WOMENS ROLES: Prophetess. Do you truly believe that the only time a woman is to participate in a service is through “impromptu
promptings”. That they are never to teach. And this would never contradict scripture.
-We spend 8 years on spiritual gifts and then we casually add on this issue almost as a given
-We see no issue with a 25 (fresh out of seminary)young man teaching a Sunday school of women-some having walked with God some 70 + years
-Spiritual leadership needs to be developed in women. (We treat women like their main role in life is to be submissive)
-The wife of a friend of mine shared a story about football season.>Concern was the women’s attitude about this!!!!
-deaconesses / early leadership
-The curse ---weeds
-Mary and Martha
-People referred to as men – white if it always said black man
-lot’s daughters [patriarchs lived in a horrifically suppressive culture for women]
-last first…first last…no more male female, slave, master
-wash feet as leadership
-the gender of the Hebrew word for wisdom is feminine
Larry McCall * 2/23/13 * Daughters of the King * 1 Timothy 2: 9-15
Gave example of the attack on Christ (1972 Pieta by Michelangelo)
Be careful of the besetting sins that are common among men and women.
Do we believe male and female are God’s unique image barer.
Do we believe the distinct and complimentary genders add color to the glory of God on display.
How does a daughter of the King present herself to others?
 John Stout (English pastor) . When a woman adorns herself she seeks to enhance her beauty. It doesn’t mean she has to look
doughty or frumpish
 Modesty in our culture means too much shape and skin.
 What is at the heart of modesty. Immodesty is a way to say look at me. Drawing attention to ones-self.
 Let your adorning me the inner workings of the heart rather than outside “bling”
 Remember whose you are. When we yell out for acceptance we are ignoring the great acceptance that Christ did for is. God’s love
never ends. I’m free from that fruitless quest.
 Now cloth yourself with God works…(Christ also said this).
How does a daughter of the King relate to men in the church?
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Learn. There were people in Paul’s day who believed women were not worth teaching.
The women is serine.
Paul was not saying women never teach.
Women are not to be teaching men. (12) and Women are not to exorcise authority.
 women in leadership * it’s about order / usurp power/ timothy/ phibie ..1st in rome / I Corinthians 14 /
 FEMINISM Gentileschi’s distress
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
 WHAT ARE THE REASONS:
 (1) Order of creation before sin came into the picture. Women was made for the glory of man. John Piper “Paul sees in God’s order
of creation…man to be a leader…then he created woman as a partner. Man is to bare the primary responsibility. He is not basing
this on culture or sin. Man and women are created a certain way. This is transcultural. These differences aren’t the result of sin. God
brought in complimentary roles. ..both in the image of god. Both equal in their god-like personhood. But also different in their
manhood and womanhood. The pattern was beautiful. They respected each other and served each other and complemented each
other and enjoyed each other. Paul is basing his teaching on gods original order in creation. Paul is not arbitrarily choosing roles for
men and women, nor is he simply adapting to ….
 (2) Genesis 3: this does not mean men are less gala bull then women.
 -the serpent was crafty.
 -who did he talk to…the woman.
 Why did Satan talk to eve? Was Adam absent? No
 Eve took the fruit and gave to her husband.
 The serpent knew god created order. He knows god created male and female qualities. Serpent pressures gods created order and
flips it upside down. What made it even worse was that Adam wimped out. He should have protected his wife. God cursed Adam
and said you should have listen to me rather then your wife.
 An image of God Is being attacked and distorted.
 Satan wants to destroy God’s master) piece and paint both genders the same
 Vs. 15. Women in her womenhood (childbearing, etc) can be saved…equal with man.
 This massage is a call to us men to become godly leaders. To serve women in our leadership. Men need to die to ourselves and serve
our mothers, wives.
BOOKS
Modest men and women clothed in the gospel by Tim Challace
God, my heart and clothes CJ Mahanny
True Women, 101 Nancy Lee DeMose
The Danbure Statement: a statement about manhood and womanhood
Article in Management Communication Quarterly, 2005 by Dennis Mubbie (Feminist) talking about how people see female
management. – types=16
nancy demoss-lies women believe
Complimentarianism-The theological position that there are different roles between men and women in the Christian church, church
leadership, marriage, etc. Essentially it holds to a hierarchical structure between men and women. This position focuses on function
and calling as revealed in the Bible, and does not assert that women are inferior in nature.
Egalitarian Egalitarianism-in the context of the Christian church is the teaching that all people, both men and women, are to be treated as equal
and that women are to share all offices within the church equally with men. This position would hold that women could be pastors,
elders, bishops, etc., and that male headship in the church and the family is invalid.
feminism A major movement in western theology since the 1960s, which lays particular emphasis upon the importance of women's
experience, and has directed criticism against the patriarchalism of Christianity. See pp. 100-2.
Radical Feminists - a radical outgrowth of the more moderate feminist movement which sought to influence societal views and laws
to reflect equality and opportunity with men in all areas of culture. Radical feminism pushes for a revolution to free themselves from
male enslavement and exploitation. At home in this camp are lesbians which help to perpetuate an actual anti-male position.Radical
feminism in theological circles draws heavily from liberal and liberation theology. Feminist theologians attempt to claim Scriptural
support by reinterpreting Biblical texts in light of contemporary feminist consciousness.Claiming that Scripture and historical doctrine
actually evolved out of a patriarchal culture, radical feminists seek not only to rid Scripture of as many male terms as possible but to
actually recast essential doctrine into their feminist hermeneutic.Many groups find communion in this camp including lesbians,
witches and neopagans, new agers and liberals. They redefine God as a Goddess to denote Ultimate Reality. She is a personification of
life, death, rebirth, energy in nature (Gaia), who or which can be invoked by prayer and ritual.
This position would negate the possibility of women being pastors, elders, bishops, etc. Furthermore, it would assert that the husband
is the head of the wife as well as the head of the family. See Egalitarianism which teaches complete equality.
Qoheleth - #6953. qoheleth, ko-heh'-leth; fem. of act. part. from H6950; a (female) assembler (i.e. lecturer); abstr. preaching (used as
a "nom de plume", Hebraic Biblical Terms
Masculinity:
-rejects passivity
-accepts responsibility
-leads courageously
-expects god’s greater reward.
FEMINIST: photo of our family with Christy in a black suit and tie, and me in bicker spandex or no shirt on , a Russian bible and
bachtein books behind us.
Seneca Falls Women’s Rights Convention. ☺1848. This conference was called by Lucretia Mott and Elizabeth Cady Stanton,
abolitionists spurred to action when they were barred from participating in an anti-slavery convention because of their gender. The
National Woman’s Suffrage Association (NWSA), founded by Stanton and Susan B. Anthony, focused on the goal of passage of a
Constitutional amendment guarantee-ing universal voting rights for women. The suffrage amendment, first introduced in Congress in
1878, was finally passed as the Nineteenth Amendment in 1920. A period of relative inaction followed; then, in the 1960s, activists
such as Betty Friedan and Gloria Steinem launched the “Second Wave” of the women’s movement. They focused on raising
awareness of unequal treatment and passing laws to fight sexual discrimination in the economic and social realms. The laws they
championed today guarantee equal pay for men and women working in the same jobs, prohibit job discrimination on the basis of
gender, and bar sexual discrimination in schools receiving federal funds.
Susan B. Anthony
Daguerreotype of Susan B. Anthony by Southworth & Hawes, circa 1850.
Born
February 15, 1820
Adams, Massachusetts
Died
March 13, 1906 (aged 86)
Rochester, New York
Occupation Suffragist, women's rights advocate
Susan Brownell Anthony (February 15, 1820 – March 13, 1906) was a prominent American civil rights leader who played a pivotal
role in the 19th century women's rights movement to introduce women's suffrage into the United States. She traveled the United
States, and Europe, and averaged 75 to 100 speeches per year.[1] [edit] Early life Susan B. Anthony was born and raised in West
Grove, near Adams, Massachusetts. She was the second oldest of seven children—One brother, publisher Daniel Read Anthony,
would become active in the anti-slavery movement in Kansas, while a sister, Mary Stafford Anthony, became a teacher and a woman's
rights activist. Anthony remained close to her sisters throughout her life. Anthony's father Daniel was a cotton manufacturer and
abolitionist, a stern but open-minded man who was born into the Quaker religion.[2] He did not allow toys or amusements into the
household, claiming that they would distract the soul from the "inner light." Her mother Lucy was a student in Daniel's school; the two
fell in love and agreed to marry in 1817, but Lucy was less sure about marrying into the Society of Friends (Quakers). She attended
the Rochester women’s rights convention held in August 1848, two weeks after the historic Seneca Falls Convention, and signed the
Rochester convention’s Declaration of Sentiments. Lucy and Daniel Anthony enforced self-discipline, principled convictions, and
belief in one's own self-worth.Susan was a precocious child, having learned to read and write at age three. [3] In 1826, when she was six
years old, the Anthony family moved from Massachusetts to Battenville, New York. Susan was sent to attend a local district school,
where a teacher refused to teach her long division because of her gender. Upon learning of the weak education she was receiving, her
father promptly had her placed in a group home school, where he taught Susan himself. Mary Perkins, another teacher there, conveyed
a progressive image of womanhood to Anthony, further fostering her growing belief in women's equality.
Prior to living in Seneca Falls, Stanton had become an admirer and friend of Lucretia Mott, the Quaker minister, feminist, and
abolitionist whom she had met at the International Anti-Slavery Convention in London, England in the spring of 1840 while on her
honeymoon.
Thaddeus Stevens, a Republican congressman from Pennsylvania and ardent abolitionist, agreed that voting rights should be universal.
Believing that men should not be given the right to vote without women also being granted the franchise, Sojourner Truth, a former
slave and feminist, affiliated herself with Stanton and Anthony's organization. [62] Stanton, Anthony, and Truth were joined by Matilda
Joslyn Gage, who later worked on The Woman's Bible with Stanton. Despite Stanton's position and the efforts of her and others to
expand the Fifteenth Amendment to include voting rights for all women, this amendment also passed, as it was originally written, in
1870.
Unlike many of her colleagues, Stanton believed organized Christianity relegated women to an unacceptable position in society. She
explored this view in the 1890s in The Woman's Bible, which elucidated a feminist understanding of biblical scripture and sought to
correct the fundamental sexism Stanton believed was inherent to organized Christianity. [67] Likewise, Stanton supported divorce
rights, employment rights, and property rights for women, issues in which the American Women's Suffrage Association (AWSA)
preferred not to become involved.- Stanton's other major writings included the two-part The Woman's Bible, published in 1895 and
1898;
Among her most popular speeches were "Our Girls", "Our Boys", "Co-education", "Marriage and Divorce", "Prison Life", and "The
Bible and Woman's Rights
Elizabeth Cady Stanton in her later years
Stanton was also active internationally, spending a great deal of time in Europe, where her daughter and fellow feminist Harriot
Stanton Blatch lived. In 1888, she helped prepare for the founding of the International Council of Women.[79] In 1890, Stanton
opposed the merger of the National Woman's Suffrage Association with the more conservative and religiously based American
Woman Suffrage Association.[80] Over her objections, the organizations merged, creating the National American Woman Suffrage
Association (NAWSA). Despite her opposition to the merger, Stanton became its first president, largely because of Susan B.
Anthony's intervention. In good measure because of The Woman's Bible and her position on issues such as divorce, she was, however,
never popular among the more religiously conservative members of the "National American".[81]
After Stanton's death, her unorthodox ideas about religion and emphasis on female employment and other women's issues led many
suffragists to focus on Anthony, rather than Stanton, as the founder of the women's suffrage movement. Stanton's controversial
publishing of The Woman's Bible in 1895 had alienated more religiously traditional suffragists, and had cemented Anthony's place as
the more readily recognized leader of the female suffrage movement. [87] Anthony continued to work with NAWSA and became more
familiar to many of the younger members of the movement.[78] By 1923, in celebrating the 75th anniversary of the Seneca Falls
Convention, only Harriot Stanton Blatch paid tribute to the role her mother had played in instigating the women's rights movement. [88]
Even as late as 1977, Anthony received most attention as the founder of the movement, while Stanton was not mentioned. [88]
The monument for Henry Brewster Stanton and Elizabeth Cady Stanton in Woodlawn Cemetery
Over time, however, Stanton received more attention. Stanton was commemorated along with Lucretia Mott and Susan B. Anthony in
a sculpture by Adelaide Johnson at the United States Capitol, unveiled in 1921. Originally kept on display in the crypt of the US
Capitol, the sculpture was moved to its current location and more prominently displayed in the rotunda in 1997.[89] The Elizabeth Cady
Stanton House in Seneca Falls was declared a National Historic Landmark in 1965. Her house in Tenafly, New Jersey was declared a
landmark in 1975, and by the 1990s, interest in Stanton was substantially rekindled when Ken Burns, among others, presented the life
and contributions of Elizabeth Cady Stanton. Once again, attention was drawn to her central, founding role in shaping not only the
woman's suffrage movement, but a broad women's rights movement in the United States that included women's suffrage, women's
legal reform, and women's roles in society as a whole. [90]
Stanton is commemorated in the calendar of saints of the Episcopal Church on July 20, together with Amelia Bloomer, Sojourner
Truth and Harriet Ross Tubman.
[edit] Writings of Elizabeth Cady Stanton (author, co-author)
[edit] Books
 History of Woman Suffrage; Volumes 1–3 (written with Susan B. Anthony and Matilda Joslyn Gage; vol 4–6 completed by
other authors, including Anthony, Gage, and Ida Harper) (1881–1922)
 Solitude of Self (originally delivered as a speech in 1892; later published in a hard bound edition by Paris Press)
 The Woman's Bible (1895, 1898)
 Eighty Years & More: Reminiscences 1815–1897 (1898)
[edit] Selected periodicals and journals
Lucretia Mott
Born
January 3, 1793
Nantucket, Massachusetts, U.S.
Died
November 11, 1880 (aged 87)
Abington, Pennsylvania, U.S.
Occupation
Abolitionist, Suffragist
Lucretia Coffin Mott (January 3, 1793 – November 11, 1880) was an American Quaker, abolitionist, social reformer, and proponent
of women's rights. She is credited as the first American "feminist" in the early 19th century but was, more accurately, the initiator of
women's political rights.
Biography
[edit] Early life and education
James and Lucretia Mott
Lucretia Coffin was born into a Quaker family in Nantucket, Massachusetts. She was the second child of seven by Thomas Coffin and
Anna Folger. At the age of thirteen, she was sent to the Nine Partners Quaker Boarding School in what is now Millbrook, Dutchess
County, New York, which was run by the Society of Friends. There she became a teacher after graduation. Her interest in women's
rights began when she discovered that male teachers at the school were paid three times as much as the female staff.
[edit] Marriage and family
On April 10, 1812, Lucretia Coffin married James Mott, another teacher at the Nine Partners Quaker School. They had six children.
Their first child died at age five. They had numerous descendants, including some who migrated to Tennessee.
[edit] Early anti-slavery efforts
Like many Quakers, Mott considered slavery an evil to be opposed. They refused to use cotton cloth, cane sugar, and other slaveryproduced goods. In 1821 Mott became a Quaker minister. She began to speak publicly for the abolition cause, often travelling from
her home in Philadelphia. Her sermons combined anti-slavery themes with broad calls for moral reform. Her husband supported her
activism, and they often sheltered runaway slaves in their home. In 1833, they co-founded the Pennsylvania Anti-Slavery Society.
By the 1830s, Mott was gaining considerable recognition as an abolitionist. It was about this time that she and her husband befriended
William Lloyd Garrison. A lifelong friendship stemmed from their initial meeting. Mott and her husband became deeply involved in
the national abolitionist circle. In December 1833, Garrison called a meeting to expand the New England Anti-Slavery Society. James
Mott was a delegate at the Convention, but it was Lucretia Mott who made a lasting impression on attendees.
She tested the language of the Constitution and bolstered support when many delegates were precarious. Days after the conclusion of
the Convention, at the urging of other delegates, Mott founded the Philadelphia Female Anti-Slavery Society. The extensive
participation of Blacks tightly bound the actions of the Society to the Philadelphia Black community. This female society was the first
in which the voices of free Blacks were heard.[citation needed] Mott herself often preached at Black parishes.
Around this time, Mott's sister-in-law, Abigail Lydia Mott, and brother-in-law, Lindley Murray Moore were helping to found the
Rochester Anti-Slavery Society.
Amidst social persecution by abolition opponents and pain from dyspepsia, Mott continued her work for the abolitionist cause. She
managed their household budget to extend hospitality to guests and still donate to charities. Mott was praised for her ability to
maintain her household while contributing to the cause. In the words of one editor, "She is proof that it is possible for a woman to
widen her sphere without deserting it." [1]
Women's political participation threatened social norms. Many members of the abolitionist movement opposed public activities by
women, which were infrequent in those years. At the Congregational Church General Assembly, delegates agreed on a pastoral letter
warning women that to lecture, directly defied St. Paul's instruction for women to keep quiet in church.[citation needed] Other people
opposed women's preaching to mixed crowds of men and women, which they called "promiscuous." Others were uncertain about what
was proper, as the rising popularity of the Grimké sisters and other women speakers attracted support for abolition.
Mott was criticized for her leading role in the 1837 Anti-Slavery Convention of American Women, the same gathering that heard the
powerful speaking of Angelina Grimké. Some opponents threw rotten produce at their doors. Others gathered as mobs and burned
abolitionist books in protest. Mott attempted to include women in the movement by organizing fairs to raise awareness and revenue;
many men regarded such activities as frivolous.[citation needed]
[edit] World Anti-Slavery Convention
Lucretia Mott (1842)
In June 1840 Mott spoke at the International Anti-Slavery Convention in London, England. In spite of Mott's status as one of six
women delegates, before the conference began, the men voted to exclude women from participating. In addition, women delegates and
attendees were required to sit in a segregated area out of sight of the men. The social mores of the time generally prohibited women's
participating in public political life. Several of the American men attending the convention, including William Lloyd Garrison and
Wendell Phillips, protested the women's exclusion. They sat with the women in the segregated area.
Activists Elizabeth Cady Stanton and her husband Henry B. Stanton attended the convention while on their honeymoon. Stanton
became angry when she could not see Mott during her speech.
Mott was honored when given a throne-like chair from which she could properly view the proceedings. Delegates approached her in
groups of two or three to become acquainted. One Irish reporter deemed her the "Lioness of the Convention". [2] Mott was one of the
few women included in the commemorative painting of the convention. [3] Other women included in the painting were all British
activists: Elizabeth Pease, Amelia Opie, Baroness Byron, Mary Anne Rawson, Mrs John Beaumont, Elizabeth Tredgold and Mary
Clarkson, daughter of Thomas Clarkson.
Encouraged by the recognition at the convention and active debates in England and Scotland, Mott also returned with new energy for
the cause in the United States. She continued an active public lecture schedule, with destinations including the major Northern cities of
New York and Boston, as well as travel over several weeks to slave-owning states, with speeches in Baltimore, Maryland and other
cities, in Virginia. She arranged to meet with slave owners to discuss the morality of slavery. In the District of Columbia, Mott timed
her lecture to coincide with the return of Congress from Christmas recess; more than 40 Congressmen attended. She had a personal
audience with President John Tyler who, impressed with her speech, said, "I would like to hand Mr. Calhoun [a senator and abolition
opponent] over to you."[4]
[edit] Seneca Falls Convention
Mott and Stanton became well acquainted at the International Anti-Slavery Convention. Stanton later recalled: "We resolved to hold a
convention as soon as we returned home, and form a society to advocate the rights of women." [citation needed]
However, it was not until 1848 that Mott and Stanton organized a women's rights convention at Seneca Falls, New York. Stanton
noted the Seneca Falls Convention was the first public women's rights meeting in the United States. Stanton's resolution that it was
"the duty of the women of this country to secure to themselves the sacred right to the elective franchise" was passed against Mott's
opposition. Over the next few decades, women's suffrage became the focus of the group's campaigning. Mott signed the Seneca Falls
Declaration of Sentiments. While Stanton is usually credited as the leader of that effort, it was Mott's mentoring of Stanton and their
work together that organized the event. Mott's sister, Martha Coffin Wright, also helped organize the convention and signed the
declaration.
Mott advocated equality in marriage, but opposed changing divorce laws.
Mott parted with the mainstream women's movement in one area, that of divorce. At that time it was very difficult to obtain divorce,
and fathers were given custody of children. Stanton sought to make divorce easier to obtain and to safeguard women's access to and
control of their children. The more conservative Mott opposed any significant legal change in divorce laws.
Mott's theology was influenced by Unitarians including Theodore Parker and William Ellery Channing as well as early Quakers
including William Penn. She thought that "the kingdom of God is within man" (1749) and was part of the group of religious liberals
who formed the Free Religious Association in 1807, with Rabbi Wise, Ralph Waldo Emerson and Thomas Wentworth Higginson. Her
theological position was particularly influential among Quakers, as in the future many harked back to her positions, sometimes
without even knowing it.
[edit] American Equal Rights Association
Elected as the first president of the American Equal Rights Association after the end of the Civil War, Mott strove a few years later to
reconcile the two factions that split over the priorities between woman suffrage and Black male suffrage. Ever the peacemaker, Mott
tried to heal the breach between Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Susan B. Anthony and Lucy Stone over the immediate goal of the women's
movement: suffrage for freedmen and all women, or suffrage for freedmen first?
[edit] Writing
In 1850, Mott wrote Discourse on Woman, a book about restrictions on women in the United States. She became more widely known
after this. When slavery was outlawed in 1865, she began to advocate giving Black Americans the right to vote. She remained a
central figure in the women's movement as a peacemaker, a critical function for that period of the movement, until her death at age 87
in 1880.
[edit] Swarthmore
In 1864 Mott and several other Hicksite Quakers incorporated Swarthmore College located near Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, which
today remains one of the premier liberal-arts colleges in the United States [5].
[edit] Organizations
In 1866 Mott joined with Stanton, Anthony, and Stone to establish the American Equal Rights Association. She was a leading voice in
the Universal Peace Union, also founded in 1866. The following year, the organization became active in Kansas where Negro suffrage
and woman suffrage were to be decided by popular vote.
[edit] Death
Mott died on November 11, 1880 of pneumonia at her home, Roadside, in Cheltenham, Pennsylvania and was buried in the Quaker
Fairhill Burial Ground in North Philadelphia. She is commemorated in a sculpture by Adelaide Johnson at the United States Capitol,
unveiled in 1921. In 1983, she was posthumously inducted into the U.S. National Women's Hall of Fame.
[edit] Descendant in like work
Her great-granddaughter, an American then living in Rome, Italy, was feminist Betty Friedan’s interpreter there for a controversial
speaking engagement.[6]
[edit] Biographical Excerpts
 Carl Schurz first met Mott in 1854. He described her in his autobiography published in 1906:
Lucretia Mott, a woman, as I was told, renowned for her high character, her culture, and the zeal and ability with which she
advocated various progressive movements. To her I had the good fortune to be introduced by a German friend. I thought her
the most beautiful old lady I had ever seen. Her features were of exquisite fineness. Not one of the wrinkles with which age
had marked her face, would one have wished away. Her dark eyes beamed with intelligence and benignity. She received me
with gentle grace, and in the course of our conversation, she expressed the hope that, as a citizen, I would never be
indifferent to the slavery question as, to her great grief, many people at the time seemed to be.
 Editorial, Time and Tide (9 July 1926):
Beginning with Mary Wollstonecraft in the late 18th century, the feminist movement owed its next big impetus (in the
eighteen forties and fifties) to Lucretia Mott and Susan B. Anthony, of New England. It was Lucretia Mott and Elizabeth C.
Stanton who organised the first Equal Rights Convention which was held in New York in 1848; and it was Lucretia Mott who
laid down the definite proposition which American women are still struggling to implement today: 'Men and Women shall
have Equal Rights throughout the United States.'
 History of feminism
 Jane Johnson (slave)
 Barbara Leigh Smith
 List of suffragists and suffragettes
 Suffragette
 Women's Social and Political Union
 Women's suffrage
 Women's suffrage in the United Kingdom
[edit] References
1. ^ Valiant Friend, p. 68
2. ^ Valiant Friend, p. 92
3. ^ The Anti-Slavery Society Convention, 1840, Benjamin Robert Haydon, accessed 19 July 2008
4. ^ Valiant Friend, p. 105
5. ^ http://www.swarthmore.edu/news/history/index1.html
6.
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^ Friedan, Betty (2001). Life So Far: A Memoir. Simon & Schuster (Touchstone Book), © 2000, pbk., 1st Touchstone ed.
(ISBN 0-7432-0024-1) [1st printing?]. Page 221.
Bacon, Margaret Hope (1980). Valiant Friend: the life of Lucretia Mott. New York: Walker and Company.
Bacon, Margaret Hope (1986). Mothers of Feminism: the story of Quaker women in America. New York: Walker and
Company.
Cromwell, Otelia (1958). Lucretia Mott. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press.
Greene, Dana, editor (1980). Lucretia Mott: her complete speeches and sermons. Lewiston, N.Y.: The Edwin Mellen Press.
Hallowell, Anna Davis; Mott, Lucretia (1884). James and Lucretia Mott. Boston: Houghton, Mifflin and Company.
http://books.google.com/books?id=v4cq8Npns74C&printsec=frontcover&dq=life+and+letters&lr=&as_brr=1#PPP11,M2.
Hare, Lloyd C. M. (1937). The Greatest American Woman, Lucretia Mott. New York: Negro Universities Press.
Palmer, Beverly Wilson (editor) et al. (2002). Selected Letters of Lucretia Coffin Mott. Urbana: University of Illinois Press.
Unger, Nancy C. (February, 2000). "Mott, Lucretia Coffin". American National Biography Online.
http://www.anb.org/articles/15/15-00494.html. Retrieved 2008-02-04.
The Lucretia Mott Papers
Lucretia Mott's biography from the Smithsonian
A Sermon to Medical Students, 1849 From the Antislavery Literature Project
Relation to Benjamin Franklin
Claus Bernet: Lucretia Mott. In: Biographisch-Bibliographisches Kirchenlexikon (BBKL). Bd. 29, , Sp. 950–958. (German)
History of Swarthmore College
Biography on the National Women's Hall of Fame site
An abstract of her life at Gwynedd Friends' Meeting
Fairhill Burial Ground
The Liberator Files, Items concerning Lucretia Mott from Horace Seldon's collection and summary of research of William
Lloyd Garrison's The Liberator original copies at the Boston Public Library, Boston, Massachusetts.
Grimke, Sarah ☺ Letters on the Equality of the Sexes (Biblical arguments) In 1837, Letters on the Equality of the Sexes and the
Condition of Women
Sarah Grimké
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Sarah Moore Grimké (November 26, 1792 – December 23, 1873) was an American abolitionist, writer, and suffragist.
Contents
[hide]
 1 Early life
 2 Activism
 3 See also
 4 Books
 5 References
 6 External links
[edit] Early life
She was born in South Carolina, the daughter of Mary and John Faucheraud Grimké, a rich plantation owner who was also an attorney
and a judge in South Carolina. Sarah’s early experiences with education shaped her future as an abolitionist and feminist. Throughout
her childhood, she was keenly aware of the inferiority of her own education when compared to her brothers’ classical one, and despite
the fact that all around her recognized her remarkable intelligence and abilities as an orator, she was prevented from substantive
education or from pursuing her dream of becoming an attorney. She received education from private tutors on appropriate subjects for
young women of the time.[1]
Sarah’s mother, Mary was a dedicated homemaker and an active member in the community. She was a leader in the Charleston’s
Ladies Benevolent Society. Mary was also an active Episcopalian and gave some of her time to the poor of the community and women
incarcerated in a nearby prison . Even though she had many responsibilities, Mary found time to read and comment her readings with
her son Thomas. Sarah’s mother as a busy woman and Sarah did not have her attention because “she couldn’t be bothered with child’s
concerns.”[2]
Perhaps because she felt so confined herself, Sarah expressed a sense of connection with the slaves to such an extent that her parents
were unsettled. From the time she was twelve years old, Sarah spent her Sunday afternoons teaching Bible classes to the young slaves
on the plantation, and she found it an extremely frustrating experience. While she wanted desperately to teach them to read the
scripture for themselves, and they had a longing for such learning, she was refused. Her parents claimed that literacy would only make
the slaves unhappy and rebellious; they also suggested that mental exertion would make them unfit for physical labor. And then
teaching slaves to read had been against the law in South Carolina since 1740.
She secretly taught her personal slave to read and write, but when her parents discovered the young tutor at work, the vehemence of
her father’s response proved alarming. He was furious and nearly had the young slave girl whipped. Fear of causing such trouble for
the slaves themselves prevented Sarah from undertaking such a task again.
When her brother Thomas went off to law school at Yale, Sarah remained at home. Thomas continued teaching Sarah during his visits
back home from Yale with new ideas about the dangers of Enlightenment and the importance of religion. These ideas, combined with
her secret studies of the law, gave her some of the basis for her later work as an activist. [3]. Her father supposedly remarked that if
Sarah had only been a boy, "she would have made the greatest jurist in the country"[4] Not only did the denial of education seem
unfair, Sarah was further perplexed that while her parents and others within the community encouraged slaves to be baptized and to
attend worship services, these believers were not viewed as true brothers and sisters in faith.
From her youth, Sarah determined that religion should take a more proactive role in improving the lives of those who suffered most;
this was one of the key reasons she later joined the Quaker community where she became an outspoken advocate for education and
suffrage for African-Americans and women.[5]
In 1819 Sarah accompanied her dying father to Philadelphia. [6]. . Sarah stayed in Philadelphia a few more months after her father died
and then met Israel Morris, who would introduce her to Quakerism. [7] She went back home and decided to go back to Philadelphia to
become a Quaker minister. She chose to leave her Episcopalian upbringing behind, and became a Quaker. She returned to Charleston,
South Carolina, in the spring of 1827 to “save” her sister Angelina. Angelina visited Sarah in Philadelphia from July to November of
the same year and returned to Charleston, committed to the Quaker faith. In November, 1829, Angelina joined her sister in
Philadelphia. [8] The influence Sarah had on Angelina may had come from the relationship they had since they were young. For years,
Angelina called her sister Sarah “mother.” Sarah was her godmother and her main caretaker since youth. [9]), this may explain why she
felt the need to “save” Angelina from the limitations she faced in Charleston.
[edit] Activism
These South Carolinian women, daughters of slave owning plantation owners, had come to loathe slavery and all its degradations that
they knew intimately. They hoped that their new faith would be more accepting of their abolitionist beliefs than had been their former.
However, their initial attempts to attack slavery caused them difficulties in the Quaker community. Nevertheless, the sisters persisted
despite the additional complication caused by the belief that the fight for women's rights was as important as the fight to abolish
slavery. They continued to be attacked, even by some abolitionists who considered their position too extreme. In 1836, Sarah
published Epistle to the Clergy of the Southern States. In 1837, Letters on the Equality of the Sexes and the Condition of Women was
published serially in a Massachusetts newspaper, The Spectator, and immediately reprinted in The Liberator, the newspaper published
by radical abolitionist and women's rights leader William Lloyd Garrison. The letters were published in book form in 1838.
Sarah Grimke's role as both an able and vocal advocate of immediate emancipation and of women's rights were hugely controversial,
not only in the South, but in the North also. It could easily be underestimated by people living at a different time in history how riled
up New Englanders of the first half of the 19th Century could become over the issue of public speaking by women. These sisters were
the first women agents of the abolitionist movement; and many believe that they were also the first women to speak in public to large
crowds. Even more shocking, they were the first women to speak publicly to mixed audiences of both women and men. These
Southern-bred women had to be intrepid as they publicly pronounced novel arguments to crowds, not all of whom were admirers.
In 1838, her sister Angelina married the leading abolitionist Theodore Weld. She retired to the background of the movement while
being a wife and mother. Sarah Grimké too continued to work for the abolitionist movement in a less public role.
During the Civil War, Sarah wrote and lectured in support of President Abraham Lincoln. Philadelphia: When the sisters was both
together in Philadelphia they we then able to fully devote themselves to the Quakers' Society of Friends and other various charity
work. Sarah then began working towards becoming a clergy member. While Sarah was pursuing this she was continually discouraged
by other male members of the church. It was at this time that Sarah came to the realization that though the church was something she
agreed with in theory, it was however not delivering on its end of the deal. It was at this time that anti-slavery rhetoric began entering
public discourse. Feminist: Sarah Grimke is categorized as not only an abolitionist but also a feminist because she challenged the
church that touted their inclusiveness then denied her. It was through her abolitionist pursuits that she became more sensitive to the
rights that women were denied. She opposed being subject to men so much to the point that she refused to marry. Both Sarah and
Angelina both became very involved in the anti-slavery movement, they both published volumes literature and letters on the topic.
When they became well known, they began lecturing around the country on the issue. At the time women did not speak in public, this
was another way that Sarah was viewed as a feminist groundbreaker. Sarah openly challenged women’s domestic roles, and she
believed that in order for women to be able to challenge slavery they also needed to be equal.
[edit] See also
 Grimké sisters
 History of feminism
[edit] Books
 Claus Bernet: Sarah Grimké. In: Biographisch-Bibliographisches Kirchenlexikon (BBKL). Bd. 31, , Sp. 559–564. (German)
 Downing, David C. A South Divided: Portraits of Dissent in the Confederacy. Nashville: Cumberland House, 2007. ISBN
978-1-58182-587-9
 Harrold, Stanley. (1996). The Abolitionists and the South, 1831-1861. Lexington: The University Press of Kentucky.
 Lerner, Gerda, The Grimke Sisters From South Carolina: Pioneers for Women's Rights and Abolition. New York, Schocken
Books, 1971 and The University of North Carolina Press, Cary, North Carolina, 1998. ISBN 0195106032.
 Perry, Mark E. Lift Up Thy Voice: The Grimke Family's Journey from Slaveholders to Civil Rights Leaders. New York:
Viking Penguin, 2002 ISBN 0142001031
[edit] References
1.
^ Taylor, Marion A., & Weir, Heather E. (2006). Let her speak for herself: nineteenth century women writing on women of
genesis.p.42
2. ^ Durso, Pamela R. (2003). The Power of Woman: The life and writings of Sarah Moore Grimke. Mercer University Press
3. ^ Durso, 2003
4. ^ Lerner, p. 25.
5. ^ Letters on the Equality of the Sexes, addressed to Mary S. Parker, President of the Boston Female Anti-Slavery Society
6. ^ Ceplair, Larry. (1989). The Public Years of Sarah and Angelina Grimke: Selected Writings. New York: Columbia
University Press.(p.xv)
7. ^ Lerner, Gerda. (1998). The Feminist Thought of Sarah Grimké, Oxford University Press.
8. ^ Ceplair, 1989
9. ^ Lerner, 1998
[edit] External links
Wikiquote has a collection of quotations related to: Sarah Grimké
Wikisource has the text of a 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica article about Sarah Grimké.



Picture and biographic information
Letters on the Equality of the Sexes, addressed to Mary S. Parker, President of the Boston Female Anti-Slavery Society
"Grimké, John Faucheraud". Appletons' Cyclopædia of American Biography. 1900.
Paul, Alice☺- National Women’s Party - Paul was the original author of a proposed Equal Rights Amendment to the Constitution in
1923.[2] She opposed linking the ERA to abortion rights, as did most early feminists. Born Quaker.
Woman caught in the conflict: the culture war between traditionalism and feminisim by Rebecca Merrill groothuis
Women and temperance: the quest for power and liberty , 1873-19000 by ruth bordin
Alice Paul
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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Please help improve this article by adding reliable references. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (August 2010)
Alice Stokes Paul
Alice Paul, circa 1901
Born
January 11, 1885
Mount Laurel Township, New Jersey
Died
July 9, 1977 (aged 92)
Moorestown Township, New Jersey
Occupation
Suffragist
Parents
William Mickle Paul I (1850-1902)
Tacie Parry
Relatives
Siblings: Helen, Parry and Willam
Alice Stokes Paul (January 11, 1885 – July 9, 1977) was an American suffragette and activist. Along with Lucy Burns and others, she
led a successful campaign for women's suffrage that resulted in the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution in
1920.[1]
Contents
[hide]
 1 Suffrage
 2 Later years
 3 Death
 4 Legacy
 5 See also
 6 References
 7 Biography
 8 External links
Suffrage
Alice Paul and Helen Gardener, ca. 1908-1915
Alice Paul
Alice Paul received her undergraduate education from Swarthmore College, and then earned her M.A. and Ph.D. from the University
of Pennsylvania. Paul received her LL.B from the Washington College of Law in 1922.[2] In 1927, she earned an LL.M, and in 1928, a
Doctor in Civil Laws from American University.[3] Since the Washington College of Law merged with American University more
than twenty years after Paul's graduation in 1949, she had the distinction of receiving law degrees from both schools. [4] Shortly after
her graduation from the University of Pennsylvania, Paul joined the National American Woman Suffrage Association (NAWSA) and
was appointed Chairwoman of their Congressional Committee in Washington, DC.[3] After months of fundraising and raising
awareness for the cause, membership numbers went up in 1913. Their focus was lobbying for a constitutional amendment to secure
the right to vote for women. Such an amendment had originally been sought by suffragists Susan B. Anthony and Elizabeth Cady
Stanton who tried securing the vote on a state-by-state basis.
When their lobbying efforts proved fruitless, Paul and her colleagues formed the National Woman's Party (NWP) in 1916 and began
introducing some of the methods used by the suffrage movement in Britain. Tactics included demonstrations, parades, mass meetings,
picketing, suffrage watch fires, and hunger strikes. These actions were accompanied by press coverage and the publication of the
weekly Suffragist.[3]
In the US presidential election of 1916, Paul and the NWP campaigned against the continuing refusal of President Woodrow Wilson
and other incumbent Democrats to support the Suffrage Amendment actively. In January 1917, the NWP staged the first political
protest to picket the White House. The picketers, known as "Silent Sentinels," held banners demanding the right to vote. This was an
example of a non-violent civil disobedience campaign. In July 1917, picketers were arrested on charges of "obstructing traffic." Many,
including Paul, were convicted and incarcerated at the Occoquan Workhouse in Virginia (later the Lorton Correctional Complex) and
the District of Columbia Jail.[3] In a protest of the conditions in Occoquan, Paul commenced a hunger strike, which led to her being
moved to the prison’s psychiatric ward and force-fed raw eggs through a plastic tube. This, combined with the continuing
demonstrations and attendant press coverage, kept pressure on the Wilson administration. [3] In January, 1918, Wilson announced that
women's suffrage was urgently needed as a "war measure", and strongly urged Congress to pass the legislation. In 1920, after coming
down to one vote in the state of Tennessee, the Nineteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution secured the vote for
women.[5]
Paul was the original author of a proposed Equal Rights Amendment to the Constitution in 1923.[3] The ERA would not find its way to
the Senate until 1972 when it was approved by the Senate and submitted to the state legislatures for ratification. Approval by 38 states
was required to ensure adoption of the amendment. Not enough states — only 35 — voted in favor in time for the deadline. However,
efforts to pass the ERA passed by Congress in the 1970s are still afoot, as well as efforts to pass a new equality amendment, and
almost half of the U.S. states have adopted the ERA into their state constitutions. [6]
[edit] Later years
In 1929, she became the primary resident for 40 years of a house bought by Alva Belmont, located in the Capitol Hill neighborhood of
Washington, D.C., for the NWP headquarters. The house is now known as the Sewall-Belmont House and Museum and is a historic
house and museum of the U.S. women's suffrage and equal-rights movements.
Alice Paul died at the age of 92 on July 9, 1977 at the Quaker Greenleaf Extension Home in Moorestown Township, New Jersey, near
her family home of Paulsdale. Before that she had a stroke in 1974, which disabled her.[7]
[edit] Legacy
Alice Paul created a long[clarification needed] legacy of woman’s rights. Her alma mater Swarthmore College named a dormitory in her
honor. Montclair State University in New Jersey has also named a building in her honor. Hilary Swank, in the HBO 2004 movie Iron
Jawed Angels, portrayed Alice Paul during her struggle for passage of the 19th Amendment. Two countries have honored her by
issuing a postage stamp: Great Britain in 1981 and the United States in 1995, issuing a 78¢ Great Americans series stamp.
Alice Paul is also scheduled to appear on a United States half-ounce $10 gold coin in 2012, as part of the so-called "First Spouse"
program. A provision in the Presidential $1 Coin Program (see Pub.L. 109-145, 119 Stat. 2664, enacted December 22, 2005) directs
that Presidential spouses be honored. As President Chester A. Arthur was a widower, Paul is representing Arthur's era.[8]
[edit] See also
 Iron Jawed Angels, 2004 film about Alice Paul, Lucy Burns and their fight resulting in passage of the 19th Amendment.
 List of civil rights leaders
 List of suffragists and suffragettes
 Suffragette
[edit] References
1. ^ Jean H. Baker "Placards at the White House," American Heritage, Winter 2010.
2. ^ "Honoring Alice Paul". Washington College of Law. http://www.wcl.american.edu/history/alicepaul.cfm. Retrieved
September 3, 2010.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
^ a b c d e f "Alice Paul Biography.". Lakewood Public Library: Women in History. http://www.lkwdpl.org/wihohio/paulali.htm. Retrieved 2006-05-01.
^ "Timeline". History of WCL. Washington College of Lax. http://www.wcl.american.edu/history/timeline.cfm. Retrieved
September 3, 2010.
^ Simkin, J. "Alice Paul" Women's Suffrage in the USA, Spartacus Educational Retrieved: 2006-07-27.
^ "ERA Charm Bracelet". National Museum of American History, Smithsonian Institution.
http://historywired.si.edu/object.cfm?ID=492. Retrieved 2008-07-22.
^ "Alice Paul, a Leader for Suffrage And Women's Rights, Dies at 92; 'Silent Sentinels'". New York Times. July 10, 1977.
"Alice Paul, a pioneer of the women's movement who helped lead the fight for women's suffrage and who, more than 50
years ago, helped draft the forerunner to today's proposed equal rights amendment to the Constitution, died yesterday at the
Quaker Greenleaf Extension Home in Moorestown, N.J. She was 92 years old."
^ Alice Paul is explicitly specified in 31 U.S.C. § 5112(o)(3)(D)(i)(II)
“
as represented, in the case of President Chester Alan Arthur, by a design incorporating the name and likeness of
Alice Paul, a leading strategist in the suffrage movement, who was instrumental in gaining women the right to
vote upon the adoption of the 19th amendment and thus the ability to participate in the election of future
Presidents, and who was born on January 11, 1885, during the term of President Arthur
”
Wikimedia Commons has media related to: Alice Paul
[edit] Biography
 Adams, Katherine H. and Michael L. Keene. Alice Paul and the American Suffrage Campaign. University of Illinois Press,
2007. ISBN 978-0252074714
 Walton, Mary. A Woman's Crusade: Alice Paul and the Battle for the Ballot. Palgrave Macmillan, 2010. ISBN 9780230611757
[edit] External links
 The Alice Paul Institute
 Alice Paul at Lakewood Public Library: Women In History
 The Sewall-Belmont House & Museum—Home of the historic National Woman's Party
 Biographical sketch at the University of Pennsylvania
Retrieved from "http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alice_Paul"
Categories: 1885 births | 1977 deaths | American Quakers | American suffragists | American women's rights activists | American
University alumni | Swarthmore College alumni | People from Burlington County, New Jersey | People from Ridgefield, Connecticut
Feminism refers to movements aimed at establishing and defending equal political, economic, and social rights and equal
opportunities for women.[1][2][3] Its concepts overlap with those of women's rights. Feminism is controversial for challenging traditions
in many fields and especially for supporting shifting the political balance toward women. [citation needed] Some feminists argue that men
cause and benefit from sexism[citation needed]. Others argue that gender, like sex, are social constructions that harm all people; feminism
thus seeks to liberate men as well as women.[4] Feminists, persons practicing feminism, can be persons of either sex.
Feminist theory emerged from these feminist movements[5][6] and includes general theories and theories about the origins of inequality,
and, in some cases, about the social construction of sex and gender, in a variety of disciplines. Feminist activists have campaigned for
women's rights—such as in contract, property, and voting—while also promoting women's rights to bodily integrity and autonomy and
reproductive rights. They have opposed domestic violence, sexual harassment, and sexual assault. In economics, they have advocated
for workplace rights, including equal pay and opportunities for careers and to start businesses.
The movements and theoretical developments were historically led predominantly by middle-class white women from Western
Europe and North America, but, since then, more women have proposed additional feminisms.
Contents
[hide]
 1 History
 2 Theoretical schools
 3 Movements and ideologies
 4 Societal impact
 5 Culture
o 5.1 Distinction between sex and gender
o 5.2 Architecture
o 5.3 Women's writing
 5.3.1 Feminist science fiction
o 5.4 Riot grrrl movement
o 5.5 Sexuality
o 5.6 Pornography
 5.6.1 Prostitution and trafficking
 6 Relationship to political movements








o 6.1 Socialism
o 6.2 Fascism
7 Scientific discourse criticism
o 7.1 Biology of gender
o 7.2 Evolutionary biology
8 Health
9 Psychology
10 Reactions
o 10.1 Men
o 10.2 Men as feminists
o 10.3 Pro-feminism
o 10.4 Criticisms by women of colour, with lower incomes, or not Western
o 10.5 Antifeminism
11 See also
12 References
13 Bibliography
14 External links
History
Main article: History of feminism
Louise Weiss along with other Parisian suffragettes in 1935. The newspaper headline reads, in translation, "THE FRENCHWOMAN
MUST VOTE".
Protofeminism preceded feminism and is based on sources other than feminists' writings. Feminists' writings then began to appear,
such as those by Christine de Pizan in the 15th century and Mary Wollstonecraft in the late 18th century. Starting in the 19th century,
feminism tended to arise in what we now refer to as waves, especially in the United States and the United Kingdom. First-wave
feminism sought equality in property rights, changes in the marriage relationship, and, eventually, in women's suffrage, or women's
right to vote. Second-wave feminism, also sometimes called women's liberation, began in the 1960s and focused on discrimination and
on cultural, social, and political issues, and books about it included The Feminine Mystique and The Second Sex. It was often accused
of orienting to upper middle-class white women and, sometimes, of biological essentialism. Third-wave feminism began in the 1980s
or early 1990s and addresses feminism across class and race lines, as being grounded in culture rather than biology, and through many
issues, so there's less concentration on particular issues.
Post-feminism is, depending on the participant, either a later development of feminism or a denial that feminism has any continuing
justification, so not all feminists consider post-feminism a part of feminism, some viewing it rather as a critique of feminism. [7]
Theoretical schools
Main article: Feminist theory
Feminist theory aims to understand gender difference and gender inequality and focuses on gender politics and sexuality. Providing a
critique of these social and political power relations, much of feminist theory focuses on the promotion of women's rights. Themes
explored in feminist theory include discrimination, stereotyping, objectification (especially sexual objectification), oppression, and
patriarchy.[5][6] Feminist theory is academically concentrated in women's studies and encompasses work in history, anthropology,
sociology, economics, literary criticism,[8][9] (supported by women's literature, music, film, and other media), art history,[10]
psychoanalysis,[11] theology, philosophy,[12][13] geography, and other disciplines.
Elaine Showalter modeled the development of feminist theory,[14] although Toril Moi criticized this model, seeing it as essentialist,
deterministic, and failing to account for the situation of women outside the West. [15]
Movements and ideologies
Several overlapping movements of feminist ideologies have developed over the years.
Liberal feminism seeks individualistic equality of men and women through political and legal reform without altering the structure of
society.
Socialist feminism connects oppression of women to exploitation, oppression, and labor. Marxist feminists feel that overcoming class
oppression overcomes gender oppression;[16] some socialist feminists disagree.[17] Radical feminism considers the male-controlled
capitalist hierarchy as the defining feature of women's oppression and the total uprooting and reconstruction of society as necessary[18]
and has branched into such as anti-pornography feminism, opposed by sex-positive feminism. Anarcha-feminists believe that class
struggle and anarchy against the State[19] require struggling against patriarchy, which comes from involuntary hierarchy. Cultural
feminism attempts to revalidate undervalued "female nature" or "female essence";[20] its critics assert that it has led feminists to retreat
from politics to lifestyle.[21] Separatist feminism does not support heterosexual relationships. Lesbian feminism is thus closely related.
Some writers criticize separatist feminism as sexist.
Womanism[22][23] emerged after early feminist movements were largely white and middle-class.[24] Black feminism argues that sexism,
class oppression, and racism are inextricably bound together.[25][26][27] Chicana feminism focuses on Mexican American, Chicana, and
Hispanic women in the United States. Multiracial or "women of colour" feminism is related. [28] Standpoint feminists argue that
feminism should examine how women's experience of inequality relates to that of racism, homophobia, classism, and
colonization.[29][30] Postcolonial feminists argue that colonial oppression and Western feminism marginalized postcolonial women but
did not turn them passive or voiceless. Third-world feminism is closely related.[31] These discourses are related to African feminism,
motherism,[32] Stiwanism,[33] negofeminism,[34] femalism, transnational feminism, and Africana womanism.[35]
Conservative feminism is conservative relative to the society in which it resides. Libertarian feminism conceives of people as selfowners and therefore as entitled to freedom from coercive interference. [36] Individualist feminism or ifeminism, opposing so-called
gender feminism, draws on anarcho-capitalism.[37]
Postmodern feminists argue that sex and gender are socially constructed,[38] that it is impossible to generalize women's experiences
across cultures and histories,[39] and that dualisms and traditional gender, feminism, and politics are too limiting.[40] Post-structural
feminism uses various intellectual currents for feminist concerns. [41] Many post-structural feminists maintain that difference is one of
the most powerful tools that women possess.[41][42] Contemporary psychoanalytic French feminism is more philosophical and literary
than is Anglophone feminism.
Ecofeminists see men's control of land as responsible for the oppression of women and destruction of the natural environment, but a
criticism is that ecofeminism focuses too much on a mystical connection between women and nature. [43]
Movements share some perspectives while disagreeing on others. For example, some consider men oppressed by gender roles [44] while
others consider men primarily the causative agents of sexism. [45]
Societal impact
Main article: Feminist effects on society
The feminist movement has effected change in Western society, including women's suffrage; in education; in gender neutrality in
English; job pay more nearly equal to men's; the right to initiate divorce proceedings; the reproductive rights of women to make
individual decisions on pregnancy (including access to contraceptives and abortion); and the right to enter into contracts and own
property.[46][47] Feminists have struggled to protect women and girls from domestic violence, sexual harassment, and sexual
assault,[18][48][49] emphasizing the grounds as women's rights, rather than as men's traditional interests in families' safety for
reproductive purposes. On economic matters, feminists have advocated for workplace rights, including maternity leave, and against
other forms of gender-specific discrimination against women.[46][47][50] They have achieved some protections and societal changes
through sharing experiences, developing theory, and campaigning for rights.[48][51][52][53][54]
From the 1960s on, the campaign for women's rights[55] was met with mixed results[56] in the U.S. and the U.K. Other countries of the
EEC agreed to ensure that discriminatory laws would be phased out across the European Community.
In the U.S., the National Organization for Women (NOW) began in 1966 to seek women's equality, including through the Equal
Rights Amendment (ERA),[57] which did not pass, although some states enacted their own.
Reproductive rights in the U.S. centered on the court decision in Roe v. Wade enunciating a woman's right to choose whether to carry
a pregnancy to term. Western women gained more reliable birth control, allowing family planning and careers. The movement started
in the 1910s in the U.S. under Margaret Sanger and elsewhere under Marie Stopes and grew in the late 20th century.
The division of labor within households was affected by the increased entry of women into workplaces in the 20th century. Sociologist
Arlie Russell Hochschild found that, in two-career couples, men and women, on average, spend about equal amounts of time working,
but women still spend more time on housework,[58][59] although Cathy Young responded by arguing that women may prevent equal
participation by men in housework and parenting.[60]
Although research suggests that, to an extent, both women and men perceive feminism to be in conflict with romance, studies of
undergraduates and older adults have shown that feminism has positive impacts on relationship health for women and sexual
satisfaction for men, and found no support for negative stereotypes of feminists. [61]
Participation in the CEDAW (By Canuckguy et al. & Allstar86 (attributed per Wikipedia file CEDAW_Participation.svg, as accessed
Jul. 26, 2010).)
Signed and ratified Acceded or succeeded Unrecognized
Only signed Non-signatory
state, abiding by treaty
In international law, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) is an international
convention adopted by the United Nations General Assembly and described as an international bill of rights for women. It came into
force in those nations ratifying it.[62]
In religion, feminist theology reconsiders the traditions, practices, scriptures, sacred texts, and theologies of religions from a feminist
perspective.[63][64][65] Its goals include increasing the role of women among the clergy and religious authorities, reinterpreting maledominated imagery and language about the deity or deities, and determining women's place in relation to career and motherhood. Most
Christian feminists agree that God does not discriminate by sex. New feminism is a branch of difference feminism within Catholicism.
Islamic feminism aims for full equality in public and private life, highlights the deeply rooted teachings of equality in the Quran,
encourages questioning patriarchal interpretation of Islamic teaching. and draws on secular and Western feminist discourses. Jewish
feminism addresses all major branches of Judaism to open up all-male prayer groups, end exemption from positive time-bound
mitzvot, and enable women to function as witnesses and to initiate divorce. The Dianic Wiccan feminism, one faith of many in Wicca,
is female-focused and Goddess-centered and teaches witchcraft as every woman's right. In Wicca, "the Goddess" is a deity of prime
importance, along with her consort the Horned God. In the earliest Wiccan publications, she is described as a tribal goddess of the
witch community, neither omnipotent nor universal, and it was recognised that there was a greater "Prime Mover", although the
witches did not concern themselves much with this being. Atheist feminism objects to sexism in all major religions.
Culture
Main article: Feminism in culture
Distinction between sex and gender
The distinction between sex and gender is generally that sex is biological (e.g., chromosomal or morphological) while gender is social
or cultural (e.g., how societies structure relationships).[66]
Architecture
Gender-based inquiries into and conceptualization of architecture have also come about, leading to feminism in modern architecture.
Piyush Mathur coined the term "archigenderic". Claiming that "architectural planning has an inextricable link with the defining and
regulation of gender roles, responsibilities, rights, and limitations", Mathur came up with that term "to explore...the meaning of
'architecture' in terms of gender" and "to explore the meaning of 'gender' in terms of architecture". [67]
Women's writing
Virginia Woolf
For more details on Women's literature written in English, see Women's writing in English.
Women's writing came to exist as a separate category of scholarly interest relatively recently. In the West, second-wave feminism
prompted a general reevaluation of women's historical contributions, and various academic sub-disciplines, such as Women's history
(or herstory) and women's writing, developed in response to the belief that women's lives and contributions have been
underrepresented as areas of scholarly interest.[68] Virginia Balisn et al. characterize the growth in interest since 1970 in women's
writing as "powerful".[68] Much of this early period of feminist literary scholarship was given over to the rediscovery and reclamation
of texts written by women. Studies such as Dale Spender's Mothers of the Novel (1986) and Jane Spencer's The Rise of the Woman
Novelist (1986) were ground-breaking in their insistence that women have always been writing. Commensurate with this growth in
scholarly interest, various presses began the task of reissuing long-out-of-print texts. Virago Press began to publish its large list of
nineteenth and early-twentieth-century novels in 1975 and became one of the first commercial presses to join in the project of
reclamation. In the 1980s Pandora Press, responsible for publishing Spender's study, issued a companion line of eighteenth-century
novels written by women.[69]
Feminist science fiction
Main article: Feminist science fiction
In the 1960s the genre of science fiction combined its sensationalism with political and technological critiques of society. With the
advent of feminism, questioning women’s roles became fair game to this "subversive, mind expanding genre". [70] Two early texts are
Ursula K. Le Guin's The Left Hand of Darkness (1969) and Joanna Russ' The Female Man (1970). They serve to highlight the socially
constructed nature of gender roles by creating utopias that do away with gender.[71] Both authors were also pioneers in feminist
criticism of science fiction in the 1960s and 70s, in essays collected in The Language of the Night (Le Guin, 1979) and How To
Suppress Women's Writing (Russ, 1983). Another major work of feminist science fiction has been [72] Kindred by Octavia Butler.
Riot grrrl movement
Main article: Riot Grrrl
Riot grrrl (or riot grrl) is an underground feminist punk movement that started in the 1990s and is often associated with third-wave
feminism (it is sometimes seen as its starting point). It was Grounded in the DIY philosophy of punk values. Riot grrls took an anticorporate stance of self-sufficiency and self-reliance.[73] Riot grrrl's emphasis on universal female identity and separatism often
appears more closely allied with second-wave feminism than with the third wave.[74] The movement encouraged and made "adolescent
girls’ standpoints central," allowing them to express themselves fully. [75]
Sexuality
Lesbianism and bisexuality were accepted as part of feminism by a significant proportion of feminists, while others considered
sexuality irrelevant to the attainment of other goals. Sexuality, sexual representation, sadomasochism, the role of transwomen in the
lesbian community, and other sexual issues arose within acrimonious feminist debates known as the feminist sex wars.
Opinions on the sex industry are diverse. They are generally either critical of it (seeing it as exploitative, a result of patriarchal social
structures and reinforcing sexual and cultural attitudes that are complicit in rape and sexual harassment) or supportive of at least parts
of it (arguing that some forms of it can be a medium of feminist expression and a means of women taking control of their sexuality).
Pornography
For more details on this topic, see Feminist sex wars.
See also: Anti-pornography#Feminist objections and Sex-positive feminism
The "Feminist Sex Wars" is a term for the acrimonious debates within the feminist movement in the late 1970s through the 1980s
around the issues of feminism, sexuality, sexual representation, pornography, sadomasochism, the role of transwomen in the lesbian
community, and other sexual issues. The debate pitted anti-pornography feminism against sex-positive feminism, and parts of the
feminist movement were deeply divided by these debates. [76][77][78][79][80]
Prostitution and trafficking
Main article: Feminist views on prostitution
Feminsts' views on prostitution vary, but many of these perspectives can be loosely arranged into an overarching standpoint that is
generally either critical or supportive of prostitution and sex work.[81] Anti-prostitution feminists are strongly opposed to prostitution,
as they see the practice as a form of violence against and exploitation of women, and a sign of male dominance over women.
Feminists who hold such views on prostitution include Kathleen Barry, Melissa Farley,[82][83]Julie Bindel,[84][85] Sheila Jeffreys,
Catharine MacKinnon [86] and Laura Lederer[87]; the European Women's Lobby has also condemned prostitution as "an intolerable
form of male violence".[88]
Other feminists hold that prostitution and other forms of sex work can be valid choices for women and men who choose to engage in
it. In this view, prostitution must be differentiated from forced prostitution, and feminists should support sex worker activism against
abuses by both the sex industry and the legal system. The disagreement between these two feminist stances has proven particularly
contentious, and may be comparable to the feminist sex wars of the late twentieth century.[89]
Relationship to political movements
In the U.S., feminism, when politically active, formerly aligned largely with the political right, e.g., through the National Woman's
Party, from the 1910s to the 1960s, and presently aligns largely with the left, e.g., through the National Organization for Women, of
the 1960s to the present, although in neither case has the alignment been consistent.
Socialism
Since the early twentieth century, some feminists have allied with socialism. In 1907, at an International Conference of Socialist
Women in Stuttgart, suffrage was described as a tool of class struggle. Clara Zetkin of the Social Democratic Party of Germany called
for women's suffrage to build a "socialist order, the only one that allows for a radical solution to the women's question".[90][91][92]
In Britain, the women's movement was allied with the Labour party. In the U.S., Betty Friedan emerged from a radical background to
take leadership. Radical Women is the oldest socialist feminist organization in the U.S. and is still active. [93] During the Spanish Civil
War, Dolores Ibárruri (La Pasionaria) led the Communist Party of Spain. Although she supported equal rights for women, she
opposed women fighting on the front and clashed with the anarcha-feminist Mujeres Libres.[94]
In Latin America, revolutions brought changes in women's status in countries such as Nicaragua, where feminist ideology during the
Sandinista Revolution aided women's quality of life but fell short of achieving a social and ideological change. [95]
The end of Communist governments led to changes in Eastern European gender roles.
Fascism
Nazi Germany and the contemporary fascist states illustrate the disastrous consequences for society of a state ideology that, in
glorifying traditional images of women, becomes anti-feminist.[96] In Germany, after the rise of Nazism in 1933, there was a rapid
dissolution of the political rights and economic opportunities that feminists had fought for during the prewar period and to some extent
during the 1920s.[citation needed] In Franco's Spain, the right-wing Catholic conservatives undid the work of feminists during the
Republic.[citation needed] Fascist society was hierarchical with an emphasis and idealization of virility, with women maintaining a position
largely subordinate to men's.[97]
British Fascism, for its part, attracted many women to its ranks.[98] In particular, three prominent suffragette leaders (Mary Allen,
Mary Richardson, and Norah Elam) used militant tactics to get votes for women in Britain in the early 1900s, and that had earned
them Holloway prison terms, where they underwent hunger and thirst strikes and force feeding in the cause. During the 1930s, all
three became prominent leaders in Oswald Mosley's British Union of Fascists (BUF). Elam became a BUF propagandist, driven by
her disillusionment with what she saw as the antiquated Party political system that then dominated. She asserted that women had been
given the vote simply to patronize and shut them up, making them think they were taking part in democratic decision-making, and
then shrewdly sidelining them and making them politically impotent. Her Fascist propaganda bitterly criticized fellow suffragettes for
giving up the feminist agenda and returned time and again to a concern with women's lack of freedom and the lack of influence that
any one individual can exert through voting alone. The alternative to democracy she believed the BUF offered was not simply a vague
utopian vision. She referred to the practical ideology underlying her Fascist concept. This New Creed, she believed, came in the form
of a "Corporate State" which would deliver real equality and participation for all citizens, Corporatism being a system in which
various groups in society (economic sectors and professional specializations) are conceived as the essential parts of the state making
up the whole, the organs making up the body. The British House of Commons would be made up of representatives from each
Corporation. She detailed little.[99] When she was put forward as a candidate for a Parliamentary seat in Northampton in 1936, Mosley
accompanied her to Northampton to introduce her to her electorate at a meeting in the Town Hall, where in a public meeting he
announced that "[h]e was glad indeed to have the opportunity of introducing the first candidate, and it killed for all time the suggestion
that National Socialism proposed putting British women back into the home. Mrs Elam had fought in the past for women's suffrage ...
and was a great example of the emancipation of women in Britain".[99] Whether this idea of a Corporate State would ever have
produced for women the power to influence public life in the way Elam hoped was never realised in Britain. World War II and its
aftermath revealed the full horrors of fascism and what it was capable of and coincided with the demise of the BUF, which never
actually fought or won any seats in elections.
Scientific discourse criticism
Some feminists, such as Evelyn Fox Keller, criticize traditional scientific discourse as historically biased towards a masculine
perspective,[50] including the idea of scientific objectivity. Primatologist Sarah Blaffer Hrdy notes the prevalence of masculinely
coined stereotypes and theories, such as of the non-sexual female, despite "the accumulation of abundant openly available evidence
contradicting it".[100]
Many feminist scholars rely on qualitative scientific research methods that emphasize women's subjective and individual experiences,
including treating research participants as authorities equal to the researcher. Objectivity is eschewed in favor of open self-reflexivity
and the agenda of helping women. Also, part of the feminist research agenda is the uncovering of ways in which power inequities are
created and/or reinforced in society and in scientific and academic institutions. A feminist approach to research often involves
nontraditional forms of presentation.[101]
Biology of gender
Modern feminist science challenges the biological essentialist view of gender. However, it is increasingly interested in the study of
biological sex differences and their effect on human behavior. For example, Anne Fausto-Sterling's book, Myths of Gender, explores
the assumptions embodied in scientific research that purports to support a biologically essentialist view of gender.[102]
Her second book, Sexing the Body, discussed the alleged possibility of more than two true biological sexes. This possibility only exists
in yet-unknown extraterrestrial biospheres, as no ratios of true gametes to polar cells other than 4:0 and 1:3 (male and female,
respectively) are produced on Earth. However, in The Female Brain, Louann Brizendine argues that brain differences between the
sexes are a biological reality with significant implications for sex-specific functional differences.[103] Steven Rhoads illustrated sexdependent differences across a wide scope.[104]
Carol Tavris, in The Mismeasure of Woman, uses psychology and sociology to critique theories that use essentialism and biological
reductionism to explain differences between men and women. She argues that "women are not the better sex, the inferior sex or the
opposite sex", rather she contends that there are ever-changing hypotheses that justify inequality and perpetuate stereotypes. [105]
Evolutionary biology
Sarah Kember—drawing from numerous areas such as evolutionary biology, sociobiology, artificial intelligence, and cybernetics in
development with a new evolutionism—discusses the biologization of technology. She notes how feminists and sociologists have
become suspicious of evolutionary psychology, particularly in as much as sociobiology is subjected to complexity in order to
strengthen sexual difference as immutable through pre-existing cultural value judgments about human nature and natural selection.[106]
Where feminist theory is criticized for its "false beliefs about human nature", Kember then argues in conclusion that "feminism is in
the interesting position of needing to do more biology and evolutionary theory in order not to simply oppose their renewed hegemony,
but in order to understand the conditions that make this possible, and to have a say in the construction of new ideas and artefacts."[106]
Health
Feminism has led to increased participation by women in the health care they receive (e.g., the book Our Bodies, Ourselves), deliver
(e.g., as doctors and midwives), and seek (e.g., lactivism).
Psychology
Feminist therapy is the application of feminist principles to psychotherapy.
Reactions
Men
Men have responded in each wave of the movement positively and negatively,[107] varying from pro-feminism to masculism, the men's
rights movement, and anti-feminism.[108][109][110] In the 21st century, new reactions have emerged from male scholars in gender
studies[111][112] and anti-feminist men's rights activists who "have ridden the wave of right-wing backlashes against “political
correctness” and efforts at social justice" [113][114] and academics like Michael Flood, Michael Messner, and Michael Kimmel are
involved with men's studies and pro-feminism.[113][115][116][117][118]
Historically, some men have engaged with feminism. Philosopher Jeremy Bentham demanded equal rights for women in the 18th
century. In 1866, philosopher John Stuart Mill (author of "The Subjection of Women") presented a women's petition to the British
parliament and supported an amendment to the 1867 Reform Bill. Others have lobbied and campaigned against feminism.
Men as feminists
Some feminist women maintain that identifying and participating as a feminist is the strongest stand men can take in the struggle
against sexism.[119][120][121] Highlighting critical debates about masculinity and gender, the history of men in feminism, and men's roles
in preventing violence and sexual assault, a critical analysis of first-person stories by feminist/profeminist men addresses the question
of why men should care about feminism in the first place and lays the foundation for a larger discussion about feminism as an allencompassing human issue,[122] drawing on earlier work.[123] Fidelma Ashe argues that traditional feminist views of male experience
and of "men doing feminism" have been monolithic and explores the multiple political discourses and practices of pro-feminist
politics and evaluates each strand through an interrogation based upon its effect on feminist politics. [124][125]
Other feminist women argue that men cannot be feminists, being incapable simply because, in terms of their acculturation, they are
not women. They maintain that men are granted inherent privileges that prevent them from identifying with feminist struggles, thus
making it impossible for them to identify with feminists. [126]
Pro-feminism
Pro-feminism is the support of feminism without implying that the supporter is a member of the feminist movement. The term is most
often used in reference to men who are actively supportive of feminism. The activities of pro-feminist men's groups include antiviolence work with boys and young men in schools, offering sexual harassment workshops in workplaces, running community
education campaigns, and counseling male perpetrators of violence. Pro-feminist men also are involved in men's health, activism
against pornography including anti-pornography legislation, men's studies, and the development of gender equity curricula in schools.
This work is sometimes in collaboration with feminists and women's services, such as domestic violence and rape crisis centers. Some
activists of both genders will not refer to men as "feminists" at all and will refer to all pro-feminist men as "pro-feminists".[127][128]
Criticisms by women of colour, with lower incomes, or not Western
During much of its history, feminist movements and theoretical developments were led predominantly by middle-class white women
from Western Europe and North America.[24][30][31] However, at least since Sojourner Truth's 1851 speech to American feminists,
women of other races have proposed alternative feminisms. [30] This trend accelerated in the 1960s with the civil rights movement in
the United States and the collapse of European colonialism in Africa, the Caribbean, parts of Latin America, and Southeast Asia. Since
that time, women in developing nations and former colonies and who are of colour or various ethnicities or living in poverty have
proposed additional feminisms.[31]
Antifeminism
Antifeminism is the opposition to women's equality[129][130] or the opposition to feminism in some or all of its forms. [131] Writers such
as Camille Paglia, Christina Hoff Sommers, Jean Bethke Elshtain, and Elizabeth Fox-Genovese have been labeled "anti-feminists" by
feminists.[132][133] Daphne Patai and Noretta Koertge argue that in this way the term "anti-feminist" is used to silence academic debate
about feminism.[134] Paul Nathanson and Katherine K. Young's books Spreading Misandry and Legalizing Misandry explore what they
argue is feminist-inspired misandry.[135] Christina Hoff-Sommers argues feminist misandry leads directly to misogyny by what she
calls "establishment feminists" against (the majority of) women who love men in Who Stole Feminism: How Women Have Betrayed
Women.[136] Marriage rights advocates criticize feminists like Sheila Cronan who take the view that marriage constitutes slavery for
women and that freedom for women cannot be won without the abolition of marriage.[137]
See also
 Index of feminism articles
 American Association of University Women
 Feminist Majority Foundation
 European Women's Lobby
 Ms. (magazine)
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Early Video on the Emancipation of Women, documentary filmed ca. 1930, which includes footage from the 1890s
Feminist.com directory
Women's Forum Australia
Documents from the Women's Liberation Movement, Special Collections Library, Duke University
Feminist directory, Virginia Tech
Topics in Feminism, at the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy