appropriate urban
particular, criteria around intent and
imagery and black urban music such as
outcome are addressed. With respect to
15
issues of intent, critics have asked
be able to play. Therefore, clarifying
whether the actor has to intend her
the relationship of intent with outcome
behavior to be transformative in order to
is significant. Some unintended
be classified as resistance, and if so, at
consequences can be transformative.
what level, personal or social, is the
All actions are inseparable from
criteria of resistance satisfied. Implied
the location from which they are
in this concern is whether the researcher
derived. Therefore, the question of a
has the right (along with the power) to
“pure” transformative outcome is not
label the action, and whether that label
useful. Instead, using social location as
is congruent with the intent of the actor.
a tool to identify the actors’ intentions,
Other significant issues are directed at
resources, and limitations provides a
assessing the outcome of the actions,
more promising way to analyze the
such as whether resistance is determined
complexity of social transformation. In
by long or short term effects, local or
addition, partial victories are important
global impact, and to what degree
in sustaining hope, and when those
limitations or contradictions are
struggles are in the public eye it
acceptable within the category of
provides another forum for discussing
resistance.
initiatives aimed at social change.
Those who are using resistance as an
Building coalitions is an
analytical tool need to identify the
important strategy for social change and
criteria they use to determine whether an
therefore, keeping an open agenda and
action can be classified as resistant. By
debating theoretical and practical
developing more sophisticated analyses,
strategies for change is vital. My main
the criticism aimed at romanticizing
objective is to make sure we take into
alternative lifestyles should decrease.
account social location as a means to
My interpretation is that social
ground strategies in the context of the
transformation is most effective if there
actors’ personal identity, needs and
is conscious intent, but it can occur
resources. I believe this strategy will
without it. For example, the influx of
allow us to be more effective in both a
females in sport has transformed gender
theoretical and practical assessment of
expectations for females, but the intent
groups negotiating their particular
of most young females is not based on a
landscape.
feminist agenda -- instead the goal is to
16
References
Beal, B. (1995). Disqualifying the
Official: An Exploration of
Social Resistance in the
Subculture of Skateboarding.
Sociology of Sport Journal, 12
(5) 252-267
Beal, B. (2002). Symbolic
interactionism and cultural
studies: doing critical
ethnography. In J. Maguire &
K. Young (eds.) Theory, sport
and society. pp.353-373.
Elsevier Science Ltd
Beal, B., & Weidman, L. (2003).
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(Eds.) To the extreme:
Alternative sports inside and
out. Albany: SUNY Press. 337352.
Beal, B. with Wilson, C. (in press)
’Chicks dig scars:’
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Sports: Consumption, identity,
and difference. London:
Routledge Press.
Birrell, S. & Richter, D. (1987). Is a
diamond forever? Feminist
transformations of sport.
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119-145. Champaign, IL:
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at skate-shoe icon --- swoosh
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rivals to woo hipster youth
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do it.” The Wall Street Journal,
A1.
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Cambridge, MA. Perseus
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17
Wheaton, B. & Beal, B. (2003).
‘Keeping it real’: Subcultural
media and the discourses
of authenticity in alternative
sport. International Review for
the Sociology of Sport, 38, 10.
African American Women in Sport: A
Few Reflections on Research
Rita Liberti
California State University, Hayward
Department of Kinesiology and
Physical Education
25800 Carlos Bee Blvd.
Hayward, CA. 94542
(510) 885-3048
In the summer of 1990 I read a
draft of an article by Cindy Himes-
18
Gissendanner entitled “African
throughout the first half of the twentieth
American Women and Competitive
century, it provides a setting to more
Sport, 1920-1960” that was to
closely examine a number of questions
eventually appear as a chapter in
and issues related to women’s sport
Women, Sport, and Culture (1994).
(Giddings, 1984). For example, how did
Himes-Gissendanner’s piece was
African American female athletes, and
intriguing to me, especially since I had
the community more generally,
just completed an examination of white
understand women’s involvement in
women’s sport history during the first
competitive sport and in what ways, if
half of the twentieth century. According
any, was womanhood defined by
to the author, the black community’s
athleticism? Was women’s
support of women’s sport rested with a
participation in sport unproblematic or
conceptualization and understanding of
did tensions erupt? If so, over what
femininity that did not necessarily see
specific issues did they arise and how
athleticism and womanhood as opposing
were these tensions reconciled? While
constructs. Thus, African American
this essay will not attempt to specifically
women’s opportunities and involvement
answer each of these questions, it is my
in competitive sport tended to be more
aim to situate my findings in the
extensive than white women’s
literature to date on African American
participation during the same period.
women’s sport history and African
Himes-Gissendanner’s work
ignited my curiosity and a desire to learn
more. As a result, the focus of my work
American women’s history more
broadly.
In recent years a number of
for the past several years has been on
historians, including Darlene Clark Hine
the athletic experiences—notably in
(1996), have noted the proliferation of
basketball—of women enrolled as
scholarship surrounding black women’s
students at historically black colleges
history. Until recently, women’s
and universities across the American
history, albeit incorrectly, meant white
South during the first half of the
women’s history. According to Hine,
twentieth century. While the number of
historical inquiry has moved beyond
college women at black institutions
attempts to categorize women’s history
remained a very small fraction of the
as monolithic. Rather, the standard
overall black female population
around which scholars subscribe and
19
aspire is to envision and reconstruct
around African American women’s
limitless numbers of histories. Each
history and African American women’s
history emerges given identity formation
sport history developed, both
based upon such factors as race, class,
descriptively and theoretically. My
region, and sexuality. Moreover, just as
research on women’s basketball at
it was incorrect to cast women’s history
nearly two dozen historically black
into a single frame, scholars note that
colleges and universities--including
the assumption that African American
nearly 40 oral histories, archival records,
women’s history can be identified or
and black press accounts--yields two
reduced to a single, homogenous
overarching, and at times interrelated,
experience must also be problematized
themes (Liberti, 1998). First, tensions
(Higginbotham, 1995; Gray White,
surrounding women’s participation in
1999; Hill Collins, 2000). Thus these
competitive sport did exist and were
more nuanced analyses allow for the
quite evident across the first half of the
complexities of people’s lives to
twentieth century. The multivocal
emerge, resulting narratives filled with
discourse underscores various
even more explanatory power.
conceptualizations of femininity that
Throughout the past decade the
existed in the black community, as well
research related to African American
as the ever-changing contours of those
women’s sport history reflected these
constructions (Liberti, 1999;
general shifts as well. Of late, the
2001/2002).
scholarship has moved in more
The second theme that became
sophisticated directions to better
apparent as I examined the primary
understand the richness of athletic
sources was the way in which
experiences of African American
community consciousness was nurtured
women, simultaneously adding to our
through the game of women’s
understanding of racial, class and gender
basketball. Various examples,
identity, among others (Cahn, 1994;
sometimes on or just beyond the
Himes-Gissendanner; 1996; Vertinsky
basketball court, underscore the
& Captain, 1998; Lansbury, 2001;
importance of community to African
Grundy, 2001).
Americans living in the Jim Crow
My own work began and came
to fruition as the body of knowledge
South. In other ways, community
consciousness was fostered in and
20
through the game itself. Each illustration
against other colleges, high schools, and
enables us to use the sport of basketball
community teams, sometimes traveling
to gain a deeper understanding of life in
hundreds of miles to take on the
the South for African Americans during
competition (Liberti, 1998).
the first half of the twentieth century.
Soon after the game of
The enthusiasm surrounding
female involvement in basketball
basketball was invented in 1891, the
stemmed at least in part from the
sport’s popularity was evident in black
perception among some African
communities across the southern United
Americans that athletic participation
States. Basketball was relatively
fostered the development of ideal
inexpensive to play and thus was
womanhood. Throughout much of the
economically more feasible as an
first half of the twentieth century, black
athletic offering than other activities that
women were called upon as
required more equipment and
homemakers, civic leaders, educators,
management of field space. Moreover,
and as active participants in church
the temperate southern climate made
related activities. As preparation for
basketball a year round outdoor activity.
these duties, traditional masculine
This was especially important to black
qualities such as strength and discipline
communities that were less likely than
were regarded with as much cultural
white institutions to have indoor athletic
value as the ability to be nurturing and
facilities in the early part of the
show compassion. For basketball
twentieth century (Liberti, 1998). By
proponents during this period, including
the 1920s, girls’ and women’s
Tuskegee Institute’s Amelia Roberts,
participation in basketball within black
sport’s place in this process of educating
communities and on black college
women to be community leaders and
campuses was either established or
work for the collective good of all
rapidly gaining in popularity (Cahn,
African Americans was clear. Roberts
1994; Liberti, 1998; Grundy, 2001).
(1927) argued, “Leadership, teamwork,
Despite meager financial resources,
and loyalty are developed from games,
black colleges and universities
especially group and competitive games.
supported women’s basketball through a
No other branch of the school
variety of strategies, from travel costs to
curriculum is so effective in doing this”
athletic scholarships. Teams competed
(p. 9).
21
Despite the generally supportive
support of women’s basketball did so
environment in which basketball for
because athletic participation
women was sustained, tensions existed
underscored those qualities deemed
surrounding the perceived compatibility
suitable and desirable in young black
of athleticism and femininity. Contrary
women. More than a matter of
to supporters who saw basketball as a
individual achievement, there is
complement to femininity, critics
evidence that some proponents invested
charged that basketball’s physical nature
energy and resources into women’s
threatened to corrupt the gendered
college basketball because it provided a
identities of female participants.
pathway through which community-
Throughout the period, some critics
consciousness was raised. A collective
based their discourse on the assumed
sense of will, determination, and pride
relationship between sport—especially
was fostered in and around the culture of
basketball—with masculinity. Baltimore
women’s college basketball in this
Afro American sport columnist Ivora
period (Cahn, 1994; Liberti, 1998;
(Ike) King’s comments embody this
Grundy, 2001). Historian Stephanie
notion that sport involvement served to
Shaw (1996) makes clear that the notion
not only de-feminize women, but
of community was not measured by a
masculinize them as well. According to
finite set of boundaries and borders, but
King (1932), “the girl who is too athletic
had far more significant and complex
is on the wrong track to becoming a
understanding for blacks living within a
wife” (p. 15). King’s statement reflects
profoundly racist culture during the first
the beliefs endorsed by those observers
half of the twentieth century. Shaw
of women’s basketball who feared that
argues that community was
the game risked the participants’
“[c]omposed dynamically of a diverse
gendered and sexual identities.
group of people, it was a social
Evidence of opposition to
institution or an arrangement of people
women’s involvement in basketball
who possessed a common understanding
exists throughout much of the first half
of history, mutual interests in the
of the twentieth century, yet the game’s
present, and shared visions of the future
advocates propelled the sport forward
for the group and all its members.” (p.
despite criticism. As noted, those
42).
college campuses and communities in
22
All students entering black
colleges and universities during this
period learned a variety of lessons about
academic scholarship on the topic that
much more vital.
The aim of my research, as
the relationship and importance of the
briefly detailed in this essay, has been to
bonds between individual achievement
use basketball as a lens through which to
and community well being. The college
explore larger cultural tensions and
settings into which these women
issues around gender and the ways in
entered, built and honed academic skills
which community functioned for and
as well as opportunities to develop
was understood by African Americans
leadership, discipline, perseverance, and
in the first half of the twentieth century.
self-assuredness. Such qualities were
Darlene Clark Hine (1996) notes that the
pre-requisites for black women’s
study of African American women’s
success as they entered an often
history offers up a unique angle for
unwelcoming world. Within the walls
scholars to illuminate the intersections
of the institution, presidents, faculty,
of race, class, and gender. Moreover, I
staff, and coaches set about to shape the
argue, it is crucial to underscore the
educational experiences of African
complexities and contradictions within
American women to eventually enrich,
the black community if we are to fully
enhance, and elevate the larger
understand racial oppression and the
communities in which they would live.
strategies employed to resist that
Sport was only one of the means, but an
oppression. The place of women’s
important one, by which school
basketball at historically black colleges
personnel molded future graduates
and universities during the first half of
(Liberti, 1998). The historian Glenda
the twentieth century provides us with
Gilmore (1996) writes that black women
an interesting vantage point to examine
who earned college degrees during this
this process.
period were “strong female soldiers for
the race” (p. 32). For some of these
women the strength to which Gilmore
speaks was the result of their
involvement in intercollegiate
basketball, making the continuation of
References
Cahn, S. (1994). Coming on Strong:
Gender and Sexuality in
Twentieth-Century Women’s
Sport. New York: The Free
Press.
Giddings, P. (1984). When and Where I
Enter: The Impact of Black
Women on Race and Sex in
23
America. New York: Bantam
Books.
Gilmore, G. (1996). Gender & Jim
Crow: Women and the Politics
of White Supremacy in North
Carolina, 1896-1920. Chapel
Hill: University of North
Carolina Press.
Gray White, D. (1999). Too Heavy a
Load: Black Women in Defense
of Themselves,
1894-1994. New York: W.W.
Norton & Company.
Grundy, P. (2001). Learning to Win:
Sports, Education, and Social
Change in Twentieth-Century
North Carolina. Chapel Hill:
University of North Carolina
Press.
Higginbotham, E. (1995). AfricanAmerican Women’s History and
the Metalanguage of Race. In
Darlene Clark Hine, et al (Eds.),
“We Specialize in the Wholly
Impossible”: A Reader in Black
Women’s History (pp. 3-24).
Brooklyn, NY: Carlson
Publishing.
Hill Collins, P. (2000). Black Feminist
Thought: Knowledge,
Consciousness, and thePolitics
of Empowerment. New York:
Routledge.
Himes-Gissendanner, C. (1994).
African American Women and
Competitive Sport, 1920-1960.
In Susan Birrell & Cheryl Cole
(Eds.), Women, Sport, &
Culture. (pp. 81-92)
Champaign, IL: Human
Kinetics.
Women Olympians: The Impact
of Race, Gender, and Class
Ideologies. Research Quarterly
for Exercise and Sport, 67, 172182.
Hine, D. (1996). Speak Truth to Power:
Black Professional Class in
United States History.
Brooklyn, NY: Carlson
Publishing.
King, I. (1932). Women in Sports.
Baltimore Afro-American, p. 15.
Lansbury, J. (2001). “The Tuskegee
Flash” and “the Slender Harlem
Stroker”: Black Women
Athletes on the Margin.
Journal of Sport History, 28(2),
233-252.
Liberti, R. (1998). “We were ladies, we
just played basketball like
boys”: A Study of Women’s
Basketball at Historically Black
Colleges and Universities in
North Carolina, 1925-1945
(Doctoral dissertation,
University of Iowa, 1998).
---------- (1999). “We were ladies, we
just played basketball like
boys”: African American
Womanhood and Competitive
Basketball at Bennett College,
1928-1942. Journal of Sport
History, 26(3), 567-584.
----------(2001/2002). Women’s Sport
History and Black Feminist
Theory. Womanist: Theory and
Research, 3.2/4.1, 45-50.
Roberts, A. (1927, March 12). Women
in Athletics. Chicago Defender,
p. 9.
---------- (1996). African American
Shaw, S. (1996). What a Woman Ought
24
to Be and to Do: Black
Professional Women Workers
During the Jim Crow Era.
Chicago: University of Chicago
Press.
Vertinsky, P. & Captain, G. (1998).
More Myth than History:
American Culture and
Representations of the Black
Female’s Athletic Ability.
Journal of Sport History,
25(3), 532-561.
‘White Chocolate,’ Black
Quarterbacks,Redskins, the
Three Rods (A-Rod, I-Rod, and J-Rod)
and Cablanasians: Examining Racial
Images in Sport
Maureen Smith
Department of Kinesiology
and Health Sciences
California State University Sacramento
Sacramento, California
Introduction
Sport has long been touted as a
site that celebrates hard work and
rewards merit. Often viewed as a level
25
playing field in a society that is steeped
have on society and aims to leave the
in institutional discrimination, sport
reader with more questions than
offers us tremendous opportunities to
answers. For example, “White Men
study the dynamics of race and
Can’t Jump,” a popular movie,
ethnicity. America’s playing fields are
perpetuated several stereotypes about
multicultural, and the diversity on the
white basketball players and their
playing field has not gone unnoticed by
inadequacies as athletes, especially
sport fans nationwide. Despite the
when compared to their African
growing number of ethnically diverse
American counterparts. Yet the
individuals participating in sport at all
nicknames assigned to white players in
levels, and despite the claims that sport
the NBA often refer to their skin color,
only discriminates against the less
such as Pale Rider, Thrilla in Vanilla,
talented, America is confronted with the
and White Chocolate. Despite all the
persistent reality that sport has been and
rhetoric that sport is one arena in
continues to reflect broader national
American society where skin color is
discussions and controversy surrounding
irrelevant, the identifying factor of these
issues of multiculturalism.
players is not related to their talent, but
This paper seeks to provide a
brief introduction to a number of racial
images in the world of sport, the
their appearance.
White Chocolate
The Sacramento Kings once had
questions that arise from such images,
a flashy point guard named Jason
and the implications of the images, and
Williams. Williams was often erratic,
related issues about sport and the larger
with his passes flying into the stands,
society. Sport can serve as a powerful
but fans loved him and his jersey soon
learning tool. Sport fans and
became a top seller for the NBA.
participants are consuming sport in large
Williams made an immediate
quantities and are strongly influenced by
contribution to the Kings and was soon
the dialogues and debates related to the
nicknamed, “White Chocolate.” The
players, fans, and the communities
name infers the absence of color, but the
where they reside. This paper aims to
presence of something far more valuable
provide the reader with a beginning
and special– flavor and soul. In a league
point to critically understand the
dominated by African Americans—the
powerful impact racial images in sport
NBA is over 80% black—Williams’s
26
talent was unexpected, and brilliant.
false (just as the stereotypes of African
The question worth asking is why would
American players are also untrue). It
he be called “White Chocolate?” The
also allows one to consider the impact of
media relations employee who began
a society that tells both white and black
calling him “White Chocolate”
players which sports they should and
explained that Williams played like
should not be playing. Having white
playground players she had seen in
players in the NBA is important – at
Chicago, all African American.
least to the fans. One student once
When I approach students with
explained that Williams being white was
the question: “Why White Chocolate?
like the cherry on top of the sundae.
What does it mean?” I am met with
The fact that he could play was great; it
silence and then someone will mutter,
was the sundae. That he was white and
“He plays like he’s black.” What does it
the student could see himself in
mean to play like you’re black?
Williams was the cherry; that made the
Watching the NBA, players like David
sundae even sweeter.
Robinson, Shaquille O’Neal, Chris
Another question we might
Webber, and Jerry Stackhouse, all
consider asking is “What makes
African Americans, all exhibit different
chocolate white?” Several players, such
skills and talents. So, how does one
as Jason Kidd or Mike Bibby, are the
define “playing like he’s black?” This
products of mixed marriages and
consequently leads to a discussion of
standing next to Williams may not be
stereotypes of African American and
darker in skin tone. But both Kidd and
white athletes. Black players are viewed
Bibby have been identified as African
as exhibiting “natural talent” while
American players. The overriding
playing a “playground style” of
factor in determining the ethnic identity
basketball with highly entertaining
of athletes is the visual method
dunks and no-look passes, while their
employed by sport fans and the majority
white counterparts are described as
of Americans: “I see your skin color
lacking quickness but playing with
and that provides me with the
intelligence.
information I need to know so I can
Clearly the recent influx of
white Europeans reveals that many of
the shortcomings assigned to whites are
label you.”
Latino athletes have often been
viewed as African American, and are
27
therefore labeled with the requisite
a full-time quarterback, but his struggles
stereotypes. It has long been a pattern
in the positions were often posited as a
for the sports world to break race into
discussion around black quarterbacks,
two dichotomies – Black and White,
rather than the difficulties college
with little regard for the other ethnic
players have adjusting to the
groups that participate, or for those
professional game.
athletes who are multiracial.1
Black Quarterbacks
One of the frequently asked
Heisman winner Charlie Ward
never quarterbacked in the NFL, opting
to play in the NBA because of the lack
questions in sport has been “Where are
of opportunity he found in football. The
the black quarterbacks?” While their
agility and skills exhibited by Michael
numbers in the professional ranks
Vick and Daunte Culpepper have shown
continue to grow, they are still plagued
fans and players alike that the
by age-old stereotypes about their ability
quarterback position is being redefined
to lead and think quickly. Stacking, the
by the players who play the position.
practice of assigning players to certain
Asking the question about black
central and non-central positions based
quarterbacks is worthy because it
on race, continues to exist on the
affirms the hierarchy in sport that is so
football field (as well as the baseball
prevalent. Not only is sport reduced to
field). As more black quarterbacks play
black and white, but professional sport
at the professional level, the discussion
becomes the template.
about the necessary skills needed at the
position has changed somewhat.
Instead of focusing on the
However, the black quarterback
is playing Pop Warner, high school, and
college football. A better question
ability of the passer to step back in the
might be “Where is the Latino
pocket, the black quarterback has
quarterback?” or “Where is the Asian
introduced the running game and
quarterback?” Again, while society has
athleticism to the position. Kordell
profoundly shaped the sporting choices
Stewart was nicknamed “Slash” during
of many participants based on
his first years with the Pittsburgh
expectations of performance due to their
Steelers because he was playing several
race and ethnicity, many young athletes
positions, despite being a college
of all ethnic groups can be found
quarterback. Ultimately Stewart became
playing quarterback. The Asian
28
quarterback is in the California high
tomahawk wielding, face painted,
school. The Latino quarterback is
dancing warrior. Part of the problem
leading his Texas high school team
may be a lack of knowledge about
down the field. Admittedly,
Native American culture, as well as a
professional sport coaches and
concerted effort to ignore the role
owners—almost all white in football—
played by the United States in the
play a role in the perpetuation of these
annihilation of Native American culture.
stereotypes, although the successful
Excellent cartoons provide us with a
performances of athletes of color raise
humorous approach to the issue while
questions about practices such as
maintaining opposition to the use of
stacking.2
Native Americans as mascots.
Redskins
Perhaps the racial image in
Cartoons often place the big
grin of Chief Wahoo, the mascot of the
American sport most worthy of critical
Cleveland Indians, onto images of other
examination is that of the Native
ethnicities. A poster shows the grinning
American and the practice of using
mascots of the proposed Cleveland
Native American images as team
Asians, Hispanics, and Blacks. Playing
mascots. The continued use of Native
on the stereotypes of these groups, the
American mascots is defended and
Cleveland Hispanics show their mascot
celebrated, with those who oppose the
with a sombrero, and the Black mascot
use of mascots being criticized for being
wearing an afro holding a large comb
too sensitive. Tomahawk chopping
stuck in it. Despite the use of such
Florida State Seminole and Atlanta
images, most individuals would agree
Braves fans, the Kansas City Chiefs, the
that the fan reaction, let alone national
Washington Redskins, and hundreds of
reaction, to the use of such mascots as
high schools nationwide defend their use
the New Jersey Jews would not be
of Native American mascots as a way of
positive.
honoring Native American culture.
Critics argue that schools should
In one of the more poignant
cartoons, the Cleveland Indians mascot
actually teach about Native American
is replaced with “Wahoo Christ,” with
culture in the classroom instead of
the requisite bobblehead of a big
perpetuating stereotypes about their
grinning Jesus and communion wafers
culture from a feather wearing,
pelting the field by their loyal fans
29
carrying crucifixes and wearing face
paint. While some may be offended by
Cablanasians
Cablanasian is the term used by
the cartoon portrayal of Christianity, the
Tiger Woods to identify his ethnicity. It
cartoon accurately points out the
refers to his Caucasian, black, Native
hypocrisy of American society.
3
The Three Rods
The three “Rods” referred to in
American, and Thai heritage. Still,
reading the sports pages one would
expect Woods to be the first African
the title are A-Rod, Alex Rodriguez of
American to win this golf tournament,
the Texas Rangers, his teammate I-Rod,
or the first African American to sign this
Ivan Rodriguez, and J-Rod, Jennifer
endorsement deal. Why do we not read
Rodriguez, the first Cuban-American
“Tiger Woods, the first Cablanasian…”
speed skating medal winner at the Salt
or even “Tiger Woods, the first
Lake City Winter Olympic Games. Last
Asian…”? Will we one day move
year’s World Series introduced us to K-
beyond chronicling the achievements of
Rod, the strike throwing pitcher Frankie
the first to win this, or the first to do
Rodriguez of the Anaheim Angels.
that? Will we move beyond labeling
The use of “Rod” as a nickname
athletes in the way that we see them
is an effective means of ignoring the
visually, even when they indicate how
clearly Latino “Rodriguez,” thus aiding
they view themselves? Tagging Woods
in the reduction of sport to Black and
as a black golfer helps to continue the
White, essentially ignoring the Latino
dialogue on blacks and whites in sport.
presence in sport. While skin color is
Whom does that conversation serve?4
one visual clue used to determine one’s
Conclusions
identity, a last name is equally telling, in
As our nation struggles to
that it is not always an accurate means
confront and dialogue about race and
of assessing one’s identity. Recently
ethnicity—and we are struggling– sport
Latinos surpassed African Americans in
is no longer immune to examination and
the population and established
analysis.6 Many of the issues discussed
themselves as the largest minority group
relate directly to individuals who work
in the United States. Their presence in
in the media.
sport is worthy of acknowledgment and
celebration.
Media debate the style of black
quarterbacks, applaud the smart play of
a white point guard, tomahawk chop
30
when the Braves hit a home run, tag an
athlete with a ethnic nickname, and refer
to Tiger Woods as “the first African
American…” – race and ethnicity are
still the categories used by the media to
help dissect the performances of
athletes. Fans and non-fans consume
such messages and, taking sport much
less seriously than other societal issues
(the issues are not taken seriously, the
outcomes are), mimic the media.
Important questions remain. What
impact do these stereotypes have on fan
consumption of sport and the meanings
they attach to sport? What is the
relationship between what sport fans
believe about racial groups in sport and
society? What effects do racial images
in sport have on larger society? Or – did
these stereotypes start in society and
cross into sport? If sport is to be used as
a vehicle for social transformation,
where are we headed regarding race and
ethnicity in sport? And…who is sitting
in the driver’s seat?
1
For more on Jason Williams, see Steve
Adamek, “Kings’ Williams Putting On
Magic Show,” 25 March 1999; Mark
Heisler, “Hail to the King: Jason Williams
Went From Troubled College Player to
Human Highlight Film in NBA,” Los
Angeles Times, 26 March 1999; Scoop
Jackson, “Three on Three: Jason Williams,”
SLAM, Issue 35; “Kings’ Rookie Dishes Out
Razzle-Dazzle,” 16 March 1999; Mark
Kreidler, “Court of Last Resort? Kings
Hope Williams’ Sole Focus on Pro Ball Will
be his Salvation,” Sacramento Bee, 15
November 1998; Ivan Maisel, “Jason
Williams: Florida’s flashy point guard
knows no limitations but is acknowledging
others,” Sports Illustrated, 23 February
1998, p. 112; Martin McNeal, “Williams
Shows He’s ‘Got Soul’,” Sacramento Bee,
25 January 1999; Glenn Nelson, “Williams’
Wizardry Keeps Kings Up-Tempo,” Seattle
Times; Phil Taylor, “Pass Master: In Jason
Williams, the Surprising Sacramento Kings
have landed a rookie playmaker whose
legerdemain is fast becoming legend,”
Sports Illustrated, 22 February 1999, p. 50+;
Mike Triplett, “Williams has turned the
Kings into must-see TV,” Sacramento Bee,
7 May 1999, p. D7; “White Chocolate Has
Kings’ Fans Drooling,” 6 March 1999;
“Williams Becoming King of the Court,” 16
March 1999; Mike Wise, “His Game, and
Name, Create Stir; Jason (White Chocolate)
Williams Sets Off Debate on Stereotypes,”
New York Times, 27 April 1999, p. A26.
Also see Mike Wise, “Politics of Color,
Issue of Style,” New York Times, 27 April
1999, p. A26.
For more readings on the study of whiteness,
see Michael W. Apple, Consuming the
Other: Whiteness, Education, and Cheap
French Fries,” in Off White: Readings on
Race, Power, and Societ , edited by
Michelle Fine, Lois Weis, Linda C. Powell,
and L. Mun Wong (New York: Routledge,
1997); Robert T. Carter, “Is White a Race?
Expressions of White Racial Identity,” in
Off White: Readings on Race, Power, and
Society, edited by Michelle Fine, Lois Weis,
Linda C. Powell, and L. Mun Wong (New
York: Routledge, 1997); Ruth Frankenberg,
White Women, Race Matters: The Social
Construction of Whiteness (Minneapolis:
University of Minnesota, 1993); Jack Foley,
“Multiculturalism and the Media,” in
Multicultural America: Essays on Cultural
Wars and Cultural Peace, edited by Ishmael
Reed (New York: Viking, 1997); Robert
Elliot Fox, “Becoming Post-White,” in
Multicultural America: Essays on Cultural
Wars and Cultural Peace, edited by Ishmael
Reed (New York: Viking, 1997); George
Lipsitz, The Possessive Investment in
Whiteness: How White People Profit from
Identity Politics (Philadelphia: Temple
University Press, 1998); Ann Phoenix, “‘I’m
31
White! So What?’ The Construction of
Whiteness for Young Londoners,” in Off
White: Readings on Race, Power, and
Society, edited by Michelle Fine, Lois Weis,
Linda C. Powell, and L. Mun Wong (New
York: Routledge, 1997); Corinne Squire,
“Who’s White? Television talk Shows and
Representations of Whiteness,” in Off
White: Readings on Race, Power, and
Society, edited by Michelle Fine, Lois Weis,
Linda C. Powell, and L. Mun Wong (New
York: Routledge, 1997), p. 243; Howard
Winant, “Behind Blue Eyes: Whiteness and
Contemporary U.S. Racial Politics,” in Off
White: Readings on Race, Power, and
Society, edited by Michelle Fine, Lois Weis,
Linda C. Powell, and L. Mun Wong (New
York: Routledge, 1997).
For more on Whiteness and sport, see S.L.
Price, “Is it in the Genes?” Sports
Illustrated, 8 December 1997, 53-55; S.L.
Price, “What Ever Happened to the White
Athlete?” Sports Illustrated, 8 December
1997, 31-51.
2
For more on the historical stereotypes of
Black athletes, see Martin Kane, “An
Assessment of ‘Black is Best,’” Sports
Illustrated, 1971 January 18, p. 72. Also see
Jack Olsen’s five part series on the Black
Athlete; Olsen, “The Black Athlete - A
Shameful Story,” Sports Illustrated, July 1,
1968, 15-27; Olsen, “Pride and Prejudice,”
Sports Illustrated, July 8, 1968, 18-31;
Olsen, “In an Alien World,” Sports
Illustrated, July 15, 1968, 28-43; Olsen, “In
the Back of the Bus,” Sports Illustrated, July
22, 1968, 28-41; Olsen, “The Anguish of a
Team Divided,” Sports Illustrated, July 29,
1968, 20-25. The magazine reexamined the
issue in the 1990’s. See “The Black Athlete
Revisited: How far have we come,” Sports
Illustrated, (August 1991): 38-65. Other
works that provide a background: Dana
Brooks and Ronald Althouse, eds., Racism
in College Athletics: The African-American
Athletes’ Experience (Morgantown, WV:
Fitness Information Technology, 1999); Jon
Entine, Taboo: Why Black Athletes
Dominate Sports and Why We’re Afraid to
Talk About It (New York: Public Affairs,
2000); John Hoberman, Darwin’s Athletes:
How Sport has Damaged Black America and
Preserved the Myth of Race (Boston:
Houghton Mifflin, 1997); C.R. King and C.
F. Springwood, Beyond the Cheers: Race
and Spectacle in College Sport (Albany:
SUNY Press, 2001); Gary Sailes, ed.,
African Americans in Sport (New
Brunswick, NJ: Transaction, 1998).
3
For more on the issue, see King and
Springwood, Beyond the Cheers (2001), and
C. R. King and C. F. Springwood, Team
Spirits: The Native American Mascot
Controversy (Lincoln: Bison Books and
University of Nebraska Press, 2001). For
cartoons, see http://aistm.org/cartoons.htm.
For the Wahoo Christ cartoon, go to
http://www.derfcity.com/o/wahoochrist.html
.
4
Larry Dorman, “’We’ll Be Right Back,
After This Hip and Distorted Commercial
Break,’” New York Times, September 1,
1996; Frederick C. Klein, “Tiger Masters
Masters,” Wall Street Journal, April 15,
1997. A year earlier, Tiger Woods stated,
“The critical and fundamental point is that
ethnic background and/or composition
should not make a difference. It does not
make a difference to me. The bottom line is
that I am American…and proud of it!” Also
see “Tiger Woods’s Triumph,” Washington
Post, April 15, 1997, A18; and Richard E.
Lapchick, “Lessons of Tiger Woods Will
Not Be Easy Ones,” New York Times, May
18, 1997, S9. Just as Lapchick hoped golf
would be more accessible to African
Americans, he lamented that the same was
said about tennis when Arthur Ashe had
won Wimbledon, but no such long lasting
effect occurred. Similarly, when black
hockey goalie Grant Fuhr entered the NHL
and won five Stanley Cup titles with the
Edmonton Oilers, no media blitz highlighted
the lone black player in the NHL. See
Charles Krauthammer, “Why We Admire
Tiger Woods…” Washington Post, April 18,
1997. Reporter Thomas Bonk assessed
Woods’ impact on blacks, saying, “In this
country, he’s quite clearly black. And I
have no doubt that he is now able to
generate a great deal of interest among
young blacks, plus probably start a lot of
black kids hitting golf balls for the first
time;” John Merchant, CEO of National
Minority Golf Association, predicted that by
the time Woods was 30 years-old, the
awareness of black kids about golf would
have possibly quadrupled; see Thomas
32
Bonk, “The Driving Force of Tiger Woods,”
Los Angeles Times, August 29, 1996.
Swimming is another sport that has
traditionally remained very white. Research
shows that “Blacks drown at almost twice
the rate of whites and represent only 1% of
the country’s competitive swimmers, but
‘not because African Americans can’t
swim.’” The disparity is “due to a lack of
opportunity and training. Sociological
factors are the main reason why a smaller
proportion of blacks can swim.” Such
factors include the “availability of pools,”
“expensive facilities,” and “having the ways
and means to get to swim meets and pay for
entry fees to compete.” Additionally,
swimming has no “revenue-producing
appeal,” making it hard to compete with
money sports, like football and basketball.
Minorities represent “just one percent of
250,000” American children, ages 5 to 17,
who compete in swimming. One minority
has made the US Olympic swim team. See
Carol Krucoff, “Drowning Myths,”
Washington Post, May 28, 1996. Also see
Jere Longman, “Splashing Toward a
Historic First,” New York Times, March 10,
1996, S6; Longman reports that:
“Swimming has historically been a sport of
white middle-class suburbia, while blacks
have been bound in an undertow of
prejudice and inopportunity.” At the 1996
Olympic Trials, there were 7 black
swimmers out of 455 and 2 black coaches
out of more than 100.
“Barbed Wire Athletes: The Sporting
Practices of Japanese-American
Internees During World War II”
Michael Mott
Graduate Student, Department of
History, San Francisco State University
mpmott@yahoo.com
Sport historians have aligned
themselves with the broader interests of
immigration historians as they attempt
to uncover how immigration affects an
understanding of the sporting practices
of the United States, and how sport has
33
served to both include and exclude
articulation of ethnic pride and identity.
people and cultures from participating in
Scholars such as Samuel O. Regalado
the American experience. In order to
have utilized this type of methodology
understand the historical intersection of
to understand how, throughout the first
sport, race, and ethnicity in the United
half of the twentieth century, Japanese
States, sport historians tend to rely on
American ballplayers took an active role
three sociological models: Anglo-
in their assimilation into the dominant
conformity, the melting pot, and
culture by finding room for their own
structural pluralism (Kirsch, 2000).
unique expression of ethnic diversity
Sports’ assimilating tendencies have
(Regalado, 1992).
been stressed by those sport historians
This essay utilizes a structural
concerned with the processes by which
pluralist approach to examine how the
immigrants and outside groups learn the
Japanese-American sporting experience,
dominant American culture through
especially concerning baseball during
conformity to an Anglo-model or
World War II internment, served a dual
through adherence to the concept of “the
purpose. Forces of “Americanization”
melting pot.” For example, when
combined with active expressions of
examining the sporting practices of
cultural pride and identity to serve as a
Japanese American internees during
coping mechanism for dealing with the
World War II, such historians are
unique experience of an imprisoned
interested in how a sport like baseball
citizenry and as a bridge to close the
assimilates Japanese American
generation gap between the first
ballplayers. These historians look at
generation Issei and their children, the
how sport “Americanizes” immigrants
Nisei. This investigation centers on the
and ethnic groups by inducing cultural
sports sections of internment camp
submission at the expense of their own
newspapers to elucidate central
traditional values and beliefs. In
processes of American history involving
response, many sport historians have
politics, race, and ethnicity.
taken a structural pluralist approach to
Furthermore, it provides a window
the subject, focusing on cultural
through which we can examine the
diversity and sport, and how modern
fluidity of meanings tied to ethnic and
American sport encourages conformity
national identity and how these
while still allowing ample room for the
meanings can change to fit the needs of
34
people living in the direst of
Americans into assembly centers, from
circumstances.
which the Wartime Civil Control
The internment of over 110, 000
Administration (WCCA) would direct
Japanese Americans did not occur as a
the detainees into the permanent
simple reaction to the attack on Pearl
residencies of internment camps
Harbor. Instead, Japanese American
(Daniels, 1988). Japanese-Americans
internment was part of a much broader
had no choice but to comply with these
xenophobia dating back to the mid-
orders.
nineteenth century. Although President
Internment life was difficult for
Franklin Roosevelt’s Executive Order
all Japanese-Americans involved. But
9066 during February 1942 directed the
for the Issei, internment was especially
removal of enemy aliens (ie. Japanese-
devastating. The WRA and the WCCA
Americans) to prescribed military areas,
destroyed the patriarchal authority of the
anti-Asian public sentiment in the
Issei and the backbone of family life by
United States existed since the 1850’s.
relegating a very large majority of
This xenophobia can be found in such
internment camp legislative power to the
legislation as the 1882 Chinese
Nisei. This broke a line of continuity
Exclusion Acts, the 1907 Gentlemen’s
between the first and second
Agreement, and the 1924 National
generations. Initially, this line was
Origin Act (Wrynn, 1994). The
broken in sports as well. At first, WRA
bombing of Pearl Harbor on December
and WCCA authorities denied the Issei
7, 1941 only solidified an already strong
participation opportunities in the
anti-Japanese public sentiment.
Japanese traditional recreations of judo
In mid-March of 1942, two
and sumo, for they were believed to
additional pieces of legislation would
indoctrinate Japanese nationalism
mandate the ultimate restriction of
(Mullan, 1999). But, as the Nisei gained
Japanese immigrant rights for both the
more and more autonomous control over
Issei and their citizen children, the
the camps’ sporting and recreational
Nisei. Executive Order 9102
possibilities, the Issei demanded more
established the War Relocation
participation and the second generation
Authority (WRA) and defined the
conceded. Judo and sumo tournaments
functions and principles behind
commenced throughout the ten camps
immediate placement of Japanese-
west of the Mississippi (Sumita, 1943).
35
From there, Grandpa Leagues and Old
American practice of American sport
Timers’ Leagues in softball, basketball,
also helped to provide the Nisei with
and football started appearing, with
role models for future integration into
teams such as the Nine Old Men, the
the dominant society. In August of
Anita Oldsters, and the King’s Row
1943, the Rohwer Outpost internment
gaining popularity. These Issei leagues
newspaper received a letter from Branch
became so popular and well known that
Rickey, Jr., the director of the Brooklyn
white barnstorming teams made
Dodgers’ minor league farm system,
appearances to challenge the dominance
stating that a tryout camp for young
of Issei teams. For instance, in 1942, a
baseball players would be held at a
white female softball team from Los
baseball park in Ogden, Utah. In this
Angeles, calling themselves the
letter, Rickey stated that the ethnicity of
Invaders, challenged a male Issei team
ballplayers would not limit an athlete’s
from the Manzanar Relocation Center.
opportunity to participate in the tryouts,
The “Invaders” lost by the score of eight
as Nisei baseball players were
to three (Yatsushiro, 1943). Although it
“American boys…good enough for the
becomes difficult to ascertain the effect
Brooklyn ball club” (Ioka, 1943). Given
that these Issei leagues had on family
such an opportunity, Ichi Hashimoto of
life off the field, the degree of Issei sport
the Central Utah Relocation Center tried
autonomy and participation throughout
out with future Hall of Famer George
the camps and centers seems to have had
Sisler in early October of 1943.
an important therapeutic effect for the
Although he never made the team,
Issei and their relations with the Nisei.
Hashimoto must have served as a type
As a Minidoka Irrigator newspaper
of role model for other Nisei ballplayers
column reads, “Anytime you can’t find
as the doors seemed to open a little for
your ‘pop,’ just go out to the baseball
the Japanese-Americans who desired to
field…Old man baseball reigns supreme
play ball in the white Major Leagues
among our dads and has helped make
(Mano, 1943). With these types of role
life…pleasant for him” (Jawn, 1943).
models, Nisei ballplayers could hone
Not only did this passion for
their skills in the camps with the hope
American sport serve as a morale
that, in the near future, they would play
booster and generational bridge for
a significant role in a larger world of
Japanese Americans, the Japanese-
American society and sport.
36
Despite strong links to an
1943). In addition, at the Granada
immigrant past, Nisei reporters for
Relocation Center in southwestern
several internment newspapers
Colorado, the Fourth of July celebration
attempted to use sport and athletics from
for 1944 consisted of a banner athletic
the onset of camp life as a way to
event where the best internee baseball
indoctrinate the internees with the
players would take part in an all-star
dominant ideals of American culture.
game pitting the American League
An internment newspaper from the
against the National League, all of
Fresno Assembly Center, the Grapevine,
which displayed the appropriation of
ran an article on the fourth of July that
American sport symbols (Tsuruta,
supported this position on acculturation
1944). One of these, the American flag,
and athletics, insisting that the “good old
is arguably the nation’s most powerful
American sport” of baseball shall “be a
and meaningful symbol. Not only did
common ground on which to meet all
these flags fly during internee athletic
Americans” (Yatsushiro, 1942, p. 2).
events, but Nisei sport editors pasted
The sports articles, pictures, and box
these symbols of virtue all over the
scores from several internment
printed page.
newspapers also exemplify how
Yet, as the internees embraced
American symbols combined with
American sports and their inherent
American athletics to serve similar
American symbolism, many athletes still
functions. Taking team names from
found room for unique expressions of
their professional American
traditional cultural and ethnic pride and
counterparts, Packers, Bears, Red Sox,
identity. For example, the Tule Lake
Cubs, and Yankees played football,
Relocation Center’s Nippons and
basketball, baseball, and softball in
Showas played baseball in the Taiheiyo
fields and parks with American titles,
and Taiseiyo Leagues. Nisei and Issei
such as Manzanar’s Wrigley Field and
groups also chose Japanese names such
Poston’s Yankee Stadium. Donning the
as Hinodes, Kasei, Asahis, Roku III,
names of their favorite American sport
Yogores, Lil’ Yokums, and Shinkos to
heroes, players like Carl “Hubble”
represent their sport teams, while a
Hanaoka, “Pepper Martin” Ishigaki, and
basketball team in Poston Relocation
other “local Babe Ruths” became
Center’s elite league referred to
prominent figures in camp life (Tajiri,
themselves as Lil’ Tokio. At the
37
opposite spectrum of athletic prowess,
festivities on the baseball fields
the Sepol Sakuras of the Granada
(Kunitomi, 1944). Taken as a whole,
Relocation Center were so used to
proceedings such as these are important
losing baseball games that they started
to get a better picture of assimilation,
referring to themselves as the “diamond
resistance, and identity. Coupled with
harakiris” (Yoshida, 1944, p. 8).
the adoption of Japanese team names as
More noteworthy examples of
a demonstration of ethnic identity, these
how these Japanese-American athletes
events shed an important light on the
resisted acculturation are difficult to find
sporting practice of the Japanese-
in the available internment newspapers
American internees. Despite the
due to the fact that WRA authorities
detainees’ acceptance of American
oversaw all production stages of
sport’s assimilating tendencies, Nisei
publication. However, the Colorado
and Issei still maintained a degree of
Times was a type of internment
cultural autonomy in the realm of sport.
newspaper that fell out of the
Unwilling to succumb to complete
jurisdiction of WRA authorities. In May
“Americanization,” Japanese-American
1944, the paper ran an article
athletes chose, instead, to play an active
demonstrating how the Nisei utilized
role in creating an identity that
sport as an active means to protest what
celebrated their ethnic and cultural
some considered the American
pride. By doing so, both
dominance of Japanese culture. For the
“Americanization” and maintenance of
inauguration of the 1944 baseball season
an immigrant heritage served one of the
at the Tule Lake Relocation Center in
most important possible functions: to
northeastern California, the internees
acquire the will to endure a four-year
celebrated in grand fashion. Attesting to
jail sentence in a prison within one’s
the fact that Japanese Americans were
own country.
not simply passive beings in an
Internment officially ended in
environment of pro-American and anti-
January of 1945. As thousands upon
Japanese sentiment, the celebrations
thousands of Japanese Americans began
consisted of a weekend long birthday
filing out of the camps and into their
party for the emperor of Japan, and were
new residencies, many Japanese
so popular that over 17,000 residents of
American athletes continued to
the camp were present for the birthday
participate in American sports in new
38
communities. One Nisei, George Kita,
refused to wait passively for
was even successful in breaking down
redemption.
the walls of segregation that
characterized a large majority of
mainstream American athletics, as he
became the first Nisei to sign a contract
with a professional football team in the
latter half of 1945 (Kimoto, 1945). His
example serves as a testament to the
sporting tradition of the Japanese
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Chinese and Japanese in the
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Seattle: University of
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Ioka, Elmer. (1943, August 27).
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Jawn. (1943, September 11). Through
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Kunitomi, Jack. (1944, May 6).
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Santa Anita Pacemaker, p. 12.
Yoshida, Roy. (1944, June 10). Johnnie
Presents. Granada Pioneer,
p.
Reconstructing Masculinity and
Heterosexuality in an Age of Decreased
Homophobia
Eric Anderson
University of California, Irvine
This ethnographic study uses a
three-level theoretical/methodological
framework to analyze cheerleading from
institutional, interactional, and gendered
40
perspectives in order to see how
currently involved in the sport of
masculine heterosexual identity is being
cheerleading. For various socio-
constructed in an era of decreasing
economic and cultural reasons, my
homophobia. To do this, I examine
sample was necessarily limited to
former high school and college football
middle and upper class white men.
players who chose to become
Prior to becoming cheerleaders,
cheerleaders when they were no longer
most of the heterosexual men in this
able to make their teams. I look to
study embodied hegemonic masculinity.
cheerleading as a gendered physical
They were strong, white, attractive
activity with cultural stereotypes of
football players who normally
femininity. Thus, I examine how these
ostracized male cheerleaders as gay, and
actors negotiate with cultural
devalued homosexuality in general. As
stereotypes of homosexuality as male
contact team-sport athletes, they
cheerleaders in the production of their
benefited from a culture of assumed
own gendered and sexual identities. I
heterosexuality and were publicly
use grounded theory (Corbin & Strauss,
esteemed for their heterosexual
1990; Glaser & Strauss, 1967) as a way
physicality. Failing to make their
of generating theory from qualitative
college football teams, however, quickly
data, as grounded theory has been
severs them from hegemonic power, and
described as ethnographic research best
they fall out of public view. Their
suited toward analyzing the relationship
sudden disengagement from sport
between hegemonic process and the
contrasts with their self-identity as the
social realities created by human actors
masculine ideal type, and they desire to
(Dilorio 1989).
regain the power and privilege of team
I logged hundreds of hours of
sports. They romanticize their football
participant—observation by following
days, symbolically identify as football
individuals and teams throughout the
players, and proudly proclaim their
country. I transcribed 25 in-depth
allegiance to their former sport. But
interviews, 37 focused interviews, and
because of the demands of sport
12 group interviews lasting 60-120
specificity, there are few college athletic
minutes, and hundreds of pages of
teams they are capable of making.
observation notes. All of the informants
Unable to make just about any other
in this study were college athletes
team, cheerleading becomes an
41
attractive option. Thus, they accept
They find the atmosphere of
invitations to try out for the team; but
cheerleading conducive to liberal
the transition from football player to
conversations about sex and gender—
cheerleader is not without problems.
the kind of conversations they were
Entering feminized space is a
unable to have in a homosocial,
considerable risk for men whose
ostensibly heterosexual (and
behavior once epitomized a masculine
homophobic) culture such as football.
arena. By transgressing gender norms,
These conversations help change their
these heterosexual men subject their
attitudes. Dan said:
masculine status to the same
Oh yeah, you learn not to be
homophobic real quick. I mean you
can’t be. Inevitably you’re going to
have some gay guy on your team.
Besides, the women in cheer would
never stand for that.
suspicion/oppression they may once
have levied upon other marginalized
men, and their heterosexuality is almost
always suspect because cheerleading is
culturally determined feminine space.
Heterosexual male cheerleaders justify
their transgression via a reproduced
doctrine that attempts to maintain their
heterosexual identity. It is reasoned that
these cheerleaders are so hyperheterosexual they are willing to subject
themselves to homosexual stigma in
search of heterosexual pursuits.
But these men seemed to
quickly grow addicted to cheerleading.
They proclaimed great physical
euphoria from “holding a girl above my
head” or doing a standing back tuck.
They frequently talked about their
enjoyment of being on a co-ed team,
praising the sport for having helped
them grow closer to, and better
understand both women and gay men.
As they grow closer to gay men,
they begin to understand that world, and
gay sex becomes demystified. As they
grow closer to women, they often
become desexualized “sisters”; or
(particularly if rejected) sexualized, but
unavailable “bitches.” One coach said:
Oh yeah, they become like family. I
mean they spend so much time together,
they change in the same locker rooms
sometimes, and they just get real
comfortable with bodily issues. They
truly just become like family.
It is perhaps this nexus of
factors and experiences that set these
once hegemonically masculine men
upon the course of reconstructing what
it means to be masculine. First, there is
a substantial risk to their own masculine
identity if they do not reformulate what
it means to be masculine. Effectively, if
42
they don’t say, “I was wrong about men
drop” rule of homosexuality, which
who cheer,” then by their older
maintained that if a man had one drop of
(orthodox) conceptions of masculinity
gay desire or behavior in him, he must
as football players, they would have to
be all-gay (Connell, 1995). There are
conclude that they are now less
many factors that lead to the
masculine and gay. They are, after all,
reformulation of heterosexuality to
doing the same sissy stuff for which
include same sex desires and/or sex with
they had previously criticized other
women in a homosexual context (by the
men.
presence of multiple men), if not with
When confronted with being
effeminized or proclaiming their older
another man directly.
First, they have already
notions of masculinity wrong, changing
understood that same-sex experiences
their views on masculinity seems the
will not disqualify them from
obvious choice. Secondly, if holding a
masculinity, thus they exist in a safer
girl above your head and doing back
space to explore sexual interactions
flips is now constructed as masculine
with, or in the vicinity of other men.
behavior, then the gay men on their
Furthermore, the presence of gay men
squad, who do exactly what they do
and heterosexual women has given these
(and frequently better), must also be
men the opportunity to listen to the
doing masculinity. In such a manner,
sexual frameworks of two other types of
many of the old tenets of orthodox
people as they frequently engage in
masculinity are redefined, but most
conversations with them about sex.
significantly, their new definition
Some of the athletes justify their
welcomes gay men into masculine
same-sex experiences only as a by-
terrain. One athlete said,
product of searching for a heterosexual
Oh gay men can be masculine. And I
have no problems with gay men, hell
our coach is gay; but I just don’t
understand why some have to prance
around like little girls. Being masculine
isn’t about whom you sleep with; it’s
about how you act.
experience, in which gay sex is termed
Men who cheer have begun to
reconstruct and expand the definition of
appropriate because it is bartered for “a
good cause,” while others simply cast
off any notion that it represents a threat
to heterosexual identity at all. For
whatever the reasons, the majority of
male cheerleaders feel that one can
heterosexuality, removing the one “one
43
engage in same-sex sex, while
maintaining a heterosexual identity.
In other words, these men have
Indeed cultural homophobia has
been rapid declining in the past ten or
fifteen years (Loftus, 2001). I suggest
learned to differentiate between sexual
that one effect of decreasing
identity and sexual behavior. They have
homophobia may be a changing
learned that they can be masculine and
definition of masculinity. I am not
heterosexual while having sex with, or
saying that gender is less important, but
around, other men, dropping the “one
I am saying that while it is still
drop rule.” As such, they refute
important for heterosexual men to be
orthodox understandings of homosexual
thought of as heterosexual, increasingly
stigma in America that rationalized both
so they are allowed to express a greater
practice and identity as the same.
range of gender within those masculine
So whereas the most obvious
boundaries. To support my contention,
results of this research show that highly
one needs to look no further than
masculinized, heterosexual men are
another bastion of American
capable of undoing years of
masculinity.
homophobic socialization in a rather
The United States military
short period of time, the most significant
policy of “don’t ask, don’t’ tell”
product of this research is that it has
effectively allows gays to serve in the
captured a historical shift in the
armed forces as long as they hide their
understanding of sex and gender norms
sexual orientation. Putting arguments of
in contemporary U.S. culture.
equality aside, the policy implicitly
I argue that our gender system is
states that gay men are capable of being
largely and uniquely predicated upon
masculine. While I am not suggesting
homophobia, as homophobia serves as
that the falling rates of homophobia are
the only policing agent of a polarized
solely responsible for the changing
gender order. With homophobia being
nature of American masculinity (I also
central to the polarization of gender,
believe that the changing nature of the
however, one might expect that if
American economy from industrial to a
homophobia were to erode, there would
service oriented economy plays a role); I
be a resultant change in the sex/ gender
am suggesting that the binary is
system.
decreasing.
44
And while I am encouraged by
my belief that homophobia is decreasing
This is surely something worthy of more
investigation.
and masculine acceptability expanding,
it is important to consider that whereas
our gender system has been largely
predicated upon homophobia, one need
not have homophobia in order to have
References
misogyny. So where I am suggesting
that the emerging version of American
Connell, R. W. (1995). Masculinities.
Berkeley: University of California Press.
masculinity is more inclusive, I am not
saying that it has or will reduce
misogyny. The rule of “not being like a
girl,” may remain (even if to a lesser
degree) and warrants investigation by
other researchers.
Finally, this research suggests
that, consistent with many world
cultures, homosexuality as behavior and
Corbin, J., & Strauss, A. (1990).
Grounded Theory Research: Procedures,
Canon, and Evaluative Criteria.
Qualitative Sociology, 13(1), 3-21.
Dilorio, J. A. (1989). Feminism, Gender,
and the Ethnographic Study of Sport.
Arena Review, 13(1), 49-59.
Loftus, Jeni. (2001). America's
Liberalization in Attitudes Toward
Homosexuality, 1973 to 1998. American
Sociological Review. 66(5) p. 762-782.
identity are beginning to separate.
Specifically, the “one drop” rule is being
contested as, at least for the majority of
the men studied, having sex with other
men does not necessarily threaten one’s
heterosexual status. This research
shows that these men are beginning to
untangle sexual identity from sexual
behavior, and it suggests that as
homosexuality as an identity is
becoming less critical in American
culture, the stigma around same-sex sex
will lessen, opening the door for more
widespread homosexual interaction.
45
Rethinking the Possibilities: Creating
Exercise Space for People with Spinal
Cord Injuries6
implications for other individuals with
physical disabilities.
Within the United States it has
Tamar Z. Semerjian, Department of
Kinesiology and Nutritional Science,
California State University, Los
Angeles, 5151 State University Drive
Los Angeles, California 90032
tsemerj@calstatela.edu
been estimated that there is an annual
incidence of 30 million spinal cord
injuries. Many individuals do not
survive their initial injuries, but those
who do comprise approximately
Within the field of sport
200,000 individuals in the U.S. currently
sociology the focus of discussion has
(Kennedy, 2001). Of these individuals,
been on the body in motion and the
approximately 19% are female and 82%
cultures that surround, produce, and are
are male. The cost of rehabilitation for
produced by it. More specifically, the
the “average” individual with spinal
field has focused on the body as it
cord injury is estimated at $1.9 million
performs sport and physical activity.
(Go, Devivo, & Richards, 1995).
The bodies of many individuals have
Rehabilitation, however, ends when one
been excluded in these analyses, and
is able to perform basic tasks of
while women, people of color, and other
everyday living, such as grooming,
groups have slowly been brought into
hygiene, and transferring out of a
the discussion, there are other bodies
wheelchair. Once an individual is able to
that remain outside the “gym.” In this
perform these tasks and has completed
discussion I will focus particularly on
the standard rehabilitation (generally
the bodies of individuals with
lasting 3 months to a year), the
disabilities. I, along with my colleagues
individual may no longer be eligible for
Ray deLeon and Jesus Dominguez, have
rehabilitation through insurance-covered
begun a research project with the
programs. While there is some
objective of creating better spaces for
assistance available through insurance
individuals with spinal cord injuries to
companies or advocacy programs for
exercise. Although the research we will
certain types of exercise equipment,
be doing focuses on individuals with
most devices (particularly newer ones)
spinal cord injuries, increasing the
are not covered by insurance companies
accessibility of exercise facilities and
because they have not been deemed
equipment for this group can have
medically beneficial. As a result there is
46
a lack of access to exercise equipment
2000), and decreases in pain associated
that would physically and
with SCI (Curtis et al., 1999;
psychologically benefit individuals with
Ragnarsson, 1997). Individuals with SCI
SCI by giving them opportunities to
who participate in an exercise program
maintain or increase their strength and
gain an enhanced sense of personal
interact with others in a non-clinical
well-being, physical self-concept, and
environment.
overall life satisfaction (Martin et al., in
Thus, the purpose of this
press; Noreau & Shepard, 1995). The
research project is to understand, from
impact of exercise in the life of the
the perspective of individuals with
individual with SCI is significant.
spinal cord injury, what types of
Increased physical activity fosters
modifications can be made to exercise
enhanced physical independence,
equipment to make it more accessible
increased mobility, improved social
and attractive, as well as to gain some
integration, and improved potential for
insight into the culture of exercise
return to employment (Manns & Chad,
among individuals with spinal cord
1999). Gaining employment and
injury. This objective will be
maintaining successful social
accomplished by gathering information
relationships are important factors that
through questionnaires, interviews, and
will increase an individual’s quality of
field notes.
life post-SCI (Noreau & Shepard, 1995).
There is compelling evidence to
Unfortunately, individuals with SCI
suggest that increasing physical activity
face a number of barriers that prevent
in individuals with spinal cord injuries
successful and effective exercise
(SCI) has a profound impact on their
implementation (Martin et al., 2002).
quality of life. Exercise results in
There persists a lack of available
positive physiological and psychological
resources and expertise to provide
benefits, including improved
guidelines for the proper utilization of
cardiovascular and muscular function
exercise therapies among this
(for review see Noreau et al., 1993),
population. In general, individuals with
decreases in depression and anxiety,
spinal cord injury who wish to exercise
increases in vigor (Coyle, Shank,
at a gym or health club must train with
Kinney, & Hutchins, 1993; Muraki,
exercise machines that are not adapted
Tsunawake, Hiramatsu, & Yamasaki,
for their special needs. Not only does
47
this often lead to less-than-optimal
Not only has there been a
results, but it can in some cases
paucity of academic attention to the area
predispose these individuals to injury.
of exercise for individuals with spinal
There also must be a certain amount of
cord injuries and other disabilities, but
education, both for trainers and
limited opportunities for sport and
individuals with disabilities, about what
exercise also have persisted for
types of exercise are important and how
individuals with disabilities. There are,
to appropriately execute these exercises.
of course, the Special Olympics, and
At the core of the problem is a lack of
sporting events that are organized
understanding and appreciation for the
specifically for individuals with
unique exercise requirements and
disabilities. However, for the average
challenges faced by individuals with
performer who is trying to maintain
spinal cord injury. The overall objective
strength and function, there is little
of this project is to improve quality of
opportunity for recreational sport
life in individuals with SCI by enhancing
activity, and even less for exercise. And
exercise opportunities.
when these opportunities are available
Individuals with spinal cord
injuries and other disabilities have been
relegated to the margins of awareness in
the cultural studies of sport. Although
within the North American Society for
the Sociology of Sport and the
Sociology of Sport Journal (see
Stevenson, 2001) more attention has
been given to the issues faced by
individuals with disabilities, it has not
been a central focus of our work. Images
of sport and exercise are so closely
related to the able body, and usually the
super-able body, that those images
dominate our notions of what an athlete
is and should look like.
they are in “special” contexts. These
“special” events are held separately
from the sporting events and exercise
realms of the able-bodied. This
separation constitutes a marginalization
of individuals with disabilities,
relegating those with disabilities to the
outskirts where they are not seen.
Exercise in particular is
segregated, and rather than being
empowering, exercise opportunities are
found often within medicalized contexts
such as rehabilitation centers, physical
therapy offices, or other arenas that
specialize in the needs of individuals
with medical conditions. Individuals
with disabilities who are interested in
48
exercising in health clubs may face
quite expensive. Only a few places in
several barriers. Personal trainers are not
the US provide this training, and one
always aware of how to assist or train
such program charges $100 per hour.
individuals with disabilities.
For an individual to learn to walk using
Additionally, health and fitness clubs
this equipment can take 80 sessions.
often do not have the equipment
One gym that does specialize in the
necessary for individuals with
needs of individuals with disabilities and
disabilities.
provide personal trainers charges $3000
Another barrier may be related
a month for their services. The
to notions of who belongs in fitness
equipment is costly, and there are few
settings. Individuals with disabilities
places that provide access to it, so they
may never conform to the standards of
are able to charge large sums of money
beauty and attractiveness that others
for this access. Individuals with SCI
strive towards. They may always have a
have identified several barriers to
tremor in their legs when they exercise.
exercise, such as accessibility,
Their limbs may be atrophied, or
affordability, transportation, and lack of
missing. For these reasons, individuals
knowledge of what is available to them
with disabilities can make able-bodied
(Martin et al., 2002). As I stated earlier,
individuals uncomfortable.
we hope to tear down some of these
The social class implications
barriers by offering access on our
surrounding rehabilitation and simple
campus, as well as working with local
access to equipment are very salient.
facilities to begin to include adapted
One of the machines that we are
equipment in their gyms.
utilizing in this project is the gait trainer.
Unfortunately, the perspective
This device is used by Christopher
of individuals with disabilities has been
Reeves, who has become an outspoken
strikingly absent from sport and
advocate of this machine to help
exercise. But the voices that have been
individuals with SCI learn (or relearn) to
heard indicate that inclusion is
walk. This device supports the body
important. Eli Clare (1999) is one
weight of the individual, while three to
outspoken activist who discusses the
four individuals assist the person with
experience of being excluded and
SCI in the motion of walking on a
underestimated. As she describes her
treadmill. Training on this machine is
metaphorical and literal journey of
49
climbing a mountain, she explores the
important glimpse into the exercise
ways in which the physical abilities of
experiences of individuals with
individuals with disabilities are
disabilities, but there is much more to
discounted, leading to both frustration
learn.
and anger.
Guthrie and Castelnuovo (2001)
Promis, Erevelles, and
Matthews (2001) investigated the
interviewed 34 women with disabilities
exercise and sport interests of
and discuss the ways that these women
individuals with disabilities on a college
manage their disabilities through
campus, and found that the students
exercise. They found three distinct
wanted access to the same types of
management processes. One group of
intramural activities as other students,
women maintained a dualistic
including outdoor activities. The
perspective when considering their
students did not necessarily want
bodies, seeing themselves as separate
separate programs, but wanted to be
from their bodies. These women
included in the existing sport and
exercised because their doctors
recreation activity infrastructure. While
recommended it, and tended to focus on
some institutions are happy to
issues of health. The second group of
coordinate activities specifically for
women used exercise to manage their
individuals with disabilities, such as
bodies by making them more “normal.”
wheelchair sports, this is not always
Their comments reified hegemonic
what the individuals themselves are
notions of femininity and beauty, and
interested in. A separate but equal
many of these women discussed using
approach is not necessarily the best way
exercise to help make what was “left” of
to set up activity programs for
their bodies more attractive. The third
individuals with disabilities.
group maintained a more holistic and
Over the next five years our
balanced approach to their bodies,
research group will endeavor to
seeing them as connected to their sense
transform the exercise opportunities for
of who they were. They saw exercise as
individuals with SCI by keeping their
intrinsically enjoyable, and some were
needs and perspectives central in our
social activists working to advance
efforts. We will be taking modified
social justice issues for all individuals
exercise equipment such as a standing
with disabilities. This study provides an
frame, a Versa-trainer (made by
50
Bowflex), the gait trainer, and other
physiology. We have another exercise
strength training equipment and have
physiologist who is also a licensed
individuals with SCI exercise with them.
physical therapist who worked as a
During this time our seven student
clinician for many years and specializes
fellows, along with the three
in cardiopulmonary rehabilitation. My
investigators and our project manager,
role in the project is to head up the
will work with the participants in the
research on the social and cultural
study, helping them to learn to use the
aspects of interest, as well as to collect
equipment, fostering relationships
data on the psychological outcomes of
between the participants, and getting
the exercise program. Finally, our
feedback about the equipment. The
project manager is an engineer and will
participants in the study will tell us if
be spearheading the engineering efforts
the padding on a piece of equipment is
to modify the equipment.
positioned in an uncomfortable way,
This interdisciplinary project
they will tell us if there is a way that
has lofty goals, and one of the most
they can feel safer on a machine, ways
important is to have an impact on the
the machine can be more effective, and
manufacturers of the equipment that we
ways to make the machines easier for
will be adapting. By relating the
individuals with SCI to use without
feedback of the participants in the study
assistance.
to the manufacturers, the participants in
The need for equipment
that individuals can use independently is
this study will have the opportunity to
of critical importance. The goal is to
have a voice in changing the equipment
transform the exercise environment into
in the ways they believe are important.
one where individuals with SCI are
The end result of this project will be to
comfortable exercising, and can feel that
provide feedback to the manufacturers,
the equipment is available and fulfills
and then to approach local fitness
their needs.
facilities to encourage them to include
One aspect of this research that
some of this equipment in their gyms so
is particularly exciting is that it is a truly
that they can serve the needs of
interdisciplinary project. The principle
individuals with disabilities. We are also
investigator of the study is a
hoping that this training will provide our
neuromuscular rehabilitation specialist
students with the specialized skills
with a background in exercise
needed to be hired by health clubs as
51
specialists trained to work with
individuals with disabilities.
In conclusion, our vision is to
transform the spaces in which
individuals with SCI exercise,
expanding them out of the clinics, into
the community, and into accessible and
attractive places. These transformations
need to occur while individuals with
disabilities are in the center of the
change, and have the primary voice in
enacting these changes. Their needs,
concerns, and desires must be addressed,
and their stories told. These are the aims
of this project. Our research will shed
much needed light on previously
ignored perspectives of individuals with
spinal cord injuries. These perspectives
will then allow us to create necessary
adjustments to pre-existing exercise
realms as well as to develop new
spheres in which persons with spinal
cord injuries may participate. Persons
with spinal cord injuries may then take
Coyle, K.A., Shank, J.W., Kinney, W.,
& Hutchins, D.A. (1993).
Psychosocial functioning and
changes in leisure lifestyle
among individuals with chronic
secondary health problems
related to spinal cord injury.
Therapeutic Recreation Journal,
27, 239-252.
Curtis, K. A., Tyner, T. M., Zachary, L.,
Lentell, G., Brink, D., Didyk,
T., Gean, K., Hall, J. Hooper,
M., Klos, J., Lesina, S., &
Pacillas, B. (1999). Effects of
standard exercise protocol on
shoulder pain in long-term
wheelchair users. Spinal Cord,
37, 421-430.
Go, B. K., DeVivo, N. J., & Richards, J.
S. (1995). The epidemiology of
spinal cord injury in S. L.
Stover, J. A. DeLisa & G. G.
Whiteneck, (Eds.), Spinal cord
injury: Clinical outcomes from
the model systems. Baltimore:
Aspen.
Guthrie, S. R. & Castelnuovo, S. (2001).
Disability management among
women with physical
impairments: The contributrion
of physical activity. Sociology
of Sport Journal, 18, 5-20.
advantage of the physiological,
psychological and social benefits
associated with increased participation
in exercise.
References
Clare, E. (1999). Exile and pride.
Cambridge, MA: South End
Press.
Kennedy, P. (2001). Spinal cord
injuries. In D. W. Johnston &
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Clinical Psychology (Vol. 8,
pp.445-462). New York: John
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Manns, P. J. & Chad, K. E. (1995).
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between quality of life,
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activity for persons with spinal
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Martin, K. A., Latimer, A. E.,
Francoeur, C., Hanley, H.,
Watson, K., Hicks, A. L. &
McCartney, N. (2002).
Sustaining exercise motivation
and participation among people
with spinal cord injuries:
Lessons learned from a 9-month
intervention. Palaestra, 18, 3842.
university sports and recreation
programs for students with
mobility impairments. Sociology
of Sport Journal, 18, 37-50.
Ragnarsson, K. T. (1997). Management
of pain in persons with spinal
cord injury, Journal of Spinal
Cord Medicine, 20, 186-199.
Stevenson, C. (Ed.) (2001). The
sociology of ability and
disability in physical activity
[Special issue]. Sociology of
Sport Journal, 18 (1).
Martin, K. A., Latimer, A. E.,
McKechine, K., Ditor, D.
McCartney, N., Hicks, A. L.,
Bugaresti, J. and Craven, C. (in
press). Using exercise to
enhance subjective well-being
among people with spinal cord
injury: The mediating influences
of stress and pain.
Muarki, S., Tsunawake, N., Hiramatsu,
S., & Yamasaki, M. (2000). The
effects of frequency and mode
of sports activity on the
psychological status in
tetraplegics and paraplegics.
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Noreau, L. & Shephard, R. J. (1995).
Spinal cord injury, exercise and
quality of life. Sports Medicine,
20, 226-250.
Noreau, L., Shephard, R. J., Simard, C.,
et al. (1993). Relationship of
impairment and functional
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fitness following spinal cord
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Promis, D. Erevelles, N., & Matthews, J.
(2001). Reconceptualizing
inclusion: The politics of
53
While Girls Sports Expo is open
Community Connections
In lieu of a paper, Penny Hastings
submitted the following description of
the Santa Rosa Girls Sports Expo.
to all girls 8-12 in the broader Santa
Rosa area, one of our goals has been to
reach girls from lower economic and
Girls Sports Expo is a Sonoma
diverse cultural backgrounds. To
County, California event that celebrates
achieve this end we market the event to
National Girls and Women in Sports
schools with the heaviest concentrations
Day. At the Sonoma County event girls
of our target audience. In addition, other
learn new and familiar sports from the
services are provided including the
fifteen activities in a safe, high-energy,
provision of Spanish translators to make
low-competition, environment. Girls
it more possible for Latina mothers and
aged 8 to 12 are targeted for this
daughters to participate. This strategy
program based on research conducted by
has proved successful and each year the
the Women’s Sports Foundation
program has become increasingly
showing that if girls do not participate in
diverse.
sports by age 10, there is only a 10%
Our other sponsor and business
chance they will participate as adults.
partner, Girl Scouts of Konocti Council,
From its first 190 participants in
contributes their expertise and services
1998, 500 girls recently participated in
including mailings, answering phones
the 2002 event. In addition, 150
and assisting with the administration of
volunteers—many of them high school
the project. Staff and volunteers take
and college athletes—act as coaches and
care of the high number of advance and
mentors. Sports offered in 2003
event-day registrations. The Girls Sports
included basketball, volleyball, rugby,
Expo Advisory Board includes physical
track and field, martial arts (aikido,
educators, an exercise physiologist,
judo, karate) soccer, golf, cheerleading,
former athletic director, and other
softball, water events (swimming,
community representatives.
diving, water polo and orienteering).
Each day includes six sport sessions.
For more information about this
community event, please contact
Professional coaches from the
community volunteer their time to teach.
Santa Rosa Junior College contributes
its facilities free of charge.
the Girls Sports Expo’s other sponsor:
Girl Scouts of Konocti Council:
Cathleen Andrieucci
707-524-9214.
54
Contributors
Eric Anderson is with the Department
of Sociology at the University of
California, Irvine, where he teaches
courses on the sociology of sport and the
sociology of sex. He researches and
publishes on issues pertaining to sport,
masculinity, and homophobia.
Eric D. Anderson, Ph.D. (cand.)
3151 Social Science Plaza
Irvine, CA 92697-5100
EricAndersonD@aol.com
Becky Beal is an Associate Professor of
Sport Sciences at the University of the
Pacific where she teaches classes in the
sociology of sport and ethics. She has
served on the editorial board of the
Sociology of Sport Journal, and is
currently training for her first marathon.
Becky Beal, Ph.D.
Sport Sciences
University of the Pacific
Stockton, CA 95211
bbeal@uop.edu
Rita Liberti is an Assistant Professor in
the Department of Kinesiology and
Physical Education at California State
University, Hayward. Her primary
research area is twentieth century U.S.
women’s sport.
Rita Liberti, Ph.D.
Department of Kinesiology and Physical
Education
California State University, Hayward
25800 Carlos Bee Blvd.
Hayward, CA 94542
rliberti@csuhayward.edu
Michael Mott is a graduate student in
the Department of History, San
Francisco State University. His research
focuses on the dynamics between
race/ethnicity and sport in America.
Michael Mott
Department of History
San Francisco State University
1600 Holloway Ave.
San Francisco, CA 94132
mpmott@yahoo.com
Tamar Semerjian is an Assistant
Professor in the Department of
Kinesiology and Nutritional Sciences.
Her research focuses on the experiences
of older adults and exercise and has
recently shifted to a focus on
transforming exercise spaces for people
with disabilities.
Tamar Semerjian, Ph.D.
Department of Kinesiology and
Nutritional Sciences
California State University, Los Angeles
5151 State University Drive
Los Angeles, CA 90032
tsemerj@calstatela.edu
Maureen Smith teaches sport sociology
and sport history at California State
University, Sacramento. She earned her
Ph.D. in Cultural Studies of Sport at The
Ohio State University.
Maureen Smith, Ph.D.
Department of Kinesiology and Health
Sciences, Office SLN 3002
California State University, Sacramento
6000 J Street
Sacramento, CA 95819-6073
smithmm@csus.edu
Louisa Webb is an assistant professor
in the Department of Kinesiology. She is
one of the founders of the Research
Group for Studies in Sport and Physical
Culture.
Louisa Webb, Ph.D.
Department of Kinesiology
San Francisco State University
1600 Holloway Ave.
San Francisco, CA 94132-4161
lwebb@sfsu.edu
55
Editors:
Maria Veri is a lecturer in the
Department of Kinesiology at San
Francisco State University and an
adjunct faculty member in the graduate
sport management program at the
University of San Francisco. She is one
of the founders of the Research Group
for Studies in Sport, Education, and
Physical Culture. Her research areas of
interest include race, gender, and sport;
and the intersections between sport and
popular culture.
Maria Veri, Ph.D.
Department of Kinesiology
San Francisco State University
1600 Holloway Ave.
San Francisco, CA 94132-4161
mjveri@earthlink.net
Susan Zieff is an associate professor in
the Department of Kinesiology at San
Francisco State University and one of
the founders of the Research Group for
Studies in Sport, Education, and
Physical Culture. Her research interests
are in the intersections between
historical and socio-cultural analyses of
physical activity.
Susan Zieff, Ph.D.
Department of Kinesiology
San Francisco State University
1600 Holloway Ave.
San Francisco, CA 94132-4161
56