Creating Change to Maintaining Change:
The Fédération du Québec pour le planning des naissances and the Pro-choice Movement
Nora Milne
Department of History and Classical Studies,
McGill University, Montreal
December 2011
A Research Paper submitted to the Department of History in partial fulfilment of the
requirements of the degree of Master of Arts
© Nora Milne, 2011
1
Abstract
Abortion services are more accessible in Quebec than in any other Canadian province. An
analysis of the actions and interventions coordinated by the Fédération du Québec pour le
planning des naissances, the province’s spokesperson for the pro-choice movement, shows that
the fight to maintain and improve the quality of abortion services, contributed significantly to the
current state of affairs. Feminists fought with great strength to gain the right to abortion. This
analysis shifts the focus from the creation of change, to the maintenance of change to understand
the ways in which feminists fought to retain these fragile gains.
“How do you do it?” asked a Canadian colleague, reacting with envy to the mobilization
of 5000 people in Montreal, as part of a Canada-wide day of action on September 28th 2008,
denouncing private member bills that risk re-criminalizing abortion. Events outside of Quebec
gathered comparatively little support with 150 to 200 participants at most. The answer was clear,
2
“In Quebec, we have the habit of working together and collaborating,” replied Nathalie Parent, a
former coordinator of the Fédération du Québec pour le planning des naissances (FQPN) and one
of the organizers of the event.1 More than forty years of building solidarity among dedicated
women’s groups and strong demands for liberation and autonomy are behind this noteworthy
habit. The fight for abortion initially mobilized and united the women’s movement in Quebec in
the 1970s. It continues to join diverse groups and individuals at critical moments. Consequently,
Quebec has the most accessible abortion services in Canada. This paper demonstrates that
without the efforts of coordinated actions, enabled through the mobilization of alliances of
solidarity committed to retaining services in public and community networks, Quebec would not
have the abortion services it has today. I argue that beyond the establishment of services, the
fight to maintain and improve the quality of abortion services throughout the province
contributed significantly to the current state of affairs. The FQPN drew on the solid foundation
of a strong and spirited feminist movement and emerged as the vigilant spokesperson for
Quebec’s pro-choice movement in the early 1980s. It led the actions that contributed to the
current reality, by coordinating feminist health activists in the fight to demand and ensure the
development and maintenance of abortion services. Critical research and analysis combined with
the initiation of political actions led to the achievements of the FQPN. These strategies enabled
the group to place pressures on the government to obtain financial resources for quality services
and to fight mounting threats by anti-choice groups and government projects. Unwavering
commitments to the defense of a woman’s right to abortion and to prioritizing accessibility
1
Nathalie Parent, interview by author, Montreal, October 28, 2011. The event was organized with the Fédération
des Femmes du Québec and was supported by women’s groups, unions, student groups, community organizations,
engaged militants, physicians and the National Assembly of Quebec.
The French spellings of Québec, Fédération and Montréal are used when they appear in the name of an organization
or title of a French publication. The colloquial spellings are used throughout the remainder of the paper. This
analysis relies primarily on French documents. Unless indicated otherwise, direct quotations are the author’s
translation.
3
guided the strategies of the work of the FQPN. Feminists fought hard for the right to abortion.
They fought equally as hard to maintain these fragile gains, as the right to abortion can only be
exercised if services are available. This paper traces the actions initiated by the FQPN to fulfill
its objectives, as it evolved from a professional male-dominated family planning organization to
an autonomous feminist health collective. The analysis incorporates the perspective of the
women who were the necessary public manifestation of the movement’s demands. It explores
how they voiced their concerns, most effectively through the collective mobilization of the
general public, community and women’s groups, to succeed in ensuring the provision of
complete and accessible abortion services throughout Quebec.2
The motivation for this approach is twofold. Firstly, it is important to consider the work
of committed militant feminists, who carried on the fight after abortion was removed from
Canada’s Criminal Code in 1988. Quebec is a unique site for assessing these contributions as
abortion became part of the province’s agenda against federalism and the promotion of a new
secular nationalism as early as 1976. The provincial government permitted the practice of
abortion despite the regulations of the Criminal Code. While women in the rest of Canada were
necessarily dedicated to a repeal of the law for services to be implemented, women in Quebec
were able to focus on improving the services that were already in place, alongside joining actions
for legal reform. We are more familiar with the reality that women created the change in the fight
for abortion rights. Historians have raised awareness regarding the importance of recognizing the
critical role played by countless women, grass-roots organizations and local health collectives in
creating change in women’s health care in the United States and Canada. It is the actions and the
2
The FQPN measures the accessibility and quality of abortion services through various factors including their
proximity and promptness, whether a woman was involved in the choice of intervention, and the degree to which a
woman and her choices are respected. Fédération du Québec pour le planning des naissances and Canadians for
Choice, Focus on Abortion Services in Quebec (Montreal and Ottawa, 2010), 27.
4
ideologies of the women’s movement, not simply physicians, politicians and professional
organizations that are largely responsible for creating change. For example, women in Canada
were often overshadowed by, or reduced to being labelled, the “cheer-leaders” of Dr. Henry
Morgentaler, who is synonymous with the decriminalization of abortion.3 Historians have
recognized the inadequacy of such interpretations and have given women due credit, as
Morgentaler’s victories would not have been possible without the individuals and feminist
organizations who did the work of the movement. Historians have also countered the
interpretation that achievements were made by a homogenous liberal, middle-class population by
demonstrating the diversity of the movement. Women from varied backgrounds as well as
liberal, radical and socialist feminists, acted individually or collectively to transform women’s
health care.4 Therefore, the history of the FQPN adds to the scholarship that details the work and
achievements of particular organizations of the women’s movement, by shifting the focus from
the creation of change to the maintenance of change, and from the legal battles to gain abortion
rights to the improvement and maintenance of services once implemented. This is not to suggest
that the FQPN did not create change. I aim to add to the scholarship by highlighting the fight of
women in Quebec to maintain services over the last forty years. Histories of second-wave
feminism in Canada often stop short by labelling Quebec as unique or different and focus on the
rest of Canada. Those studies that focus on Quebec feminism specifically, detail the movement
See Ann Thomson, Winning Choice on Abortion How British Columbian and Canadian Feminists Won the Battles
of the 1970s and 1980s (Victoria: Trafford Publishing, 2004), ix; Louise Desmarais, Memoires d’une Bataille
Inachevée la lutte pour l’avortement au Quebec 1970-1992 (Montréal: Editions Trait d’Union, 1999), 10.
4
For the U.S movement see Sandra Morgen, Into Our Own Hands: The Women’s Health Movement in the United
States, 1969-1990 (New Jersey: Rutgers University Press, 2002); Wendy Kline, Bodies of Knowledge Sexuality,
Reproduction and Women’s Health in the Second Wave (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2010); For Canada
see Sean Mills, The Empire Within Postcolonial Thought and Political Activism in Sixties Montreal (Montreal:
McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2010); Judy Rebick, Ten Thousand Roses The Making of a Feminist Revolution
(Toronto: Penguin Canada, 2005); Thomson.
3
5
in general, its development and the reasons for it being classified as unique.5 Less is written
about the feminist health movement specifically, with one important exception; Louise
Desmarais’ Memoires d’une Bataille Inachevée la lutte pour l’avortement au Québec 1970-1992
which chronicles the fight for abortion rights in Quebec. This paper attempts to add analysis by
concentrating on the actions and contributions of one group to understand the strength of the
Quebec feminist health movement, how they built the solidarity and collaboration necessary to
ultimately influence and mobilize public opinion and to affect policy and women’s health care.
Secondly, I am answering a call to historians of sorts, made by Susan Reverby, Professor
of women's studies and history, who expressed concern over historians neglecting their own life
times. She writes, “Many students have a better sense of the women who wanted water cures in
the 19th century than they do of the struggles within the New York Women’s Health and
Abortion Project of the early 1970s or what happened to the feminist health centres.”6 This paper
is one attempt to write the history of the recent past, to contribute to Reverby’s call to,
“determine whether the voices of women patients/consumers spoke out loud in individual
confrontation, collective demonstrations[...]affected those who made policy or provided care.”7
Although it is often difficult to measure the direct impact of certain actions, it is clear that in
Quebec, policy makers heard the voices of women. This paper details how the FQPN mobilized
See Denyse Baillargeon, “Quebec Women of the Twentieth Century: Milestones in an Unfinished Journey,” in
Quebec Questions, Quebec Studies for the Twenty-First Century, ed. Stéphan Gervais, Christopher Kirkey and
Jarrett Rudy (Toronto: Oxford University Press, 2011); Micheline Dumont, “The Origins of the Women’s
Movement in Quebec,” in Challenging Times The Women’s Movement in Canada and the United States, ed.
Constance Backhouse and David H. Flaherty (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1992); Diane
Lamoureux, “The Paradoxes of Quebec Feminism,” in Quebec Questions, Quebec Studies for the Twenty-First
Century, ed. Stéphan Gervais, Christopher Kirkey and Jarrett Rudy (Toronto: Oxford University Press, 2011).
6
Susan M. Reverby,“Thinking through the Body and the Body Politic: Feminism, History and Health-Care Policy in
the United States,” in Women, Health, and Nation Canada and the United States since 1945, ed. Georgina Feldberg
Molly Ladd-Taylor, Alison Li and Kathryn McPherson (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press,
2003) 415.
7
Reverby, 415.
5
6
women, as advocates, patients or consumers to collectively voice their concerns and demands, to
maintain gains and improve the quality of services.
Foundation to Feminism
The FQPN has promoted access to critical information and family planning services since
its foundation in 1972. However, it did not begin as a feminist organization. The FQPN was
officially incorporated on June 22nd 1972 as a provincial branch of the Family Planning
Federation of Canada (FPFC) with the primary objective of implementing family planning
associations in all regions of Quebec.8 Initially, the FQPN, based in Montreal, and its regional
associations offered training, information and consultation on contraceptive methods and sexual
education. Following the decriminalization of contraceptives in Canada as part of the Omnibus
Bill of 1969, the federal government refused to establish a national policy on family planning but
agreed to fund a family planning program.9 The FPFC received a $400,000 budget to implement
a program which adhered to the guidelines of the Department of Family Planning.10 The
Department defined the practice as to the methods and knowledge that enabled couples to,
“avoid unwanted pregnancies, to bring about wanted births, to regulate the interval between
births, to control the time at which birth occurred in relation to the ages of the parents and to
decide the number of children they will have.”11 The government funded the FPFC in an attempt
8
The Family Planning Federation of Canada became the Planned Parenthood Federation of Canada in 1975.
Prior to 1969 and the reform of the Criminal Code under Bill C-150 or the Omnibus Bill, contraception was illegal
in Canada. The Code consolidated existing criminal prohibitions and put several new laws into practice, including
provisions against obscenity. Under the heading ‘Publishing Obscene Matter’ Section 179(c) stated, “Every one is
guilty of an indictable offence and liable to two years’ imprisonment, who knowingly, without lawful justification or
excuse- offers to sell, advertises, publishes an advertisement or has for sale or disposal any medicine, drug, or article
intended or represented as a means of preventing conception or causing abortion. Canada, An Act of the Parliament
of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland Criminal Code of Canada 1892 55-56 Vict (Ottawa: Samuel
Edward Dawson Law Printer, 1892), 80.
10
Michel Perreault, “Presentation et Historique de la Fédération du Québec pour le planning des naissances,”
November 4, 1976; BANQ, Comité de lutte pour l’avortement libre et gratuit fonds, box 20 00 2 20 03 005A 01,
Comité de lutte documentation FQPN 1977-1978 folder.
11
Benjamin Schlesinger, Family Planning in Canada A Sourcebook (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1974),
xi.
9
7
to deflect political flack and to avoid becoming the target of protests.12 It also funded SERENA,
the first official francophone family planning association founded in Quebec in 1955 by Rita
Henry and Gilles Brault. The couple taught a natural method of contraception, known as the
sympto-thermic or basal-temperature method, as a way to reconcile the teachings of the Catholic
Church with changing perspectives on reproduction.13 At first, the FPFC did not establish a
branch in Quebec as alongside SERENA, family planning services were already in place. Basic
services were available in Montreal at the Notre-Dame Hospital and the Centre de Planning
Familial, run by Dr. Serge Mongeau, provided psycho-social and medical consultation in family
planning. The latter was already affiliated with the FPFC. Once Mongeau chose to disaffiliate in
December of 1971, steps were taken to establish a new branch in Quebec. Dr. Yves Lefebvre, a
gynecologist at the Notre-Dame Hospital and Claude de Mestral, the president of the Centre de
Planning Familial set out to create the FQPN.14 The very first meeting, held at the home of
Lefebvre, brought together people interested in forming a Federation that would play the role of
coordinator and animator for groups working in the domain of family planning throughout
Quebec. Those present clarified the objectives; to unite local and regional associations, to offer
training and support services in family planning to professionals, to promote research and
development of medical and social services in family planning, and to encourage responsible
parenthood.15 The executive held an orientation congress in the fall of 1972, uniting doctors,
nurses and social workers and other professionals. Individual, non-professionals were coldly
received. Fernande Menard, who remains an active member of the FQPN, described her initial
Brenda Margaret Appleby, Responsible Parenthood: Decriminalizing Contraception in Canada (Toronto:
University of Toronto Press, 1999), 246.
13
The Clio Collective, Quebec Women, a History, trans. Roger Gagnon and Rosalind Gill (Toronto: The Women’s
Press, 1987), 304-305.
14
FQPN, Le Planning des naissances au Québec: Portrait des services et paroles de femmes (Montréal: Fédération
du Québec pour le planning des naissances, 2002), 95.
15
FQPN, “Lettres Patents,” June 22, 1972; FQPN Archives, Généralité Historique folder.
12
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reception, “When the Federation started, someone suggested that I be a member of the first
administrative council and people said, ‘No, she’s not a professional, she is only a mother.’ ”16
The FQPN was hierarchical with an executive body and administrative council at the level of the
Federation, with several affiliated regional associations. At its foundation, the philosophy and
objectives of the FQPN were allied with the FPFC, meaning they were to address couples and
promote a positive image of the family.
Quickly, however, the FQPN began to diverge from the FPFC. The federal government’s
failure to address the needs of the population by essentially limiting family planning services to
legally married couples was the impetus for the regional associations to step in. For example, the
Association de Planning des Naissances d’Outouais, or the Family Planning Association of
Outouais, offered a phone counselling service and unlike SERENA, who had a strong presence
in the region, spoke with women or men individually, rather than couples.17 The executive body
and administrative council engaged in political actions to pressure the government to establish
free and direct family planning services in a public network. Members fought for the law which
defined the age of consent for minors as fourteen, to apply to family planning, enabling youth to
access services without the permission of their parents. They also pressured pharmaceutical
companies to make all necessary information about contraceptives available to the public.18
Beginning in 1973, members also engaged in political actions to pressure the provincial
government to create policies on abortion and to make direct and follow-up abortion services
accessible to all women in Quebec. Although the FQPN’s definition of family planning excluded
abortion they justified their actions, “because we can’t stay indifferent to this social
16
Fernande Menard, interview by author, Montreal, October 31st, 2011.
Menard, interview.
18
FQPN, “Les hauts et les bas d’une fédération ou histoire du cheminement de la FQPN,” December 1984; FQPN
Archives, Généralité Historique folder, 2.
17
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phenomenon, with heavy consequences for individuals and society.”19 The FQPN was careful to
clarify that they were not promoting abortion, but recognized that limited access often resulted in
problematic clandestine abortions.20 These actions and demands clashed directly with the
expectations of the FPFC. The ideological divergence that developed throughout the 1970s
culminated in the FQPN’s refusal to support the FPFC’s politics on population control. Whereas
the FPFC promoted a policy of population zero, the FQPN actively defended an individual’s
freedom of choice in contraception and saw their role as helping women and men have the
number of children they wanted, when they wanted and not to impose values or attempts to
regulate. The politics of population control were particularly controversial in Quebec. For five
years the FQPN worked hard to create a positive image and to separate the notion of family
planning from population policy, to avoid the reaction that contraception and abortion could lead
to the genocide of French-Canadians.21 This decision was irreconcilable. In 1979 the FPFC cut
sixty-fiver per cent of its funding. By 1981, funding was cut entirely. Divergent ideologies, an
end to funding and disagreements over the anti-democratic functioning of the FPFC led the
FQPN to officially announce its decision to disaffiliate on October 21st 1981.22 To the members
this was, “a big relief, we didn’t have to fight with them anymore. It was a period of freedom.”23
This sense of freedom was one of three significant developments that influenced the FQPN’s
decision to officially become a feminist organization in 1983.
FQPN, “Mémoire presenté au conseil des affaires sociales et de la famille,” April 18, 1974; BANQ, FQPN fonds,
box 20 004 08-04-002A-01 1000-04-001/1, Politique en Planning des naissances et services général folder, 35-37.
20
FQPN, “Atelier: Avortement,” June 1973; BANQ, FQPN fonds, box 20004-08-05-002B-01, Assemblée Général
Annuelle folder, p.8.
21
André Harvey and Michel Perreault, “Pourquoi la FQPN se dissocie de l’objectif de population,” October 15,
1976; BANQ, FQPN fonds, box 20 004 08-04-002A, Politique population elaboration de politique Québec-Canada
folder.
22
FQPN, “Assemblée Général Annuelle 1982,” June 1982; FQPN Archives, box 3.
23
Menard, interview.
19
10
The second was sparked by the provincial government’s decision to implement a public
network of family planning clinics, largely in response to pressures demanding services,
including abortion. The reform of Criminal Code in 1969 also changed the laws on abortion.
Prior to 1969, abortion was an indictable offence liable to life imprisonment.24 The new law
decriminalized abortions that were performed by licensed physicians in an accredited hospital
and approved by a therapeutic abortion committee, to preserve the life or health of the pregnant
woman.25 Physicians maintained control of the practice and access to abortion remained limited.
Hospitals were not required to implement a therapeutic abortion committee and those that did
were mostly in urban centres. Decisions by the committee were final.26 Consequently, illegal
abortions continued. In Quebec, access was particularly difficult for francophone women. In
1970, approximately 180 therapeutic abortions were performed in Quebec, eighty percent of
which were performed in the Montreal General Hospital. Only one was performed in a
francophone hospital.27 In the first half of 1972, Quebec registered 1386 therapeutic abortions
while Ontario registered close to 10,000.28 A Montreal gynecologist, Lise Fortier, described the
law as a, “monstrous inequality” because accessibility was dependent on a woman’s wealth,
language and community. During International Abortion Week 1972, approximately 15,000
signatures were collected and presented to the Quebec Legislature demanding of a repeal of
24
Section 272 and 273 of the 1892 Criminal Code made abortion an indictable offence and liable to imprisonment
for life for those who, “with intent to procure the miscarriage of any women, whether she is or is not with child,
unlawfully administers to her or causes to be taken by her any drug or other noxious thing, or unlawfully uses any
instrument or other means whatsoever with the intent.” Also any woman who attempted an abortion herself was,
“guilty of an indictable offence and liable to seven years’ imprisonment.” The Criminal Code, 1882, 55-56 Victoria,
C. 29 ss. 272, 273, quoted in Janine Brodie, Shelly A.M. Gavigan and Jane Jenson, The Politics of Abortion
(Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1992), 147.
25
Appleby, 216.
26
Melissa Haussman,“On Rights and Power: Canada’s Federal Abortion Policy 1969-1991,” in Abortion, Politics,
Women’s Movements and the Democratic State a Comparative Study of State Feminisms, ed. Dorothy McBride
(New York: Oxford University Press, 2001), 68; Christabelle Sethna and Steve Hewitt, “Clandestine Operations:
The Vancouver Women’s Caucus, the Abortion Caravan and the RCMP,” Canadian Historical Review, Vol. 90, no.
3 (2009): 470.
27
Desmarais, 74.
28
Claude Ryan, Le Devoir, April 3, 1973.
11
abortion laws.29 Clearly there was a need and demand for change. Illegal abortions became
increasingly organized as doctors performed the procedure in private clinics and for-profit
clinics. In 1970, Dr. Henry Morgentaler was arrested for performing illegal abortions in his
Montreal clinic and jailed in 1974.30 The FQPN responded by writing a letter to the Liberal
Premier Robert Bourassa, expressing the urgent need for abortion services to be developed, “We
regret that government action is centered on pursuing doctors to satisfy a minority instead of
implementing services and establishing policy.”31 By 1976, the number of therapeutic abortion
committees in Quebec had only increased from twenty-three in 1970 to twenty-nine.
Francophone hospitals performed only seven per cent of the 6610 therapeutic abortions in that
year.32 The situation changed with the election of the separatist Parti Québécois in 1976, whose
nationalism justified breaking federal law, making important political and institutional changes
affecting the provision of abortion services.33 Morgentaler was released from jail when the
Minister of Justice granted immunity to all doctors who were qualified to perform abortions.
Responding to the demands of the population, the provincial government created and funded
family planning clinics. In December 1977, the Minister of Social Affairs announced the
implementation of twenty Cliniques Lazure, named after the Minister, Denis Lazure, who
Ingrid Vabali, “Abortion increases 500 percent in Canada, government apathetic to need for reform,” The Gazette,
March 5, 1972.
30
This began a long and expensive legal battle that culminated in the 1988 Supreme Court decision that the 1969
abortion law was unconstitutional. Morgentaler is synonymous with the decriminalization of abortion in Canada, he
repeatedly tested the law through his determination to have it repealed. He opened his first clinic in Montreal in
1968. Although he was arrested in 1970, his trial did not begin until 1973 due to consistent delays as the government
was hesitant to try him in Quebec where sentiments of sovereignty were strong. He publicly declared that he
performed more than 5000 illegal abortion, demanding to be put on trial. He was acquitted after he pleaded not
guilty based on the defense of necessity, meaning he violated the law to defend a larger social interest and protect
others from imminent danger. The acquittal was appealed in 1974 but the decision was reversed and the Supreme
Court of Canada sentenced him to eighteen months in prison. Thomson, 54-56.
31
FQPN, “Assemblée Général Annuelle 1976,” May 1976; BANQ, FQPN fonds, box 20004-08-05-002B-0,
Assemblée Général Annuelle 1976 folder.
32
“Les avortements: 20 fois plus dans les hôpitaux anglophone,” La Presse, August 6, 1977.
33
Jane Jenson, “Getting to Morgentaler: From One Representation to Another,” in The Politics of Abortion, ed.
Janine Brodie Shelly A.M. Gavigan and Jane Jenson (Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1992), 52.
29
12
introduced the idea. These clinics specialized in all medical and social services relating to family
planning. The object was to have at least one facility per region of Quebec offer abortion
services.34 By the end of the 1970s, family planning services were established throughout the
province, in part due to the work and pressures of the FQPN. In a way, their initial objectives
were obtained. This victory divided the FQPN, and led to a shift in orientation and membership.
Some regional associations considered their role as obsolete and left to help establish the
Cliniques Lazure. Those who subscribed to a more vigilant attitude were skeptical and adopted a
role of critical surveillance towards the new clinics. The departure of several associations and
loss of membership caused the FQPN to dismantle and rebuild with new objectives. A new
orientation was defined in the early 1980s by the growing militancy of its members and obvious
increase in social action.
The third and overarching reason for the FQPN becoming a feminist organization was the
undeniable influence its members felt from the strength of the women’s movement that
developed throughout the 1970s. Its members could not help but be affected by the
“effervescence” of feminism.35 To understand the strength of the movement, it is necessary to
look briefly at the emergence and character of second-wave feminism in Quebec. The resurgence
of feminism was sparked in 1965 when 500 women gathered to celebrate the twenty-fifth
anniversary of winning the right to vote in provincial elections. A conference entitled, “La
femme du Québec: heir et aujourd’hui” or, “Women of Quebec: yesterday and today,” was held
to discuss various issues affecting women’s lives and the participants made the decision to create
a new feminist organization.36 The Fédération des Femmes du Québec (FFQ) was established in
34
Fédération du Québec pour le planning des naissances and Canadians for Choice, 17.
Anne St-Cerny, interview by author, Montreal, October 27th, 2011.
36
Baillargeon, 233; Clio Collective, 336; Lamoureux, 311.
35
13
1966, marking the emergence of second-wave feminism in the province.37 It began as an
umbrella group that brought together approximately thirty anglophone and francophone groups
to promote women’s rights and to provide a structure for the political representation of women in
Quebec.38 The Association Féminine d’éducation et d’action sociale was also founded in 1966. It
united rural women and served as a locus for social and political action.39 The two groups were
reformist and focused on legislative reform to improve the status of women.40
A new radical feminism emerged near the end of the 1960s within the context of the
Quiet Revolution, a period of significant social and structural transformation, characterized by
modernization, liberalization and a growing nationalist sentiment.41 The state took over powers
previously entrusted to the Catholic Church in economic and cultural sectors and intervened in
areas of health care, education and social welfare.42 The budding women’s movement mobilized
within this fertile context. Women responded to political opportunities created by a more liberal
government but also created opportunities by demanding free health care and a liberalization of
sexual mores long repressed by the Catholic Church.43 Unlike the reformists, radical feminists
did not put faith in legislative change. They denounced oppression and discrimination based on
patriarchy and capitalist systems, demanding independence. They put faith in themselves and
were forced to mobilize and act to implement the change they demanded. Women were able to
act on social and cultural changes that had been developing since the Second World War, largely
37
Prior to this, there was little feminist activity in Quebec. In 1893, anglophone women in Montreal founded the
Montreal Local Council of Women (MLCW) a branch of the National Council of Women of Canada. Francophones
participated, but tensions led to division and the creation of the Fédération Nationale St. Jean Baptiste. Some
historians attribute this minimal activity to the strength and proliferation of religious communities in the province.
Their presence likely delayed the creation of francophone feminist organizations. See Baillargeon 238-239.
38
Baillargeon, 240; Lamoureux, 311.
39
Dumont, 80.
40
Baillargeon, 243.
41
On June 18th 1960, the Liberals under the leadership of Jean Lesage came to power in Quebec, after the death of
Premier Maurice Duplessis in the Fall of 1959. Duplessis and the Union Nationale ruled the province with an iron
fist and gave significant power to the Catholic Church.
42
Baillargeon, 242.
43
Fédération du Québec pour le planning des naissances and Canadians for Choice, 13.
14
resulting from women’s increased participation in the workforce.44 Quebec’s birth rate declined
significantly. By 1966, Quebec had the lowest fertility rate in Canada, mostly due to a shift in
values and rejection of a strong discourse idealizing traditional family values. The Catholic
Church was losing control over the reproductive lives of Quebec couples. Despite the release of
the Papal Encyclical Humane Vitae in 1968, prohibiting all forms of artificial birth control, the
birth control pill, introduced in Canada in 1961, was the most widely used contraceptive method
by the end of the decade.45 People were going against the staunch teachings of the Catholic
Church that defined Quebec women as the mothers of the French-Canadian race and the
guardians of francophone Catholic tradition. Women increasingly rejected this discourse of
maternal vocation and began to assert control over their reproduction. The strength of this
discourse which subordinated women within the family and confined them to the domestic
sphere, accounts for the strength of their demands for contraception and abortion and their
centrality to women’s liberation. Radical feminists drew from larger ideologies of liberation to
argue that the Catholic Church objected to the use of contraceptives to keep women in ignorance
so they would continue to reproduce a steady stream of labour in the manifesto Pour un contrôle
des naissances.46 The French translation of the widely popular Birth Control Handbook argued
that access to contraception was the first step to women’s liberation.47 Feeling exploited by
traditional ideologies and structures of patriarchy, anger fueled protest and the new radical
feminism became organized. The first groups to form were the Montreal Women's Liberation
44
Baillargeon, 242.
Anne St-Cerny, “Historique du Mouvement de Santé des Femmes au Québec,” in A Notre Santé! Actes du
Colloque organisé par la FQPN (Montreal: Fédération du Québec pour le planning des naissances, 1989), 18.
46
Front de Libération des Femmes, “Introduction,” in Pour un contrôle des naissances (Montreal, 1971) quoted in
Mills, 132.
47
Mills, 132. The Birth Control Handbook was published in 1968 when disseminating information on
contraceptives remained illegal. It was created by a committee of McGill University students and served as a link
between political activism and feminist demands. The content of the English and French versions varied. See
Christabelle Sethna, “The Evolution of the Birth Control Handbook: From Student Peer-Education Manual to
Feminist Self-empowerment Text, 1968-1975,” Canadian Bulletin of Medical History Vol. 23, no. 1 (2006).
45
15
Movement (MWLM) in 1968, consisting mainly of anglophones from McGill University and the
larger, Front de Libération des Femmes (FLF), formed in 1969 with a mostly francophone
membership. By the end of the 1960s, women were involved in a widespread campaign for free
and accessible contraceptives. In the 1970s, abortion came to the forefront of the women’s
movement.
Abortion required radical action as it represented the greatest threat to conservative and
traditional family values. In Quebec, the issue became intertwined with national liberation and
the movement took a course that was different from the rest of Canada. This division became
manifest in the first national action for abortion. In 1970, women in Canada organized the
abortion caravan, a march of hundreds of women from Vancouver to Ottawa to protest the
inadequate reform of the 1969 abortion law. When federal officials declined to meet with them
upon arrival, they chained themselves to the visitors’ gallery of the House of Commons.48
Women insisted the law was discriminatory, limited women’s rights and exposed the
consequences of the inadequate law.49 Although these protestations were shared by women in
Quebec, the FLF did not participate as it refused to stand before a government whose powers it
did not recognize. The FLF did hold a demonstration in solidarity. As stated in a press release on
May 8th, “we are however, in solidarity with the women of Canada because we suffer the same
oppressions[...]we have the same dreams, we want to bring the world from fatalism to
freedom.”50 On May 10th the FLF organized its own demonstration in Montreal’s Parc La
Georgina, Feldberg, Molly Ladd-Taylor, Alison Li and Kathryn McPherson, “Comparative Perspectives on
Canadian and American Women’s Health Care since 1945,” in Women, Health, and Nation Canada and the United
States since 1945 ed. Georgina Feldberg, Molly Ladd-Taylor, Alison Li and Kathryn McPherson (Montreal and
Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2003), 29.
49
Sethna and Hewitt, 469-470.
50
Véronique O’Leary and Louise Toupin, Québécoises deboutte! Une anthologie de textes du Front de libération
des femmes (1969-1971) et du Centre des femmes (1972-1975) Vol. 1. (Montréal: Rémue-ménage, 1982), 70;
English translation quoted in Mills, 134.
48
16
Fontaine for all women to have access to free abortion on demand.51 Quebec women were
engaged in politics unlike women in the rest of Canada and radical feminism was tied to the
powerful national liberation movement. This was clearly expressed in the slogan of the era, “No
liberation of Quebec without the liberation of women, no liberation of women without the
liberation of Quebec.”52 Many francophone women did not identify with the universal category
of women but as Quebec women, feeling doubly marginalized, as women, and as Quebecers. The
FLF set the tone for the francophone feminist movement in Montreal and the foundation for the
necessity of collective action. It disbanded in 1971.53
Former militants of the FLF were quick to pick up the cause. They collaborated with the
MWLM and opened the Centre des Femmes in 1972. They were heavily influenced by the
American feminist movement and their discourse, that sexist and maternalist systems of
patriarchy were responsible for women’s exploitation.54 Radical feminists located the body as an
area of “personal patriarchy” from which women had to liberate themselves.55 Women in Quebec
followed their example and devoted energy to consciousness raising activities and participated in
direct actions to denounce these oppressive systems.56 The Centre des Femmes offered abortion
counselling services and a space for women to share ideas and experiences. It advocated for a
family planning policy in Quebec and was a regional association of the FQPN until it closed in
Véronique O’Leary and Louise Toupin, 70.
Mills, 131.
53
Mills, 128.
54
In general, the beginning of the second-wave feminism is attributed the publication of Betty Friedan’s The
Feminine Mystique in 1963 which argued that women were systematically excluded from political citizenship by
being taught that they could only reach fulfillment through motherhood. Women began sharing their experiences
and challenged conventional thinking about motherhood and the female body, by raising awareness that what
women commonly thought were personal problems, were actually social and political. Mills, 122 and Rebick, 12.
55
Michelle Murphy,“Liberation through control in the Body Politics of U.S Radical Feminism,” in The Moral
Authority of Nature, ed. Lorraine Dalton and Fernando Vidal (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004), 333.
56
Women began self-help groups and consciousness raising activities to gain knowledge and power over physicians
and to control their own bodies. The original edition of the 1973 groundbreaking Our Bodies Ourselves by the
Boston Women’s Health Book Collective, helped to create the women’s health movement by changing how people
thought about health care and by creating an alternative knowledge based on personal stories. Georgina Feldberg et
al., 26; Kline, 9, 11.
51
52
17
1975. Various other feminist organizations emerged in the 1970s and the women’s health
movement intensified.57 Slogans such as “Our bodies belong to us,” and “The right to control our
body, our maternity, our lives,” dominated in the mid 1970s. Women were very active in the
fight to gain control over their bodies. They held press conferences to spread their opinions and
organized workshops and information nights. Women’s health centers such as the Centre de
Santé des Femmes du quartier plateau Mont-Royal, later renamed the Centre de Santé des
Femmes de Montréal, opened to provide alternative care. Groups such as the Comité de defense
de Dr. Morgentaler dedicated their energy to supporting, the legal battles of the physician.
Others, such as the FQPN devoted their energies to informing women and raising awareness
about women’s reproductive rights. Additional radical groups formed, such as the Comité de
lutte pour l’avortement libre gratuit (CLALG) or, the Committee for free abortion on demand, in
1974. It was raided by the police a year later but regrouped to hold a demonstration on April 2nd,
1977 to fight for free abortion on demand. Two thousand people rallied around a single, precise
question; abortion. They delivered the Manifeste des femmes du Québec Pour l’Avortement Libre
et Gratuit, declaring battle, “so that all women in Quebec, who desire to interrupt a pregnancy,
can have an abortion, free and on demand, in their community, in their language, under proper
medical conditions, without discrimination based on class, nationality, race or age.”58 The overall
tone was that women had had enough. They were tired of arguing with doctors, facing delays,
being refused services, and being subject to sermons judging them as ignorant, irresponsible,
selfish, or as “easy” women. They were tired of fighting against oppression and exploitation.
They demanded a repeal of abortion laws, and financial support for services. Demonstrations
57
Women tackled issues of violence, workplace discrimination and equality within the family alongside issues of
contraception and abortion. Groups opened women’s shelters, women’s health centers, book stores, publishing
houses, non-union labour organizations and lesbian organizations. Baillargeon 243; Lamoureux, 313.
58
“Manifeste des femmes du Québec Pour l’Avortement Libre et Gratuit,” 1977; BANQ, FQPN fonds, box
2000408-04-002B-01 1999-04-001\2, Avortement position folder.
18
such as these evoked an emotional response and influenced public opinion and discourse. They
united women, built solidarity and amplified the movement. Members of the FQPN participated,
and in the same year formed a social action committee and resolved to initiate actions in support
of abortion.
The orientations and internal functioning of the FQPN were undoubtedly affected by the
strength of the feminist movement. Some of the regional associations were actively involved,
and the Federation had adopted a rights rhetoric regarding women’s health. Once the movement
was focused on gaining free and accessible health care services, the FQPN had no choice but to
join. Even if the male members supported the women’s movement, a hierarchical, maledominated professional organization stood no chance of survival in the environment of the mid1970s. As one member described, “The male professionals had their role to play and they played
it well, but it was time for a change. They became obsolete in a short time because change came
faster in Quebec than they thought.”59 Between 1977 and 1979, the FQPN underwent an
ideological and organizational crisis. The Federation was reorganized as a democratic
organization representing a more militant membership. Regional associations were asked to
question their membership and consider whether the FQPN still represented their interests. If
associations chose to stay in involved, their members had to ask themselves if they were willing
to accept the energy, investment and manner of work a more militant and political mentality
demanded.60 They adopted more radical objectives and made the abrupt transition from a service
group to a pressure group. The same woman who was denied a place on the first administrative
council became the director of the FQPN in 1979. The men soon left on their own, as they no
longer saw their place in an organization composed mainly of women whose principles were
59
Menard, Interview.
FQPN, “Assemblée Général Annuelle 1980,” June 1980; BANQ, FQPN fonds, box 20004-08-05-002B-0,
Assemblée Général Annuelle folder, 28.
60
19
increasingly feminist and whose actions were increasingly political. Drawing from the feminist
movement, the FQPN recognized that only women themselves could decide what was best for
women’s health. If the feminist struggles for reproductive control were to succeed, women alone
had to lead the fight. As one member recalls, “We realized we weren’t professionals, we were
women working with and using family planning services.” Those that remained wanted to,
“express their critical outlook and offer alternatives in family planning.”61 To respond to the
needs of the group members, the FQPN officially became a feminist organization in 1983,
acknowledging that,
What we are, what we think, what we want[...]all of these questions have to be at the
center of our thoughts and actions. We are involved in self-education and part of the
long process of women taking charge of themselves. This has to be a collective
effort. In sum, we are no longer working at the heart of an association only helping
others make decisions about their fertility. Rather, we are part of the process, making
collective demands and persuading others to join us.62
The general objectives of women’s autonomy in sexuality and reproductive health and a radical
feminist ideology guided the members within the new orientation. They were primarily
interested in issues of contraception, abortion, fertility, sexual education and new reproductive
technologies. They adopted a more global vision, defining health as a state of physical and
mental well-being, influenced by social, economic, political and environmental conditions.63 The
whole atmosphere of the organization changed. Communications expressed inclusiveness and a
sense of solidarity. An individual militant, appreciative of her membership which enabled an
engagement with issues of reproductive health and helped her to realize the power that women
61
St-Cerny, interview.
Fernande Menard, “Planning des naissances: de l’informaiton a l’education,” undated; FQPN archives, Généralité
Historique folder, 5-7.
63
FQPN, A Notre Santé! Actes du Colloque organisé par la FQPN. Montréal: Fédération du Québec pour le
planning des naissances, 1989, 7. This definition adhered to that of the World Health Organization.
62
20
were capable of, expressed, “I am grateful to work with a team that respects me and appreciates
my competence.”64
Meeting the Needs of the Movement: The 1980s
Although the FQPN emerged as a feminist organization a decade later than other groups,
this shift occurred at a critical time. The FQPN injected new energy into the women’s health
movement as a whole and helped it to carry on with the strength that it did. By the end of the
1970s, many groups had closed their doors. Some left because of the government’s new
openness and provision of family planning services, while others were exhausted from years of
fighting, financial difficulties and internal struggles among staff, militants and volunteers. They
simply ran out of steam.65 Even though the FQPN made the decision to focus on issues of
contraception, abortion quickly became and remained the priority. In 1979 the FQPN demanded
that the government put services in place to guarantee accessibility to abortion. With no success,
they took the issue into their own hands. Little did they know this demand would guide their
work for years to come. They immediately initiated pressures to improve the access of abortion
services in Quebec, particularly for francophones.66 The women’s movement was divided over
whether to fight for autonomous, public or alternative feminist services.67 As the FQPN was a
relatively new player on the scene, they used this time to build solidarity and define their role in
a fragmented movement. Members hoped to gain public visibility and spread their objectives and
positions. The FQPN coordinated the collective purchase of a newspaper page to establish a
network of communication with other organizations and to spread their position for free,
accessible and quality family planning services, including abortion. They solicited the support of
FQPN, “Presentation Historique,” FQPN Archives, Généralité Historique folder, 14-15.
Anne St-Cerny, “Historique du Mouvement de Santé des Femmes au Québec,” 28.
66
FQPN, “Position sur l’Avortement,” October 23, 1979; BANQ, FQPN fonds, box 2000408-002B-01 1999-04001\2, Prises de Position folder, 1-4.
67
Anne St-Cerny, “Historique du Mouvement de Santé des Femmes au Québec,” 29.
64
65
21
596 participants to purchase a newspaper page. On December 8th 1979, the Montreal based
newspaper, Le Devoir published the name of each participant under the heading, “Pour des
maternités librements consenties,”or “For voluntary maternity.” Participants proclaimed their
support for the necessity of quality family planning services, demanded increased financial
resources for family planning programs and that abortion be removed from the Criminal Code.68
Although it is difficult to measure the direct impact of an action such as this, it did bring the
issue to the public. Once an issue was brought to the media, a dialogue was created. The action
caused instant mobilization and convinced members and other organizations that they shared
similar objectives and could work together.69 One participant recalled, “I imagine that it would
have had an impact. I think there was a very strong feeling of justice in what we were doing.
Even though most people wouldn’t get out and demonstrate, I think that there was a strong
underlying feeling that, yes, this was right.”70 This action publicized and vocalized this
underlying feeling. The FQPN became the public manifestation of justice, uniting community
groups and individuals, by acting as a spokesperson for the pro-choice movement.
The FQPN collaborated with other women’s groups as a way to build solidarity and
forge alliances against anti-choice forces during this period of self-definition. In December 1981,
diverse women’s groups held a demonstration in direct opposition to a conference being held by
the Assemblée des évêques du Québec, or the Quebec Bishop’s Association. The Bishops
denounced the government’s decision to facilitate access to abortion, a practice they condemned
in their, “call in support of life.” They attacked the feminist discourse for wrongly associating
“Pour des maternités librement consenties,” Le Devoir, December 8, 1979; FQPN Archives, Avortement page
dans journal folder.
69
FQPN, “Assemblée Général Annuelle 1980,” June 1980; BANQ, FQPN fonds, box 20004-08-05-002B-0,
Assemblée Général Annuelle folder.
70
Rose Alper, interview by author, Montreal, October 21st, 2011.
68
22
abortion with women’s liberation.71 The FQPN and four other women’s groups responded by
organizing in the parking lot outside the venue of the conference so that minutes later, the
assembled women presented their,“call to all women who have given and maintained life for
centuries.” They denounced the Bishop’s position as it ignored the reality of women’s lives.
They collectively declared,
Today we reaffirm with strength, our will and determination to control our lives and
our bodies, to have children that we desire. The fight for free abortion on demand is a
struggle for the quality of life[...]We strongly believe that no external authority, civil
or religious, can make this judgement, it is up to us to decide.72
Actions such as these demonstrate the ability of women’s groups to mobilize quickly. Once they
heard news of the press conference, they collaborated with female theologians, obtained a copy
of the Bishop’s declaration and wrote a speech to counter each of the Bishop’s points. Although
actions such as these were less visible to the general population, they were important nonetheless
as a means of building solidarity and strength among the movement’s active organizations. This
was the first action of solidarity the FQPN participated in as a feminist organization, and it
sparked an interest. As one participant explained, “It was a powerful and emotional event. It
didn’t get a lot of press coverage, but it was very interesting and gratifying to be able to work
with such diverse groups on the same subject.”73
With each action the FQPN was defining its role in the movement. As they were
committed to a role of vigilance and critical surveillance, the FQPN conducted the first of several
actions of research and analysis. In February 1981, the FQPN released it first large-scale
research-action on the state of the Cliniques Lazure. Even though the implementation of the
clinics had improved abortion services overall, they regrettably found that some areas were still
71
72
73
Desmarais, 209
“Le vie de femme n’est pas une principe,” 1981, quoted in Desmarais, 210-211.
Menard, interview.
23
without services and labelled the clinics a, “lamentable failure.”74 This was the first of many
research actions wherein the FQPN exposed weaknesses in the public network, proposed
solutions for change and followed-up by pressuring the government to make necessary changes
and improvements. This research revealed that several clinics were directing the funds for family
planning programs elsewhere. Their report urged the government to stop funding these clinics
and to prioritize abortion services in community women’s health centers, as not all hospital
clinics were meeting the needs of women.75
After three years of self-definition, building solidarity and gaining visibility within the
movement, an opportunity arose for the FQPN to adopt a principal role. In 1983, the Quebec
wide, Coordination Nationale pour l’avortement Libre et Gratuit (CNALG) or, National
Coordination for Free Abortion on Demand, suspended its activities and the FQPN took over. It
worked closely with the Centre de Santé des Femmes de Montreal (CSFDM) but took on the role
of official spokesperson for the pro-choice movement. The FQPN publicly supported the
women’s organizations that provided direct services through freedom of speech and action.
According to the director at the time, “Other groups couldn’t speak in public, so we became the
spokesperson. Abortion is so basic as far as choice is concerned, someone had to speak for the
pro-choice movement, for the women who wanted free access to abortion. It came naturally to
us.”76 Also, the provincial government supported the voice of the FQPN, placing the
organization in somewhat of moderating position. The Parti Québécois needed someone to argue
with anti-choice groups and the FQPN was not afraid to say anything illegal.”77 The FQPN
provided information through counselling and referral services, produced brochures and other
FQPN, “Communiqué Les Cliniques Lazure: un constat d’échec,” February 24, 1981; FQPN Archives,
Avortement Services Cliniques Lazure folder.
75
Desmarais, 203.
76
Menard, interview.
77
Menard, interview.
74
24
educational documents and ran workshops and conferences. Health care workers, professionals,
women’s groups and the general population sought the resources of the FQPN. They raised
awareness on issues of women’s health by holding press conferences, writing articles for
newspapers and magazines and participating in various media interviews. They mobilized and
initiated direct actions such as campaigning and lobbying to develop solidarity, to expand the
movement and to build a powerful force. The collaboration of autonomous women’s groups was
necessary if they were to improve the quality and accessibility of women’s health services and to
enhance women’s self-determination.
Even though they recognized that a repeal of the abortion law would help ensure
abortion services, the majority of the actions of the FQPN were focused on accessibility and
improving the services that were already in place, particularly those in the public and community
networks. Actions geared towards repealing the law were part of Canada-wide actions. On
October 1st 1983, the Canadian Association for the Repeal of Abortion Law (CARAL) held a
national day of action for choice on abortion and solicited the participation of women’s groups in
Quebec. Women in the rest of Canada used Quebec as a model and hoped to gain from the
strength of the province’s movement.78 Although the FQPN was hesitant to participate at first,
CARAL gained their support by raising the issue of the fragility of services, “we are concerned
that the situation in Quebec may deteriorate if court battles go against us in other parts of the
country or if there is a change of government in your province.”79 The FQPN was beginning to
recognize that the movement in Quebec was inevitably tied to the movement in the rest of
78
CARAL was founded in 1973 and later became the Canadian Abortion Rights Action League. Rebick, 156. This
action was also inspired by the threats posed by Joseph Borowski, an anti-abortion crusader, committed to fighting
for fetal rights. Borowski appeared before a Saskatchewan Court in 1983 to argue that the fetus should be protected
under Section 7 or the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Janine Brodie, “Choice and No Choice in the
House,” in The Politics of Abortion, ed. Janine Brodie Shelly A.M. Gavigan and Jane Jenson (Toronto: Oxford
University Press, 1992), 94-95.
79
Norma Scarborough and Leslie Pearl, “Letter to FQPN, “Day of Action for Choice on Abortion,” 1983; FQPN
Archives, Blitz Page Journaux folder.
25
Canada and that it was best to demonstrate their solidarity. The action entailed the collective
purchase of a newspaper page to be published simultaneously across Canada, demanding the
right for all women to choose their maternity and for free abortion on demand. It was the first
time the FQPN worked with the rest of Canada and was a timid attempt to rebuild ties with
women in other provinces. The FQPN and the Centre de Santé de Femmes de Montréal
organized the action in Quebec. In six days, an astounding 1387 people pledged five dollars to
have their name printed in support of the action. The title, “Avortement un droit qui ne devrait
pas être jugé” or, “Abortion, a choice that should not be judged,” was followed by a common
declaration, refusing the judgement women faced and demanding a repeal of abortion from the
Criminal Code. In Quebec, the volume of response allowed the purchase of a page in the Journal
de Montréal and Le Devoir. On October 1st, however, the ad did not appear in the Journal de
Montréal, cutting the strength of the action in half. The directors of the newspaper explained
they had something more important to publish. Another newspaper, La Presse, stepped in and
agreed to publish the ad the following Saturday. On October 11th, the organizers publicly
denounced the Journal de Montréal. Women expressed their anger and frustration,
We are becoming increasingly aware of the difficulties we face in expressing our
opinion on abortion, even if we pay to do so[...]We hope that these difficulties don’t
discourage you form continuing the fight. This will continue to be difficult, but the
action we collectively led, demonstrates that our solidarity is gaining strength. Let us
not be worn down by exterior elements that don’t understand the sense of the word
respect.80
The omission violated the participant’s freedom of expression.81 They expressed the feeling of
discrimination in a letter to the editor of the Journal de Montréal, “We weren’t asking for
FQPN, “Communiqué 1387 personnes paient pour une annonce qui n’est pas publiée,” October 11, 1983; BANQ,
FQPN, Association pour le planning des naissances de Montréal Fonds, box 2000408-07-003B-01 1999-04-00126
P99, Correspondence and Press Clippings giving the position of the FQPN concerning abortion, 1979-1985 folder,
1-2.
81
FQPN, “Communiqué 1387 personnes paient pour une annonce qui n’est pas publiée,” October 11, 1983, 1-2.
80
26
anything, we were purchasing space. We weren't denouncing a situation. We were not publishing
anything violent, pornographic or sexist. Rather we were asking for the respect of our
fundamental rights.”82
Despite the setback, the movement remained strong in Quebec and women in Canada
continued to solicit their support. FQPN became the Quebec pillar of CARAL when they
initiated a binational coalition. This action was not taken without trepidation, but ultimately
FQPN extended their support to protect Quebec’s comparatively impressive abortion services.
They described their decision to represent Quebec’s pro-choice movement in Canadian actions as
both important and disruptive. It was an important role to play as, “the only way to win anything
or even to maintain our gains is to group together, en masse, to give significant weight to our
demands.”83 The Canadian movement clearly expressed their need and desire for joint
mobilization with Quebec. For example, communications to women’s groups in Quebec by the
Toronto based Ontario Coalition for Abortion Clinics and the Winnipeg Coalition for
Reproductive Choice, asked for support from the unified and militant movement in Quebec and
from the leaders of the fight for abortion.84 The FQPN also described this role as disruptive
because they were not an organization devoted uniquely to fighting for the right to abortion. It
was only one facet of their work. Being Quebec’s representative in the Canada- wide movement
would demand significant time and energy. Also, most groups in Canada focused on lobbying
the federal government to repeal the law. Members of the FQPN felt disconnected from the
federal government, explaining, “How many of us actually voted in the last federal elections? It
doesn’t take much to understand the inherent difference in this situation. Quebec is unlike other
Fernande Menard, “Letter to André Grou, Editor and General Director of the Journal de Montréal,” 1983; FQPN
Archives, Blitz Page Journaux folder.
83
FQPN, “Assemblée Général Annuelle 1986,” June 1986; FQPN Archives, box 3,
84
Gail Kellough, Aborting Law An Exploration of the Politics of Motherhood and Medicine (Toronto: University of
Toronto Press, 1996), 184, 207-208, 263.
82
27
provinces.”85 However, recognizing the need for collaboration, they maintained this role, but did
set limits. For example, the FQPN did not prioritize funding private clinics. Out of necessity
however, women in the rest of Canada directed their energies to establishing accessible private
clinics. In the fall of 1984, the FQPN refused to be in charge of a campaign to raise funds for
Morgentaler. They supported Morgentaler’s fight, but not in this way. They wanted to keep the
fight focused on demands for women’s rights, not the legal battles of others, “In our choice of
actions we must keep our objectives in mind- that all women in Quebec have access to free
abortion on demand.86 To meet these objectives, the FQPN prioritized mobilizing around access.
By 1984, the FQPN had built their path and adopted the leadership role in the fight for
abortion. Several groups were ready to support them in their actions. This role and strength of
solidarity were expressed in the mobilization of women’s groups by the FQPN over a
controversial zoning project in Dorval, a city on the island of Montreal. On October 1st 1984,
mayor Peter Yeomans proposed a zoning bylaw that relegated massage parlours, strip clubs,
erotica shops, tanning salons and abortion clinics to a remote, industrial end of town. The mayor
wanted to discourage the establishment of clinics in commercial or residential areas as he
expected, “a constant parade.”87 Women fought with great strength over the zoning project and
the issue gained widespread media coverage. By October 5th, the FQPN reacted and sent out a
call to all women’s groups to mobilize against this project. In media interviews, the FQPN
defended abortion as a, “Medical act that had nothing to do with viciousness, pornography or
violence.” They had the support of Morgentaler, who predicted that the Dorval bylaw, “would
FQPN, “Assemblée Général Annuelle 1984,” June 1984; FQPN Archives, box 3.
FQPN, “Assemblée Général Annuelle 1985,” June 1985; FQPN Archives, box 3.
87
Rachel Henderson, “Dorval to exile abortion clinics to areas for porno shops,” La Gazette, October 3, 1984;
BANQ, FQPN, Association pour le planning des naissances de Montréal Fonds, box 2000408-07-003B-01 1999-04001 26 P99, Correspondence and Press Clippings giving the position of the FQPN concerning abortion, 1979-1985
folder.
85
86
28
make the city the laughing stock of the country,”88 and the Quebec Minister for the Status of
Women, who labelled the project as, “absolutely revolting,” and “insulting to women.”89 Where
opponents denounced the association of a medical procedure with exploitative practices,
Yeomans based his argument on the stipulations of the Criminal Code, requiring abortions to be
performed in accredited hospitals, not clinics. He wanted to prevent any further slackening of
abortion laws and the proliferation of abortion clinics.90 In response, the FQPN mobilized over
150 groups to protest the zoning bylaw. They asked the citizens of Dorval to collectively
denounce the project at a city council meeting. No decision was made and groups continued to
express their opposition over the next few months. By January 1985, an amendment was
proposed to create two zones in near proximity, one for ‘erotic establishments’ and one for
abortion clinics. To the displeasure of the FQPN this insufficient compromise was adopted. The
FQPN wrote an open letter to the media, encouraging women to remain vigilant. The examples
of the 1983 newspaper purchase and Dorval project demonstrated the fragility of gains in the
fight for abortion and that attempts to limit access and women’s rights could come from
anywhere. The FQPN recognized, “Our only strength rests in the solidarity of our actions. Until
the law is repealed, we need to lead the fight, at all levels, we need to stay alert as at any moment
our gains can put into question.”91
Such actions created a backlash and the anti-choice movement was gaining strength in
Quebec.92 One strategy of the anti-choice movement was to infiltrate the Centres Locaux de
Rachel Henderson, “Dorval to exile abortion clinics to areas for porno shops.”
Rachel Henderson, “Family Planning group, provincial Minister, denounce Dorval Bylaw,” a Gazette, October
11, 1984.
90
Rachel Henderson, “Family Planning group, provincial Minister, denounce Dorval Bylaw.”
91
Luce Harnois,“Assemblée Publique sur le droit a l’Avortement,” December 3, 1985; FQPN Archives, untitled
folder.
92
Some of the many principal actors in the anti-choice movement in Quebec include, Le Front commun pour le
resect de la vie, Les Médecins de Québec pour le respect de la vie, La Coalition du Québec pour le respect de la vie,
Campagne Québec-vie, Assemblée des évêques du Québec, l’Association des parents Catholiques du Québec, and
88
89
29
Services Communautaires (CLSC) or, Local Community Health Centres that performed
abortions.93 The first attempt to shut down abortion services from within was successful. Four
members of the Coalition pour la vie de Groulx, gained seats on the board of the CLSC in the
region of Saint-Thérèse in 1985. A local women’s group, the Comité femme du Cégep de
Lionel-Groulx, reacted and the FQPN added their strength of mobilization, inviting women’s
groups to demonstrate their solidarity. In early April, fifty women demonstrated in front of the
CLSC with the support of sixty-seven groups who wrote letters to the board, requesting they
continue to perform abortions.94 By October, the board voted to stop offering the procedure. The
FQPN denounced the decision and reaffirmed the fundamental right to the freedom of choice.
Members grew increasingly frustrated over the fact that services remained incomplete,
concentrated in urban areas, subject to budget cuts and the decisions of a few people in key
positions of power.95
An increased strength in action and more defensive role of the FQPN meant that abortion
services at the CLSC in the region of Saguenay Lac-St-Jean did not suffer the same fate the
following year. A local anti-choice group filed a complaint against Dr. Jean Denis Bérubé for
performing abortions at the CLSC. The FQPN mobilized quickly and collaborated with the
Coalition Québécoise pour le Droit a L’avortement Libre et Gratuit (CQDALG) and the
Regroupement des Centre de Santé des Femmes du Québec (RCSFQ) to defend abortion
services. They launched a full-scale media action which included a letter writing campaign to
Justice Minister Herbert Marx, submitting editorials and open letters to the media, and a third
branches of Canada-wide organizations, REAL women and the Christian Heritage Party. Fédération du Québec pour
le planning des naissances and Canadians for Choice, 23.
93
A Network of Centres Locaux de Services Communautaires (CLSC) opened throughout Quebec in 1972, to
respond to pressures from the general public for accessible health services. The first CLSCs emphasized education
and prevention and played an important role in the establishment of abortion services throughout Quebec.
Fédération du Québec pour le planning des naissances and Canadians for Choice, 13.
94
Desmarais, 253.
95
Desmarais, 260-261.
30
collective newspaper purchase. They hoped a strong media presence would, “engage public
debate and make the issue explode.”96 The response was astonishing. A newspaper
advertisement, demanding the right to freedom of choice, was published in Le Soleil and La
Presse with the support of 2612 participants. The response exceeded their goal and this time they
could not fit everyone’s name in the space of a full-page. They collectively called for the
government of Quebec to take a clear position on abortion so that any future pursuits against
abortion were inadmissible and to end to all budget cuts limiting access.97 Herbert Marx
supported their campaign and ordered an end to all legal proceeding or complaints against
physicians, based on the 1976 decision of the Parti Québécois and abortions continued at the
CLSC.98 The FQPN recognized this campaign as the most important action of that year. They
demonstrated the ability to mobilize in great strength against anti-choice projects, reaffirmed the
respect of a woman’s right to choose, and made women’s demands public. Following these
actions, the FQPN adjusted their priorities to pursue an even more political route.
This direction was also fueled by the FQPN’s clear articulation of its feminist vision that
developed throughout the 1980s. Their actions made them aware of the increasing complexity of
reproductive health. The FQPN expanded their global vision of health to include prevention, the
influence of pharmaceutical companies, and government policies. Their 1986 publication Du
Contrôle de Fecondité au Contrôle des Femmes, or From Controlling Fertility to Controlling
Women, defined their perspective. The FQPN argued that the so called sexual revolution did not
happen. A general tolerance in society and scientific progress masked the sexual repression of
Marie Vallée, “Lettre aux groupes de femmes du Québec, aux groupes d’appui pour la lutte pour l’avortement,”
August 25, 1986; FQPN Archives, Avortement Blitz 1986 folder.
97
CQDALG, FQPN and RCSFQ, “Le Droit de Choisir,” Le Soleil and La Presse, September 27, 1986; FQPN
Archives, Avortement Blitz 1986 folder.
98
Fédération du Québec pour le planning des naissances and Canadians for Choice, 23.
96
31
women and ultimately limited a woman’s power to make decisions.99 They were concerned with
the influence the government and pharmaceutical companies had over a woman’s ability to
control her own fertility. These external factors influenced a woman’s choice. As feminists
before them, they pursued a direction that would not only help women make decisions to
regulate their fertility, but to actively participate in the services they used to manage their
reproduction.100 Their outlook exposed power differentials and encouraged women to be
involved in and critical of health care. Feminism demanded more than analysis and observation,
it required a commitment to action, to challenge the structures that create oppression. This
articulation differentiated the FQPN from other groups. They felt they were in a, “privileged
position to make links between the struggle for abortion and the autonomy of women in matters
of reproduction and sexuality.”101 This critical outlook led them to question the notion of choice
granted following the decriminalization of abortion in 1988.
By the time the law was repealed in 1988, the FQPN was already experienced in terms of
ensuring the accessibility of services. Following decriminalization, the FQPN remained vigilant
and aware that even this gain was fragile. Morgentaler’s legal battles ended in the Supreme Court
decision delivered on January 28th 1988 which voided the 1969 abortion law and the therapeutic
abortion committee framework. Morgentaler pleaded not guilty based on the defense of
necessity, and that the law violated section 7 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms,
enacted in 1982 guaranteeing life, liberty and security of person. Abortion clinics were no longer
illegal.102 The tone of the FQPN’s reaction demonstrated their commitment to vigilance, wherein
FQPN, Du Contróle de la Fécondité au Contrôle des Femmes (Montréal: Fédération du Québec pour le planning
des naissances, 1986), 7.
100
Angus McLaren Angus and Arlene Tigar McLaren, The Bedroom and the State: The Changing Practices and
Politics of Contraception and Abortion in Canada 1880-1997 (Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1997), 160-161.
101
FQPN, “Assemblée Général Annuelle 1986,” June 1986; FQPN Archives, box 4.
102
Jane Jenson, “Getting to Morgentaler: From One Representation to Another,” 16.
99
32
they profited from an event of collective celebration to clearly indicate how they planned to
continue the fight. They answered questions on how decriminalization would affect the women
of Quebec and expressed the need to be ready to act against all inevitable attempts to recriminalize abortion.103
The new law created further tensions based on rights rhetoric. Arguments between a
woman’s right to choose and anti-choice proponents for fetal rights manifested and threats to
limit access to abortion soon followed. Both sides wanted to reframe the issue in their respective
discourse of rights, to supplant the medical language of abortion.104 The first threat, known as the
Chantal Daigle Affair took place in Quebec, lending significant visibility to the feminist
movement in Quebec. In 1989, twenty-one year old Chantal Daigle was taken to court by her
former boyfriend, Jean-Guy Tremblay, whose legal fees were paid by the anti-choice group
Campaign Life, in an attempt to stop her from having an abortion. The central conflict was
between whether a woman’s right to choose, thought to be protected by the Canadian Charter of
Rights and Freedoms, took precedence over a the right to life of a fetus, based on the right to life
provision in the Quebec Charter.105 Pro-choice forces gathered en masse to support Diagle,
setting records for the number and volume of demonstrations. On July 27th 1989, 10,000 people
mobilized in the streets of Montreal to show their support. Over the course of the trial and
appeals process, Daigle traveled to Boston, with the help of a Quebec women’s group, to receive
an abortion. Even though this disrupted the arguments of the case, Daigle’s lawyer was
successful in pursuing the proceedings as the central issue over rights remained. By November
FQPN and RCSFQ, Communiqué Le Jugement de la Cour Supreme du Canada concernant l’avortement,”
January 29 1988; FQPN Archives.
104
Brodie et al., 5, 12.
105
Haussman, 71.
103
33
16th 1989, the case had reached the Supreme Court of Canada which ruled that there was no fetal
right to life under the Quebec Charter and that the father did not have the right to intervene. 106
By the end of 1989, the population mobilized yet again to protest the adoption of Bill C43, the first of several government projects aimed at re-criminalizing abortion. Bill C-43
proposed reinstating the 1969 legislation but required one physician, not a therapeutic abortion
committee, to determine whether the health or life of the pregnant woman was at risk. After the
Morgentaler and Chantal Daigle cases, there were no federal guidelines on abortion policy,
creating political space for the Conservative government of Brian Mulroney to return the
regulation of abortion to the jurisdiction of the Criminal Code.107 Women across Canada
denounced the project as it denied women the right to self-determination. The FQPN mobilized
letter writing campaigns and addressed Brian Mulroney directly, to express their, “indignation
and anger to the government calling into question the right of freedom of choice for all women
of Canada.”108 By January 31st 1991, the Bill was defeated in Senate, marking the end of a three
year debate over the role of the state in regulating abortion.
Maintaining the Movement: The 1990s and 2000s
Some organizations devoted to a repeal of the abortion law closed their doors following
these two successive victories. The FQPN remained vigilant and pursued its priority of
accessibility. They expressed to the women of Quebec, “No, the feminist women’s health
movement is not over. We will develop arguments and strategies to improve women’s health and
curb medical power.”109 For the next two decades the focus of the FQPN became the
accessibility and improvement of free and quality abortion services throughout Quebec. These
106
Haussman, 75.
Haussman, 79.
108
Marie Vallée,”Letter to Mr. Brian Mulroney,” 1989; FQPN Archives, Avortement FQPN correspondence folder.
109
FQPN, A Notre Santé! Actes du Colloque organisé par la FQPN, 97.
107
34
objectives were achieved by conducting research and analysis, by pressuring the government to
implement services and by mobilizing against threats.
The FQPN conducted research and analysis for three main reasons. Firstly, to stay in
touch with the reality of women’s experiences and health care needs. Secondly, to investigate the
state of services to expose weaknesses and offer solutions, giving the FQPN reason and grounds
to pressure the government of Quebec to make improvements and to commit to providing the
services they promised. Thirdly, to provide women with critical information on developments in
health care to help them make informed decisions. All of these actions were geared towards
improving the quality of services offered to women in the public and community network.
After the multiple actions and upheavals on the 1980s, the FQPN took the opportunity to step
back and take stock of the situation. They, too, risked running out of steam, but remained
committed as they saw a demand for their actions and resources. The FQPN held a conference,
“A Notre Santé: perspectives du mouvement de santé des femmes du Québec” or, “To our
health: perspectives on the women’s health movement in Quebec,” in 1989. Approximately one
hundred women were invited by the FQPN to reflect on the past decades and address the future
directions of the women’s health movement. The day was important to building solidarity as
most women appreciated the opportunity to organize collectively and share their experiences.
One participant said, “There is hope, feminism, is not over, not out of fashion! Solidarity exists
among women and diverse women’s groups.”110 Similarly, a member later explained her
membership with the FQPN, “because we believe, because we are proud to be women and
feminists, to find ourselves with other women, to be heard, to give us power, over our bodies, our
health, our future.”111 The FQPN found the motivation to continue their work, and the desire to
110
111
FQPN, A Notre Santé! Actes du Colloque organisé par la FQPN, 9.
“Members Report,” 1992; FQPN Archives, box 4, Bilan Annuel 1992 folder.
35
reconnect with women through remarks such as these. Satisfaction came from working closely
with women themselves, rather than locations of power.112 The goal of this conference was to reconnect with women and analyze their experiences, to ensure that future actions and political
pressures were focused on meeting the needs of women.
At the beginning of the 1990s, the FQPN saw an increase in requests for abortion
referrals and general information on family planning.113 Recent research by the Conseil du Statut
de la femme, an advisory body on women’s issues, revealed an inadequate division of
government resources, that three regions in Quebec were still without resources and that the
majority offered incomplete services. The FQPN co-wrote an article with the CQALG and
RCSFQ to publicize the findings and concluded,
It is not surprising that in this context, there is ample exploitation of women! Women
are often without adequate support. Unfortunately, many have to scroll through the
yellow pages as a resource guide. It is the integrity and security of women that are
directly threatened with the absence of adequate resources, accessibility and
financing.114
Since it was ultimately the responsibility of the state to ensure access to health care, the FQPN
began to pressure the government to address the existing inadequacies. These actions were
particularly timely as the government underwent a process of reorganizing the public health
network in the 1990s. A regionalization of health services, an increase in home care and overall
budget cuts, led to a decrease in abortion services. Family planning clinics were forced to close.
Women’s groups organized against these reforms and denounced the overall disengagement of
the state. The FQPN remained vigilant and ready to mobilize diverse groups against further
FQPN, “Assemblée Général Annuelle 1990,” June 1990; FQPN Archives, box 4.
FQPN, Le Planning des naissances au Québec: Portrait des services et paroles de femmes (Montréal: Fédération
du Québec pour le planning des naissances, 2002), vii.
114
Micheline Dupuis, Margot Frenette, Pierrette Graton and Michèle Roy, “L’avortement au Québec: Mythe et
realité,” La Presse, May 12 1992.
112
113
36
closures.115 The FQPN focused their energies on pressuring the government to implement the
Ministerial Orientations in Family Planning that had been promised since 1987. Before these
guidelines were made public there was nothing requiring administrators to offer services. The
adoption and diffusion of these guidelines became a priority for the FQPN and by 1996 they
were made public. The guidelines aimed to improve access to family planning services,
especially abortion, throughout Quebec, for women and men to exercise freedom of choice, and
recognized the fundamental right to physical integrity and accessible services.116 The FQPN
wrote to the Minster of Health and Social Services, Jean Rochon, to express their pleasure at the
release of the guidelines, but equally expressed their concerns. They were pleased with the
priorities, but found several faults,
We worry about the possibility of the application [of the priorities] within the context
of budgetary modifications and the reconfiguration of the public health network.
How will the number of abortions be decreased if access remains limited?[...] As a
community organization that has worked in family planning for several years, we ask
you Minister, to see to the application of these orientations in family planning, and
that they are accessible, universal and free in all regions of Quebec, to the entire
population, and that they respect women’s and men’s rights.117
By 1999, the FQPN initiated a research action into the state of family planning services to create
a provincial portrait following the reorganization of the public health network, to evaluate
women’s satisfaction as the principal users of these services, and to clarify strategies of
collective action to improve any faults they found.118 Much of their research involved listening to
women to identify their needs. Their findings caused concern as some regions were still without
services, clinics continued to close, many women faced delays, and some doctors who practiced
Anne St-Cerny, “National Abortion Federation Canadian Provider Meeting, Panel sur le mouvement Pro-choix,”
September 16, 1995; FQPN Archives, box 4, Bilan Annuel 1996 folder.
116
Fédération du Québec pour le planning des naissances and Canadians for Choice, 28.
117
Micheline Boucher, “Letter to Monsieur Jean Rochon, Minister of Health and Social Services,” June 10, 1996;
FQPN Archives, box 4, Bilan Annuel 1997 folder.
118
FQPN, Le Planning des naissances au Quebec: Portrait des services et parole des femmes (Montréal: Fédération
du Québec pour le planning des naissances, 2002.)
115
37
abortions were the targets of anti-choice actions and were hesitant to continue.119 Following the
release of their report, the FQPN toured across Quebec to raise awareness among women’s
groups and health workers on the state of family planning services and to identity the specific
needs of each region.
The FQPN found there was a need to remobilize through collective action. In part, thanks
to the pressures and mobilization of the FQPN, funds were released in 2001 to finally meet the
objectives and priorities of the 1996 guidelines. On May 28th 2000, the FQPN organized a
celebration of the thirtieth anniversary of the abortion caravan. The purpose of this event was to
celebrate the gains made by the women’s health movement over the last three decades, but it was
also an opportunity to raise awareness about their current concerns and to initiate collective
action to demand improved access to abortion. They delivered the message that even though
gains had been achieved, women continued to face obstacles when accessing abortion
services.120 They launched a postcard campaign, as a way to pressure the government to produce
necessary resources. The postcard read, “L’Avortement: une realité incontournable, un service
essentiel,”or “Abortion: an unavoidable reality, an essential service,” and up to 10,000 were sent
to the Quebec Minister of Health and Social Services, Pauline Marois throughout the year. The
postcard expressed the concern that a lack or absence of resources put the health and quality of
women’s lives in danger and asked that abortion be recognized as an essential health service. A
strong collective action showed the Minister that individuals and women’s organizations
remained vigilant and had a vast network of support.121 These efforts were greeted with success.
Francine Mailloux, “Letter to Agnès Maltais,” October 11, 2001; FQPN Archives, Avortements-Financemnet
folder.
120
FQPN, “L’avortement: une realité incontournable, un service essentiel,” 2000.
121
“L’avortement: une realité incontournable, un service essentiel,” 2000; FQPN Archives, Avortements Cartes
postales folder; Nathalie Parent, “Lettre aux Membres du Réseau québécois d’action pour la santé,” September 13,
2000; FQPN Archives, Avortements Cartes postales folder.
119
38
On October 4th 2001, Ministers Remy Trudel and Angès Maltais announced an investment of
3.2 million dollars to improve abortion services in all regions of Quebec. The announcement
concluded, “The women of Quebec were heard by the government of Quebec.”122 This was met
with enthusiasm as abortion services had essentially been functioning on the same budget since
the mid 1980s.123 Although it is difficult to measure the direct impact of such a campaign as
others were initiating actions at the same time, it certainly had an impact on making the need for
improved services known.124
The atmosphere of celebration and collective action surrounding the thirtieth anniversary
was also an opportunity to recreate ties with other groups. The FQPN was committed to
conducting research into any new scientific or medical developments to help women make
informed choices. Throughout the 1990s, the FQPN clashed with other women’s groups in
Quebec and Canada, due to their critical position on medical abortions, including the methods
RU486/PG and Methotrexate and Misprostal. Their critical attitude stemmed from a concern
over the potential negative impacts these ‘abortion pills’ could have on women’s physical and
mental health, and also that new techniques would limit access to conventional methods. The
FQPN always researched new contraceptive methods and new reproductive technologies. It was
only natural that they would research new methods of abortion. In the early 1980s the drug
RU486 combined with prostaglandine, was available in France. The method differed from a
surgical abortion as it involved a single injection followed by a pill or vaginal suppository three
to four days later to terminate a pregnancy. This method was not available in North America. By
the mid 1990s, a similar method which combined Mehotrexate, an anti-cancer drug and
Minister d’Etat à la Santé et aux Services Sociaux,“Communiqué,” October 4, 2001; FQPN Archives,
Avortements Financement folder.
123
Presse Canadienne, “Les groupes de femmes sont heureuses de fonds par les avortements,” FQPN Archives,
Avortements Financement folder.
124
Parent, interview.
122
39
Misoprostal, an arthritis drug was labelled effective in the New England Journal of Medicine.
Soon after, doctors in the United States and Canada began showing an interest in performing
medical abortions. Morgentaler introduced the method in the late 1990s, as these two drugs were
already easily available, “There's nothing to prevent family doctors from using it- that’s the
beauty of it.”125 Remarks such as these gave critics all the more reason to remain skeptical and to
inform women of their options. The majority of women’s groups supported the method, arguing
it gave women another choice and could only increase accessibility to abortion since more
doctors would be willing and able to offer it. The FQPN warned these new methods were still
experimental treatments and the long-term side effects were unknown.126 They wanted to break
the myth that medical abortion was simple and intimate. The FQPN believed it was more
difficult for women’s emotional and mental health, even if it were less physically invasive.
Women could be alone at the time of expulsion and this could cause increased anxiety.127 In
1996 they collaborated with RCSFQ and published an informational brochure entitled,
“L’avortement, par cocktail chimique: une solution ou une problem?” or, “Abortion by chemical
cocktail, a solution of a problem?” The authors questioned the method, compared potential risks
and side-effects with surgical methods and denounced the overall medicalization of women’s
health. The brochure invited women to ask, does it really not endanger women’s Health? Does is
really allow women control over her body? The FQPN questioned why women and doctors
would want to take this risk, when a sure method, that lasted only fifteen minutes and was
available in Quebec. Groups in favour of the new method criticized this publication as, “too
negative” and suggested it was an exaggeration. The FQPN responded by explaining,
Ingrid Hein, “Chemical Choice a new abortion procedure soon to be offered in Montreal provides an alternative
to surgery,” The Hour, June 13-19 1996; FQPN Archives, Avortement Medical folder.
126
Ingrid Hein, “Chemical Choice a new abortion procedure soon to be offered in Montreal provides an alternative
to surgery.”
127
FQPN, “Procès Verbal du Conseil d’Administration,” January 2001, FQPN Archives, avortement medical folder.
125
40
Our vigilance regarding women’s health leads us to defend the importance of having
services adapted to our needs, an approach that accounts for our social environment
and living conditions[...]We worry about the integrity of women’s physical and
mental health and it is our job to present critical information on all questions of
health and all new medications, to give everyone the possibility to make clear and
informed choices.128
Their feminist agenda emphasized reproductive safety alongside choice, and was critical of overmedicalization and a woman’s loss of self-determination. The issue was very divisive and other
groups criticized their decision to denounce the abortion pill.129 Eventually, RU486 was tested in
Quebec and Canada. The FQPN adopted the position that if it was approved, it should not
replace or disrupt the accessibility of surgical methods.130 Throughout the process, clinics
physicians realized that the method wasn’t as simple as perceived and wasn’t promoted
following initial trials. According to the coordinator of the FQPN at the time, their critical
outlook, “had an impact on discouraging its use.”131
Despite divisions, the FQPN was able to mobilize diverse groups against concrete threats
to abortion. Part of the success of the FQPN rests in their ability to recognize real threats and
mobilize quickly in response. The most significant threat of the 1990s took place in April 1995,
when Human Life International, one of the most fervent anti-choice organizations in the world,
held their World Congress in Montreal. The FQPN acted quickly and informed other groups of
the event. Solidarity was essential against this group, which alongside its strength in numbers,
was described as having, “an anti-woman agenda that [knew] no limits.” It violently opposed a
woman’s right to choose abortion and lobbied against sex-education, contraception and aid for
Letter from Centre de Femmes de Montréal and response by FQPN and RCSFQ, “Aux membres de la Table
Régionale des Centre de Femmes,” June 6, 1996; FQPN Archives, Avortement Techniques RU486/PG Publications
folder.
129
St-Cerny, interview.
130
FQPN, “Procès Verbal du Conseil d’Administration,” January 2001.
131
St-Cerny, interview.
128
41
single mothers.132 The FQPN formed a coalition of nearly forty groups and held a press
conference to express that the values and activities of Human Life International went against the
principles and democratic values of Quebec. They expressed their, “profound disagreement and
indignation of the intolerance and fundamentalism of this group.”133 Student and youth groups of
the coalition led a demonstration outside the Notre-Dame Basilica when the conference began.
The overall message was that under no circumstances was this group welcome in Montreal. The
mass mobilization of the population in response clearly demonstrated that these ideologies were
not welcome in Quebec. The population had fought for decades, passing, “from a society under
the guise of the Catholic Church, to ‘la grande noirceur’ to a tolerant, liberal society where
women exercised rights.”134 This event gained widespread media coverage with the FQPN in the
spotlight as the spokesperson for the coalition. Their message was heard, the group never
returned to Quebec.135
Government projects also threatened the accessibility of abortion services and a woman’s
right to choose. Between 1988 and 2008, eight government projects were introduced to the
House of Commons questioning a woman’s right to abortion. The FQPN did not mobilize
strongly against any, other than Bill C-43, until the arrival of Stephen Harper’s Conservative
government in 2006 and the introduction of two private member’s bills aimed at reopening the
debate on abortion. An Albertan Conservative deputy, Léon Benoit, raised the issue of fetal
rights while Ontario Liberal deputy, Paul Steckle, proposed modifying the Criminal Code to
prohibit abortions past twenty weeks, at which time the fetus would be granted the legal status of
Flyer “Demonstration April 19th 1995 7:30 Place d’Armes,” 1995; FQPN Archives, Human Life International
folder.
133
Sylviane Tramier, “La Mobilisation se veut générale contre “l’intégrisme” de VHI.” Le Devoir, April 18, 1995;
FQPN Archives, Human Life International folder.
134
Cécil Hauchecorn, “Une mouvement pas très Catholique- an Interview with Anne St-Cerny,” Journal d’Action
Solidarité Grand Plateau, September 1995. The Grand Noirceur, or great darkness, refers to the period in which
Quebec was subject to the rule of Maurice Duplessis.
135
St-Cerny, interview.
132
42
personhood. The latter was the first project aimed directly at re-criminalization since 1989. The
FQPN sensed the need to remobilize, yet again, to be ready to act if a concrete threat were to
reach fruition. In response, they established the Réseau de Veille Pro-Choix or, a Pro-Choice
awareness network, connecting people and organizations, through an electronic network to share
information and news of any threats. Members would be called to participate in collective
actions when necessary.136 These efforts of networking and alliance building paid off in their
mobilization against Bill C-484 or ‘The Unborn Victims of Crime Act’ introduced by
Conservative deputy Ken Epp. It sought to amend the Criminal Code so that separate charges
could be laid in the death of a fetus if a pregnant woman was attacked. It was a step towards recriminalizing abortion and infringed upon women’s rights. The FQPN called its network into
action when C-484 passed a second reading in the House of Commons on March 5th 2008. The
FQPN co-organized a campaign with the FFQ including a demonstration and a letter and
postcard campaign to declare collective opposition against the project. While the campaign was
underway, the government entered a new election and the law fell. Since this did not mean an
end to threats against abortion rights, the organizers simply altered the campaign’s central
message, “No to C-484” to “No more C-484s” to clearly affirm their opposition. Postcards with
the theme of the government playing with women’s rights, were sent to deputies to express
opposition to future projects as they put, “women’s rights to equality, freedom and security at
risk.137 Fifty-thousand postcards were distributed at the demonstration 5000 people attended on
September 28th. Despite the law falling, this was the third largest demonstration for abortion and
free choice in Quebec, next to mobilization in support of Chantal Daigle and in opposition to
Human Life International. By raising awareness, the FQPN and FFQ demonstrated the need to
Louise Boivin and Nathalie Parent, “Proteger le droit a l’avortement,” A Bàbord! 2006; FQPN Archives, Bilan
Annuel 2006-2007 folder.
137
“Pas d’autres C-484 On ne joue pas avec les droits des femmes,” 2008; FQPN Archives, untitled folder.
136
43
remain vigilant. For young women and seasoned militants who thought abortion was a secure
right or an unalterable gain, they learned the opposite was true; abortion rights remained fragile.
Again, it is difficult to measure the direct impact of such an event. For the organizers, it
demonstrated an exceptional ability to collaborate and mobilize with great strength. The
following day, Stephen Harper announced for the first time that neither he nor his deputies would
reopen the debate on abortion. As usual, the FQPN remained skeptical.138
By June 2010 the FQPN and FFQ organized another action against Harper’s
Conservative government. This action was less combative and used silence and non-violent
means to build support and express discontent. Three hundred people gathered to peacefully
denounce Harper’s initial refusal to deny federal funding to international family planning groups
that supported abortion. The event was a silent protest where participants dressed in black and
lay on the ground with a coat hanger, the sad symbol of clandestine abortions, positioned on their
stomachs to recognize the millions of women around the world who are forced to seek recourse
to dangerous methods.139 One participant, an active member of the FQPN since its foundation
remembered, “There were not many people[...]but it was one of the most beautiful events I have
ever attended.”140 Mobilizing against abortion, continues to demand the time and energy of the
FQPN.
The heavy focus that the issue of abortion has demanded, has had repercussions. Other
areas of research and action were often put aside to meet the demands of the fight for abortion.
Much of the fight for abortion was focused on collective rights-based arguments and there was a
concern of losing the individual by directing so much attention to retaining rights and services
FQPN, “Bilan Annuel 2006-2007” May 2007; FQPN Archives, Bilan Annuel 2006-2007 folder.
Stéphanie Baillargeon, “Leur corps, leur choix, manifestation en noir contre les menaces antichoix,” Le Devoir
June 11, 2010; FQPN Archives, Press clippings Avortement folder.
140
Menard, interview.
138
139
44
against a given health policy or anti-choice threat. Throughout the movement, the FQPN was
careful to make the effort to stay in touch with the reality of women’s experiences. As early as
1986 the FQPN recognized that their success and survival depended on bringing women together
and working for women. Otherwise they risked folding in on themselves, only to be at the
service of their group-members.141 Even though the FQPN knew that their work was conducted
for the wider population, the citizen movement behind them gradually became less visible to
those in charge of administering financial resources and grants. Women’s organizations risked
being perceived as corporate bodies, in defense of their own issues and interest and being denied
funding as a result. To gain a certain political weight and remind the powers that be of their
objective to be at the service of the community, the FQPN is shifting strategies to, “regain a
spirit of citizenship.”142
The FQPN is engaging in new strategies out of necessity, but mostly out of desire.
Recently, the FQPN has shifted towards a language and analytical framework of reproductive
justice, in part as a way to stay connected with women and their individual experience, especially
those of marginalized women. The FQPN feels they can no longer demand better access to
services or defend the rights of women without addressing the structural inequalities that limit
the capacity of women to make real choices. Despite forty years of dedicated work, certain
groups of women do not have the same access to reproductive health services as others. For
example, First Nations women in Quebec experience a higher rate of infertility and cervical
cancer than other women in the province.143 This new framework will allow the FQPN to
confront current injustices relating to reproductive rights and sexuality, and address structural
FQPN, “Assemblée Général Annuelle 1986,” June 1986; FQPN Archives, box 4, 21.
Parent, interview.
143
Comité Justice Reproductive de la FQPN, “La justice reproductive pour toutes les femmes,” in L’agenda des
femmes 2012, ed. Les Editions Rémue-ménage (Montréal: Rémue-ménage, 2011).
141
142
45
inequalities that infringe on a woman’s ability to control her reproductive life. The FQPN aims to
maintain the role of animator and coordinator, uniting women and community organizations to
enable conversations and solidarity among women.144 An early strategy was to invite women
who identified with oppressions, such as homophobia, racism and socioeconomic difficulties, to
share their perspectives on reproductive issues in their communities. The FQPN hopes to
transform their work to be more inclusive, and to encourage the participation of diverse groups,
through strategies that connect individuals who face obstacles and have demands to make.145
Although they are unsure where this path will lead, they are certain it will enable greater social
justice and a more profound solidarity.146
The FQPN’s most recent research into the state of abortion services in Quebec
demonstrates that some women continue to face barriers and some facilities suffer from a lack of
resources, ultimately reducing the quality of direct and follow-up services.147 It is hoped that
their new strategy will help address these barriers. Access to abortion remains under threat and
will continue to demand some level of vigilance and attention. For example, as recently as
September 2011, the FQPN and FFQ denounced a possible private member’s bill introduced by
Conservative deputy Brad Trost, expressing, “Quebec’s population is very clear on this point, the
decision of how to address an unplanned or unwanted pregnancy belongs to women. It is a
question of health and respect of women’s autonomy.”148 Decades of fighting to enforce this
perspective has resulted in Quebec having the most accessible abortion services in all of Canada.
It has the highest number of service providers and is one of few province’s that have standards
FQPN, “Bulletin de la FQPN,” November 2010.
Parent, interview.
146
Comité Justice Reproductive de la FQPN, “L’avenir de la FQPN: vers une plus grande solidarité,” in L’agenda
des femmes 2012, ed. Les Editions Rémue-ménage (Montréal: Rémue-ménage, 2011).
147
Fédération du Québec pour le planning des naissances and Canadians for Choice, 10.
148
FFQ and FQPN, “Communiqué de Press, Avortement: la FFQ and FQPN disent “non” a la reoverture du débat,”
September 2011.
144
145
46
and guidelines to ensure the provision of abortion services.149 This reality is the culmination of
the actions of the women’s movement in Quebec, including those who built a solid foundation
and fought to implement services, and those led by the FQPN, who fought with commitment, to
maintain gains by prioritizing accessibility. Women in Prince Edward Island, who still can’t
access abortion services on the island itself, are engaging in actions similar to those used by
Quebec feminists decades ago.150 The provision of services clearly has much to do with the
politics of the region, and although the women’s movement in Quebec was affected by politics, it
certainly affected politics in return. Their voices were heard.
Women in other provinces continue to use the strategies of Quebec’s pro-choice
movement. Second-wave feminists interacted with the fertile context of Quebec liberation and
nationalism and engaged in actions for free abortion on demand. As feminists fought hard to gain
the right to abortion and establish services, others had to step in to maintain these fragile gains.
For nearly forty years the FQPN prioritized accessibility. The fight to maintain and improve
abortion services, is as equally important as the initial demands for the implementation of
services. Beginning in the 1980s, the FQPN joined the dynamic women’s movement in Quebec
and became the public spokesperson of the pro-choice movement. It succeeded in raising
awareness and mobilizing the public to maintain accessible services and to improve their quality.
Through various actions and interventions, some more bold and defensive than others, the FQPN
kept the issue of abortion visible. They played the critical role of making the need for
improvements known. Through their actions, the FQPN not only denounced certain issues or
circumstances, but also offered solutions. On one hand, the FQPN is the coordinating force
behind the pro-choice movement, as demonstrated through their commitment to building
149
150
Fédération du Québec pour le planning des naissances and Canadians for Choice, 37.
“Access to Abortions in PEI,” The Current, Canadian Broadcasting Corporation, November 9, 2011.
47
solidarity and collective mobilization. On the other hand, they are the energy and the actors, that
those who less active depend on to make demands and fight to maintain fragile gains. They are
the necessary public, vocal manifestation of an otherwise quiet, underlying feeling of justice.
Guided by a commitment to never accept abortion rights as established or unalterable, and to the
defend women’s autonomy, the FQPN helped to maintain abortion services and led them to the
quality they are today. They stepped in when other groups closed their doors and managed to
continue the fight, always looking out for what was best for the women of Quebec. Their success
and survival is attributed to their ability to collaborate with others and make their positions
known, to their energy and perseverance and a consistency in objectives and priorities. Despite
any shocks and surprises, financial struggles or disagreements with others, the FQPN made and
sustained their path, towards keeping up with, and maintaining change.
48
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