MEN AND CHILDCARE – AN ISSUE FOR PUBLIC POLICY?1
Paul Callister
Paekakariki
INTRODUCTION
In recent decades throughout the OECD there have been a variety of public policy
initiatives to help achieve equality for women in paid work. However, within most of
these countries there has been a reluctance to develop complementary policies and
strategies that would encourage more equal sharing of non-market work, including
childcare, within the home.2 But is unpaid work within the home, and specifically
childcare by fathers, an area to which New Zealand policy makers need to give more
thought?
Since the Second World War, as a result of changing economic circumstances, changing
social values, and the effects of public policy, there has been a substantial increase in the
participation in paid work by women, particularly mothers with young children.
However, in more recent times there has been a significant increase in male
unemployment which has removed many fathers, particularly Māori and Pacific Islands
fathers, from the paid workforce (Figure 1). In addition, often through no choice of their
own, another group of men has moved into part-time or part-year paid work, with Pacific
Islands men and Māori again over-represented in this group (Davey and Callister 1994).
Overall, in 1986 there were just over 6,900 partnered fathers with a child under five who
were not in paid work (4.8% of partnered fathers), but this had risen to just over 22,900
(16%) in 1991. While unemployment amongst men has declined since 1991, it is still
likely that there are a significant number of fathers who are not in paid work.
These labour market changes mean that in a significant number to tow-parent families
mothers now have less time available to be with their children, while fathers have more
time at their disposal which, potentially, could be used in childcare.3
1
This research has been made possible through grants from the Foundations for Research, Science and
Technology.
2
In this paper I am discussing two parent, heterosexual families. However, it is recognised that children are
reared in a wide variety of family types. Perhaps, the largest group is single parents, including a small
number of sole father families. But other child rearing family types include gay or lesbian couples,
grandparents or other relatives. Within two parent, heterosexual families there are also increasing
variations, with divorce and reconstitution of families, adoption and new fertility technology creating a
diverse variety of biological and non-biological relationships.
3
The growth of one-parent families mainly headed by mothers also means that one group of men are
potentially having even less to do with their children than in the past, but sometimes not through their own
choice.
But while the New Zealand Government has long had an interest in the workings of the
paid labour market, historically there has been a reluctance to analyse or attempt to
influence what goes on in the private world of families. One of the consequences of this
is that few official studies on unpaid work have been conducted within a family setting.
But whether it likes it or not the state is increasingly being drawn into taking a stand on
many issues which were once considered "off limits". For example, welfare and justice
agencies are increasingly drawn into the family unit, with a particular focus on men's
behaviour, when dealing with issues such as domestic violence and child abuse. The
courts in New Zealand are dealing with complex custody cases both within national
boundaries and across them, and having to rule on issues such as whether a father has the
right to have a say in abortion decisions. In the United States, the courts have also dealt
with fathers' rights to parental leave and even the rights of single men to adopt children.
In many countries the state now takes a responsibility for ensuring that fathers have an
on-going financial commitment to their children even if they are no longer living with
them. And now the official language emphasises gender-neutral terminology such as
"parental leave" and "parents as first teachers", even if it is still overwhelmingly women
who use such policies.
Figure 1 Percentage of Fathers in Two Parent Families Not in Paid Work by Ethnicity of
Both Parents – Youngest Child Under Five - 1991
Source: Census, Statistics New Zealand
However, often the interest in New Zealand in fathers and their relationships with their
children centres upon the major problems which a small number of men create. In
contrast, policy makers within parts of Europe, and especially Sweden, have tried to
develop public policies which actively encourage men to assume an equal share of
childcare and other household work, based on the underlying view that such change is
good for children, women and ultimately the men themselves. So what are the arguments
for developing policies for greater involvement by men in childcare, and within the
research literature what policies appear to be effective in encouraging such a shift while
ensuring positive outcomes for children?
SHOULD MEN SPEND MORE TIME LOOKING AFTER CHILDREN?
There are of course a wide variety of views as to whether men "should" look after
children. Some people feel that all men pose a potential danger to children and so contact
should be minimised; some feel that men just do not have the natural ability to nurture,
while some suggest that both women and men should minimise their unpaid work of
caring for children and the work should be professionalised. Others argue, however, that
even if much of the work is professionalised, men need to increase their relative share of
the remaining unpaid care of children.
The arguments for increased involvement by men in unpaid childcare revolve round three
broad themes: benefits to women; benefits to children; and benefits to men.
Benefits to Women
It has been argued from a labour market perspective that women will always be
constrained in public life if men are not taking an equal share of work within the private
sphere (Folbre 1994, Rantalaiho 1993). For dual market-income families, where children
may be cared for outside of the home while both parents are at paid work, mothers can
suffer from a "dual burden". That is, they still retain the major responsibility for the
unpaid work at home while having the main responsibility for organising, and often
paying for, the childcare. This often represents a major constraint on their opportunities
in paid work. New Zealand census data shows that the proportion of partnered mothers in
full-time work, that is 30 or more hours per week, increases steadily from the time a child
is born until it leaves school.
However, in 1991, even by the time the youngest child reached the age of 15, only 52%
of partnered women worked full time, 35% 40 or more hours per week, and just under
10% 50 hours or more.
In comparison, despite the high levels of unemployment amongst fathers, 74% of
partnered fathers with a child under 1 year worked 40 or more hours per week, rising to
80% with a child in the 5-15 age group. In addition, with a child under 1 year, 30% of
partnered fathers worked 50 or more hours per week, rising to 35% in the 5-15 age group.
These data emphasise the very long-term impact of having children on most women's
paid work. This is of course just a snapshot at each age. However, longitudinal data by
Lloyd, Fergusson, and Horwood (1990) indicate that a significant number of women may
not sustain long-term full-time jobs.
Figure 2 Percentage of Mothers and Fathers Working 40+ Hours Per week in Paid work –
By Age of Youngest Child – 1991
Source: Census, Statistics New Zealand
One solution to this would be for the Government to significantly increase the amount of
state-funded childcare. This would include before- and after-school care, holiday care, as
well as evening, night and weekend care. Some of this may well be justified in terms of
educational outcomes for children. But Bittman (1991), in an Australian context, and
Haas (1990), commenting on Sweden, argue that equalising parents' employment
opportunities might be just as likely to come about through a lowering of men's
involvement in the labour market as through the raising of women's involvement. Support
for this idea comes from a range of sources including Dinnerstein (1977) and Chodorow
(1978). who although differing in their analyses of the underlying reasons, have put
forward theories that the oppression of women originates in the female monopoly on
mothering. To counter this, they argue for the concept of dual parenting whereby men
share equally in the rearing and caring of infants.
But at the other end of the labour market spectrum to that of the dual market earners are
the two-parent families where neither parent is in paid work. In fact, in just over 80% of
two parent families in New Zealand with a child under five, where the father was not in
paid work in 1991, the mother was also not in paid work. While attitudes and behaviours
may be different in New Zealand, in the British context it has been found that as men
drop out of paid work their partners often also move out of paid work (Cooke 1987). In
relation to this, again in Britain, it has been suggested that benefit eligibility and
abatement sometimes may discourage earning by spouses of unemployed people (Hills
1993). In many of these families, for a variety of reasons, both partners appear to try and
retain traditional roles. For example, studies of unemployed men and their role in
childcare in the UK suggest that when the man's partner is also at home he picks up little
of the domestic work (Morris 1990, Lewis 1986). Morris suggests that this is partly
because British working class men, who are the group of workers most likely to be
unemployed, identify domestic labour as women's work.
There is also some evidence of defensiveness from women who do not wish to surrender
this role. But in New Zealand, in terms of moving families from dependency on welfare
payments into paid work, given recent labour market trends for men and women, it may
be better for the women to seek paid work and the men to take primary responsibility for
caring for the children. This raises a range of policy questions as to how such a shift
could be encouraged and as to whether major problems would be created for children if
men were encouraged to be primary caregivers.
Benefits To Children
There are some studies that suggest that there may be positive gains for children from
their fathers' greater involvement (Lamb 1986, Pruett 1987, Snarey 1993). More
specifically Parker and Parker (1986) suggest that if a man is involved in the physical
care of his child before they reach the age of three, there is far less likelihood that he will
sexually abuse children, either his own or others, later in life.
However, Lamb (1987) also reports that in many of the studies showing positive gains for
the children from their fathers' involvement, the fathers were actively choosing to
participate in childcare. This is important in a New Zealand context where many men
with more time at home will have been forced into this position by unemployment.
In discussing the possible good and bad effects of fathers being more involved in caring
for their children it should, however, be noted that there has been very little research
either in New Zealand or overseas on the effects of a high level of paternal involvement
in childcare despite the apparent growth in the number of fathers who are primary
caregivers (Callister 1994). Instead there has been an intense effort to analyse whether
there are any harmful effects of reduced care by mothers as they increasingly moved into
paid work.
The Benefits To Fathers
A number of psychologists and anthropologists suggest that men will gain emotionally
from a greater involvement in their child's upbringing, with a potential additional benefit
that they may also make better decisions in the public sphere with this new dimension to
their being (Kitzinger 1992, Smith 1990, Snarey 1993). In addition there is some
evidence that men who have had little contact with their children, in turn may have little
emotional and practical support from them when they grow old, an important issue with
an aging population. Having traditional roles can be costly for both parents if the
relationship eventually dissolves. Finally, although it is not known whether similar
attitudes exist in New Zealand, studies in the United States and Europe suggest that a
significant number of fathers find that the paid work-time demands of their jobs are
greater than they would prefer and that they would like to spend more time with their
partners and children (Callister and Podmore 1995).
WHAT FACTORS ENCOURAGE MEN TO BE HIGHLY INVOLVED IN
CHILDCARE?
If, in fact, policy makers want to find ways in which to shift the balance of unpaid work
in two-parent households, the research literature gives some guide to the factors that
appear to encourage men's greater involvement in childcare.
Studies in several countries, including Sweden, Germany and the USA, suggest that
younger fathers take a greater share in childcare (Nickel and Köcher 1987, Sandqvist
1987, Shelton 1992). In New Zealand too, there is some indication that, in general,
younger people appear to have less traditional attitudes towards men's and women's roles
(Gendall and Russell 1995).
Fathers with fewer children appear more involved in their care than fathers with large
families (Erickson and Gecas 1991, Nickel and Köcher 1987).
In a review of Swedish and American studies Sandqvist (1987) suggests that more highly
educated fathers participate more in childcare and housework. This finding, in relation to
childcare, is also supported by New Zealand census data (Callister and Davey
forthcoming). However, while higher levels of education may be associated with more
egalitarian attitudes, they also frequently correlate with higher incomes. This indicates
the complex nature of such associations. For instance, Erickson and Gecas (1991) show
that as the father's income rises, his involvement in the household falls.
Not surprisingly the influence of values in relation to fathers' involvement in childcare
has been observed in the New Zealand context. Habgood (1992a:175) argues that in
heterosexual couples, sharing of unpaid work is most equal and stable: "when strong
"alternative" work and value commitments are held by the male partner". 4 The strong
influence of non-traditional values is supported by Swedish and American studies
(Sandqvist 1987, Shelton 1992). Ferree (1990) and Schwartz (1994) also note research
that indicates that the sharing of household responsibilities is facilitated in situations
where neither spouse places highest priority on achievements in paid work.
The amount of time which women and men have available for unpaid work may also
influence their roles within families. In Sweden, paid employment of mothers has been
associated with more involvement of fathers in childcare (Sandqvist 1987), while in the
United States mothers' involvement in paid work has also been associated with a greater
sharing of general household tasks (Barnett and Baruch 1987). In New Zealand sharing of
household tasks appears to be more common when mothers are in full-time paid work
(Fleming and Easting 1994). However, an analysis of Australian time use data suggests
that time spent by husbands on unpaid tasks does not increase in response to the time
their wives devote to paid work (Bittman 1991). Overall data on links between mothers'
employment status and fathers' participation in childcare and domestic work are
inconsistent. There appear to be a range of confounding factors. For instance, the
scheduling of work hours by parents, such as working different shifts, also effects
4
According to Habgood examples of these are "certain kinds of political, lifestyle, or personal development
goals as opposed to those with careerist ambitions or who derive their primary identity from their paid
work" (1992:176).
availability for unpaid work and can influence men's roles (Erickson and Gecas 1991,
Presser 1988).
In some of these studies, the attitudes and work patterns of both mothers and fathers are,
at times, influenced by government policies such as those determining childcare
provision. But the aim and design of such policies are important. For example, Folbre
(1994) argues that France offers a particularly generous and well-organised public
childcare system which helps promote equality in paid work for women, but virtually all
its employees are women and few, if any, aspects of French public policy encourage men
to take a more active role in childcare.
But more direct public policies have also been identified as influencing the behaviour of
fathers. For example, parental leave policies, including government policies to protect the
health of the mother and baby, can influence men's involvement in the early days of
childcare (Galtry and Callister 1995). It has also been argued that taxation policies may
influence the sharing of unpaid work. For instance, Juster and Stafford (1991) note that
Norwegian and Swedish taxation policies, through taxing couples' incomes separately
and generating high marginal tax rates, may reinforce policies aimed at supporting more
equal involvement between women and men in both market and unpaid work.
In most of the studies noted, mothers were still the primary caregivers. However, in
recent years a number of studies have been undertaken of families where the father is
either the primary caregiver or undertakes an equal share of childcare.5, 6
The reasons for fathers taking up the role of primary caregiver appear to consist of a
complex combination of factors, including those specific to the culture in which the study
was carried out. There are ideological reasons, for example, the belief that children when
very young are best cared for in the home by one of their parents (Nussbaum 1985, Radin
1988). But decision making concerning which parent stays home appears, at times, to
have been influenced by "popular feminism" and a belief in the importance of breaking
down traditional roles (Grbich 1992). The family experiences of both the mother and
father also come into the decision-making process (Grbich 1992, Pruett 1987). In addition
the ability of the mother to earn a "family" wage is obviously important (Nussbaum 1985,
Radin 1988).
The state of the job market, particularly the loss of full-time jobs for men and the growth
of traditionally female occupations, also appears to be a factor (Grbich 1992, Russell
1983) as does the relative resources of the family (Grbich 1992, Russell 1983).
It appears that there are also a range of other factors, often difficult to measure, such as
the attitudes of the wider family, especially the parents' own parents, the local
neighbourhood as well as society in general, which come into the decision-making
process (Callister 1994). And while many of these analyses focus on social and economic
5
The studies cited are from the United States, United Kingdom, New Zealand and Australia.
These studies are analysed in more detail in Callister (1994). Included in this is a discussion of the wide
variety of criteria used in defining who is the primary caregiver in a family.
6
factors, Grbich (1987) notes in her study that underlying the various reasons given for
men being the primary caregiver was the fact that these men wanted to take an active role
in looking after the children.
Pruett (1987) suggests that his sample of male primary caregivers was not a
homogeneous group with easily identified predispositions to fathering. He sees that
finding no clear predictor is a positive finding that implies that the role is open to any
father. However, Schwartz (1994), in a study of marriages in which unpaid work was
equally shared, suggests that such couples are generally not to be found amongst baby
boom professionals. Most were middle class consisting mainly of small business owners,
social workers, school teachers and health professionals, although not doctors. She argues
that it appears that men on career "fast tracks" are less willing to put at risk their potential
income and opportunities for promotion.
In reviewing literature on men and masculinity Segal (1990) hypothesises that men are
more likely to accept a primary commitment to home and childcare in situations where
they have already developed relatively high levels of personal self-satisfaction and
independence; when they are older; where their partners are able to earn a higher income;
where there are more supportive social networks or where there are fewer children and
household demands are less demanding. Yet, in New Zealand, the fathers most likely to
have time available to look after children tend to be young, unemployed, with partners
who are also unemployed, and in families with above average number of children
(Statistics New Zealand 1995).
FACTORS WHICH WORK AGAINST MEN LOOKING AFTER
THEIR CHILDREN
Although there may be factors that increase the likelihood of men spending more time
with their children are there factors which work against this happening?
While many men may not want to spend more time with their children, research indicates
that those men in paid work who wish to take on the more traditionally female pattern of
working less than full-time in paid work may be constrained in their choices (Callister
1994). For example New Zealand research into the gender dynamics of "emotional
labour", that is, the nurturing work which is crucial to the smooth running of the
household, family and social support networks and in which women have tended to
specialise, suggests that if men are to be successful in paid work there are strong
pressures on them not to develop the skills associated with the performance of this type
of work (Habgood 1992b).
But it has been argued that even in Sweden, despite the existence of paid parental and
sick leave policies which encourage men to take an equal share of looking after children,
employers, particularly those in the private sector, are often negative towards men staying
home with children (Hwang 1987). Also in Sweden, Stafford and Sundström (1994) have
found that the long term loss of earnings associated with taking parental leave was higher
for men than for women. They suggest that this raises the issue of whether employers
interpret the taking of leave by men to look after children as a "signal" that they lack
commitment to their careers.
Studies in New Zealand, Australia and the United States also indicate that male primary
caregivers face considerable reaction from their social groups, including their own
parents. Some of these responses are positive, some positive with reservations, while the
majority, at least initially, are negative (Grbich 1992, Hutchins 1993, Pruett 1987). For
instance, the male primary caregivers in Grbich's (1992) study reported that comments
from parents, friends, workmates, neighbours, community playgroup members as well as
various representatives of the wider society often indicated that the role of the caregiver
is not generally considered appropriate for men. Not surprisingly, a positive self-concept
was enhanced when family and friends were supportive and accepting of the men being
the primary caregiver.
And in an attempt to explain why male primary caregivers sometimes encounter negative
reactions from women, Gerson (1987), in a United States context, argues that many
women who are full-time mothers now find themselves having to publicly justify their
choice, and see the men moving into their traditional role as a further threat to this choice.
In situations of shared caregiving in Australia, Russell (1989) suggests that some mothers
are reluctant to give up the power and status they may have within the home, and find it
difficult to be supportive of their partner in the childcare role. These findings are
supported by Wainrib (1992) who, in an in-depth study of four professional women
whose partners were primary caregivers, noted ambivalence on the part of these women
toward their source of power in the home being taken over by their partners. And
extending this observation beyond the home, research in Australia, the United States, the
United Kingdom and New Zealand indicates that formal organisations such as play
groups, which can give support to mothers have, at times, not been welcoming to male
primary caregivers (Grbich 1987, Hutchins 1993, Podmore and Sawicka 1995).
There is also evidence to suggest that informal networks of childcare and support, often
extensions of existing childcare groups, tend to exclude men (Grbich 1987, Rio 1993).
According to Grbich, male primary caregivers often encounter difficulties in convincing
not only other mothers but also other fathers that they are adequate caregivers with a
genuine desire to participate in childcare activities. Moreover, many studies of fathers do
not address very real concerns about male involvement in child abuse that is likely to be a
major factor behind the reluctance to involve men in both formal and informal childcare
arrangements (Segal 1990). However, this is not the case in recent New Zealand media
articles where men have discussed their awareness of the child abuse issue, as well as
strategies to deal with it (Playcentre Journal 1994, The Listener 1993). Overseas studies
also indicate that "helping" professions often have not been very supportive of fathers
becoming the primary caregiver (Callister 1994).
However, even if men are confident and supported in the role of primary caregiver they
often face, on a practical level, some seemingly small but potentially difficult problems.
For example, an Australian researcher argues that nappy changing rooms tend to be
located in the "ladies' lounge" or the "ladies' toilet" that are often marked by a sign
depicting a woman with a child (Rio 1993). The male primary caregiver in Grbich's study
(1992) made similar observations. Examples of public spaces designed for mothers only
have also been common in New Zealand although this is slowly changing.
THE ROLE OF THE NEW ZEALAND GOVERNMENT IN INCREASING
FATHERS' SHARE OF CHILDCARE
Bringing about changes or supporting those already taking place in the allocation of
unpaid work within households is clearly going to be a major and complex task, and one
in which government policy can be just one of the many influencing factors. But there
appear to be some significant reasons why governments should be interested in men and
childcare. Perhaps the most major one is a need to reduce child abuse. But other reasons
include the need to improve the income, and reduce dependency on welfare, of families
where the father is unemployed and the mother has a better chance of obtaining paid
work; strengthening families in their variety of forms, including sole father families;
encouraging separated fathers to play a greater role in care of their children, including,
where appropriate, removing barriers which may work against this; ensuring that the
education system not only encourages girls to expand their options, but that boys also
come to value nurturing skills; and creating equal opportunities for women and men in
paid work.
Already the New Zealand Government has made some changes in this direction, such as
in 1987 creating a statutory right for fathers to take paternity leave, and for extended
parental leave to be gender neutral. At times the Government also appears to have
provided a model for being a "good employer", with examples of men taking parental
leave more likely to come from the public sector than the private sector (Galtry and
Callister 1995). But Government can take further initiatives in this area by promoting
research and debate around this issue. In doing so it would follow the lead of many
European countries (European Commission 1990, European Commission 1993).
In researching and developing policies related to men and childcare the experience of
Sweden, in particular, could be drawn on, but with the caution that in Sweden such
policies were developed during a period of "full employment", and in times when
government spending was expanding. However, specific New Zealand research is also
needed. In particular, the high levels of unemployment amongst Māori and Pacific
Islands fathers in 1991 suggests that there should be research amongst two-parent
families where fathers face long, or repeated, periods of unemployment. The aim of such
research should be firstly to assess the effect of this on children and the labour market
choices of both the fathers and their partners and secondly, to determine whether changes
in patterns of unpaid work in these families could lead to a higher level of well-being for
these families.
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