Faculty of Education, CUHK
Qualitative Method in Education Research
Lecture 4
Ethnographic Study of Culture in Classroom and Schools
A. Ethnography: A Method in Search of Meanings.
1. Frederick Erickson's conception: “‘Ethnography’ literally means ‘writing about the
nations’; ‘graphy’ from the Greek verb ‘to write’ and ‘ethno’ from the Greek noun
ethnos, usually translated in an English dictionary as ‘nation’ or ‘tribe’ or ‘people.’
(Erickson, 1984, p. 52)
2. George and Louise Spindler's conception: "Ethnographers attempt to record, in
an orderly manner, how natives behave and how they explain their behavior.
And ethnography, strictly speaking, is an orderly report of this recording. Natives
are people in situations anywhere —including children and youth in
schools —not just people who live in remote jungles or cozy peasant villages."
(Spindler & Spindler, 1987)
3. Harry F. Wolcott's conception of ethnographic intent:
"1. Ethnography is not field technique.
2. Ethnography is not length of time in the field.
3. Ethnography is not simply good description.
4. Ethnography is not created through gaining and maintaining rapport with
subjects. …
The only requirement …placed on such research is that it must be oriented to
cultural interpretation." (Wolcott, 1987, 38)
"The purpose of ethnographic research is to describe and interpret cultural
behavior. …Cultural interpretation is not a 'requirement,' it is the essence of the
ethnographic endeavor." (p. 43)
4. Martyn Hammersley and Paul Atkinson's conception of ethnography as a
distinctive analytical mentality:
"In terms of data collection, ethnography usually involves the research
participating, overtly or covertly, in people's daily lives for an extended period of
time, watching what happens, listening to what is said, and asking questions
through informal and formal interviews, collecting documents and artifacts — in
fact, gathering whatever data are valuable to throw light on the issues that are
the emerging focus of inquiry." (Hammersley and Atkinson, 2007, p. 3)
"Ethnography is not just a set of methods but rather a particular mode of looking,
listening, and thinking about social phenomena. In short it displays a distinct
analytical mentality." (p. 230)
5. Alan Bryman's summary of the key features of ethnography:
"1. Ethnographers immerse themselves in a society
2. to collect descriptive data via fieldwork
3. concerning the culture of its members
4. from the perspective of the members of the society attached to their social
world
5. and render the collected data intelligible and significant to fellow academics
and other readers."
6. Clifford Geertz's conception of "thick description" of meanings embedded in the
"surface enigmatical" of culture:
"What doing ethnography is. …This, it must immediately be said, is not a matter
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of methods. From one point of view, that of the textbook, doing ethnography is
establishing rapport, selecting informants, transcribing texts, taking genealogies,
mapping fields, keeping diary, and so on. But it is not these things, techniques
and received procedures, that define the enterprise. What defines it is the kind of
intellectual effect, it is: an elaborate venture in … 'thick description'."
B. Perspectives in Cultural Interpretations of Schools and Classroom: Preliminary
Inquiry
1. Plausible domains of cultural interpretations of schooling
a. School cultures
b. Teachers' cultures and subcultures
c. Students' cultures and subcultures
d. Classroom cultures
e. School-subject cultures, …
2. Conceptual tenets in ethnography and interpretive sociology
a. Concepts employed by interpretive social scientists or ethnographers are
fundamentally different from those used in quantitative researches. In nature
science, taking the concept of atom as an example, it is an analytical
construct which can and must find to a large extent a prefect correspondence
in the empirical world.
b. Sensitising concepts: "The (interpretive) social sciences can hope only to
develop 'sensitising concepts' about the world, approximate conceptions
which are tough and always provisional guides to a changing and complex
reality." (Willis, 2000, P. xi)
c. Focusing concepts: In symbolic interactionism, a concept is construed as a
mental or intellectual artifact, which "leads one to focus on certain areas" in
the world. (Woods, 1983, p. 5)
d. Hence, concepts and perspectives employed in ethnographic study to
provide cultural interpretations in schools and classrooms should not be
taken as universally applied, all-encompassing and abstract-analytical
devices in enquiring the world, but only as sensitizing and focusing devices
assisting researchers at the outset to ground their footings on the field.
3. Concepts of anthropological perspective in school ethnography
a. Deep structure of totem: Deep structure of artifacts representing "the order of
things" in schools
b. Elementary structure of kinship and the concept of taboo: Formal and
informal role structures in schools
c. Deep play of ritual: Deep play of regulated and routine activities in schools
d. Homology in cultural elements: In search of consonant meanings in schools,
classrooms and subcultures and attempt to synthesize the debate between
structural-functionalism and conflict theory
4. Concepts of social phenomenology in school ethnography elaborated in C & D
5. Concepts of symbolic interactionism in school ethnography elaborated in E & F
C. Social Phenomenological Perspectives in Cultural Interpretations of School and
Classrooms
1. The concept of the world of culture:
a. According to Alfred Schutz's conception, we live our everyday life in the world
of culture. This world of culture is "a universe of significance to us…a texture
of meaning which we have to interpret in order to find our bearing within it and
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come to terms with it. This texture of meaning, however — and this
distinguishes the realm of culture from that of nature — originates in and has
been instituted by human actions, our own and our fellow-men's,
contemporaries and predecessors. All cultural objects — tools, symbols,
language systems, works of art, social institution , etc. — point back by their
very origin and meaning to the activities of human subjects. For this reason …
I cannot understand a cultural object without referring it to the human activity
from which it originates. For example, I do not understand a tool without
knowing the purpose for which it was designed, a sign or symbol without
knowing what it stands for in the mind of the person who uses it, an institution
without understanding what it means for the individuals who orient their
behavior with regard to its existence." (Schutz,1967b, p.10-11)
b. Accordingly, as ethnographers approach a world of culture of a native tribe or
society, they must somehow find their way to understand this "universe of
significance", "texture of meaning", along with its tools, symbols, language
systems, social institution. That is to interpret the meanings working behind
the world of culture. As for school ethnographers, the world of culture that
they have to work with will then be the world of culture underlying the
everyday life in schools, staff rooms, classrooms, school corridors, etc.
2. Concept of knowledge of everyday life / common-sense knowledge:
a. As we try "to find our bearing within and come to terms with" the world of
culture, we have to make use of what the social phenomenologists called the
stock of knowledge of everyday life (Berger & Luckmann, 1967) or
common-sense knowledge (Schutz, 1967b), which serves as schemes of
references in assisting us to attribute meanings to situations, objects, other
fellow-humans in our everyday life. This stock of common-sense knowledge
are constituted and accumulated through human actions practiced by
members (both current and precedent) of a given society.
b. However, every members of a human society are familiar with or even “take
for granted” this stock of common-sense knowledge of their own culture.
They can make sense with, come to terms with, apply and practice this
common-sense knowledge in every social encounters, with every cultural
objects and fellow members of that society with ease. In other words, this
stock of knowledge of everyday life with its applications and practices has
become "invisible" in everyday life of the world of culture.
c. Therefore, it requires the method of "phenomenological reduction", which
“presuppose the bracketing (disconnecting) of the natural world and therewith
the carrying into effect of a complete change of attitude toward the thesis of
the world given-to-me-as-being there.” (Schutz, 1967a, Pp. 43) Therefore, as
ethnographers approach and to conduct some "cultural interpretations" with a
"native" society, their primary task is to come up with some "thick description"
of how natives construct and use their common-sense or taken-for-granted
knowledge in their everyday-life routines.
d. For ethnographers of education, their primary task is therefore to describe
how teachers, students and school administrators construct and use their
common-sense knowledge in encounters in classrooms, staffrooms,
conference rooms, corridors, playgrounds, …
3. Concepts of consciousness and intentionality: We come to know the world of
culture (i.e. constructing common-sense knowledge of the world of culture) by
means of our consciousness. "Consciousness is always intentional; it always
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4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
intents or is directed towards objects." Hence, when we speak of consciousness,
we can only speak of "consciousness of something or others." (Berger and
Luckmann, 1967, p.34) Hence, “the intentional character of all our cogitations
necessarily involves a sharp distinction between the act of thinking …and the
objects to which these acts are referring." (Schutz, 1967a, p. 103) This
relationship between the act of thinking/consciousness and the object of
thinking/consciousness has been characterized by social phenomenologists as
"intentionality".
Concept of typification: In everyday life encounters, we have to make sense of
every persons and objects we get acquainted with. To begin with our cogitation
with this particular person or object, we have to make use of the "typicality" in my
stock of common-sense knowledge and try to relate this "particular" with
something "typical" that I am familiar with. This act of typification is especially
essential in our initial encounter with strangers, in this situation we have to
"impute to…anonymous actors a set of supposedly invariant motives which
govern their actions. This set is itself a construct of typical expectations of
Other's behavior and has been investigated frequently in terms of social role or
function or institutional behaviors." (Schultz, 1967b, p. 25)
Concept of definition of situation: In everyday life interaction, apart from
typification, another essential interpreting device, which is commonly in use, is
definition of situation. We must come to terms with our partners what is the
occasion here and now. In other words, we must typify the encounter with some
culturally agreeable, acceptable or even institutionalized definition. Otherwise,
participants in the encounter may not be able to know how to act in and on the
situation.
Concepts of objectivation of subjectivity: To retain and sustain the subjective
meanings assigned to situations, physical objects and other fellow humans,
human beings have developed systems of signs and expressions to make their
subjectivity objective. Languages in both spoken and written forms are one of
the major objectivation tools used in human cultures. With these systems of
signs, human subjectivities can then be communicated, shared and exchanged
across times and spaces. This act of objectivation of meaning (signified) by
means of sign (signifier) has been characterized by social phenomenologists as
process of signification. (Berger and Luckmann, 1967, p.50)
Concepts of reciprocity of perspectives and intersubjectivity: By making use of
systems of signs and expressions, a person can not only be able to
communicate her subjective interpretations of the situation with her partner, but
she can also cross examine the typificality that her partner has imputed to her.
As a result, partners in a human interaction may then arrive at a consensus on
their perspectives regarding their encounter. This has been characterized by
social phenomenologists as reciprocity of perspectives or intersubjectivity.
Concept of institutionalization: As a human interaction repeats itself on regular
basis, the encounter, with its subjective definition, typification, objectivation and
reciprocity, will become habitualized. Berger and Luckmann indicate that
"institutionalization occurs whenever there is a reciprocal typification of
habitaulized actions by types of actors. Put differently, any such typification is an
institution. … The typifications of habitualized actions that constitute institutions
are always shared ones. They are available to all members of the particular
social group in question, and institution itself typifies individual actors as well
individual actions." (Berger & Luckmann, 1967, p. 72)
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9. Legitimation: “Legitimation as a process is best described as ‘second-order’
objectiviation of meaning. Legitimation produces new meanings that serve to
integrate the meanings already attached to disparate institutional process.”
(Berger & Luckmann, 1967, p. 110) Legitimation can be differentiated into
process of explanation and justification.
a. Cognitive explanation: “Legitimation ‘explains’ the institutional order by
ascribing cognitive validity to its objectified meanings.” (p. 111)
b. Normative justification: “Legitimation justifies the institutional order by giving
normative dignity to its practical imperatives.” (p. 111)
D. The Divided School: Ethnographic Study of Schools
1. Definition of situations in school: School is an environment or context heavily
implicated with meanings and definitions
a. Most of the areas in a school premises are functionally defined and physically
arranged to serve the interest at hand of their makers. Even within the
context of a classroom both the physical and social scenes are carefully
"set" by its teacher.
b. By applying Goffman's concept of dramatization, Peter Wood suggests that
the environment of a school can be subjectively demarcated into front and
back regions by its users.
c. Definition of situation in classroom: though most of the areas in them have
been institutionally or organizationally pre-defined, such as morning
assembly, lesson, recess, lunch time, extra- curricular activities. However, in
reality any institutionalized situations will not be accepted as given by its
users, especially the students. The definition of each situation, such as a
lesson, will be interpreted anew and open to negotiation and subject to
agreement; otherwise a lesson simply will not "happen."
2. Roles and statuses in school
a. Concept of role: In school organization most of the roles have supposedly
been prescribed by the school institution, such as subject teachers, students,
school head, panel chairperson, etc. The role expectations, in forms of
performances of tasks, have all been typified institutionally. However, in the
reality of world culture, these networks of role expectations are open to
interpretations and negotiations by role partners.
b. Concept of status: In school interactions, participant will scrutinize and
evaluate each others' role performances. Based on these evaluations,
participants will "size up" each others and accordingly statuses will be
assigned and/or achieved among participants. Hence, in concrete human
interactions, such as classroom interactions, institutionally ascribed statuses
will never be accepted in face value, they have to be achieved in actual
performances. In classroom interaction, though teachers are ascribed with
the institutional role to conduct teaching, nevertheless it has been well
evidenced in classroom interaction studies that teachers' status and
authority will not be accepted by students on face value. Teachers have to
achieve the status by demonstrating their competence in teaching,
classroom management and so on. And students will try hard in sussing and
sizing up new teachers.
3. Divided cultures in schools
a. The culture of the tribal chiefs in schools (Walcott, 1984)
b. Teacher's culture and Woods' ethnography of staffroom (Woods, 1979)
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c. Students' culture and typology of subcultures of students (Woods, 1979)
4. Strategies of teachers and students
a. Teachers' survival strategies (Woods, 1979)
b. Students' strategies of compliance and resistance (Woods, 1979)
c. Ethnography of initial encounter in classroom (Ball, 1984; Beynon, 1984;
Wragg & Wood, 1984)
d. Ethnography of cultural breakdown in classroom — confrontation (Pik, 1987;
Laslett & Smith, 1987; Pollard, 1989)
E. Symbolic Interactionist’s Perspective in Cultural Interpretations of Schooling
1. The self: According to symbolic interactionism, the self is defined “as a process,
and not a structure.” (Blumer, 1969, p. 62) It is a self-interacting and
self-reflexive process, in which “human being can designate to himself  his
wants, his goals, objects around him, the presence of others, their actions, their
expected actions, or whatnot. Through further interaction with himself, he may
judge, analyze, and evaluate the things he has designated to himself. And by
continuing to interact with himself he may plan and organize his action with
regard to what he has designated and evaluated.” (ibid)
2. The act: In order to cope with the world and more importantly to maintain the
status quo of the self, “the human being must forge or piece together a line of
actions…to map out a prospective line of behavior, note and interpret the actions
of others, size up his situation, check himself at this and that point, figure out
what to do at another point…” (p.64)
3. Social interaction: Most of the social interactions involve mutual interpretations
and definitions between interacting partners. It is a formative and ongoing
process through which “participants fit their own acts to the onging acts of one
another and guide other in doing so” (p.66). This conception resonates with
social phenomenologist's concept of reciprocity of perspectives.
4. The objects: “Human beings live in a world or environment of objects, and their
activities are formed around objects. But to symbolic interactionist, these
"objects are human constructs and not self-existing entities with intrinsic natures.
Their nature is dependent on the orientation and action of people toward
them. …In short, objects consist of whatever people indicate or refer to." (p.68)
This basic canon of symbolic interactionism implies the followings:
i. "The nature of an object is constituted by the meaning it has for the person or
persons for whom it is an object."
ii. "This meaning is not intrinsic to the object but arises from how the person is
initially to act toward it." (p. 68-69) It follows that the same object will vary in
its meaning in accordance with the persons who act toward it, in social
phenomenologists' terminology, the meanings of an object will vary with the
typification designated by its users.
iii. "Objects ― all objects are social products in that they are formed and
transformed by the defining process that takes place in social interaction."
(p.69)
iv. "People are prepared or set to act toward objects on the basis of the meaning
of the objects for them." (ibid)
v. "One can organize one's action toward it instead of responding immediately
to it; one can inspect the object, think about it , work out a plan of action
towards it, or decide whether or not to act towards it." (ibid)
According, "human being are seen as living in a world of meaningful
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objects." (ibid) This world of meaningful objects that symbolic interactionists
advocate is in congruence with social phenomenologists conception of "the
world of culture" and the thesis of "the social construction of reality."
vi. "People are not locked to their objects, they may check action towards objects
and indeed work out new lines of conduct towards them. This condition
introduces into human group life an indigenous source of transformation."
(p.69-70)
5. Joint action: “It refers to the large collective form of action that is constituted by
the fitting together of the line of behavior of the separate participants. …Joint
actions range from a simple collaboration of two individuals to a complex
alignment of the acts of huge organizations or institutions.” (p.70) The concept
corresponds neatly with Berger and Luckmann's conception of
institutionalization.
F. Common Culture as Symbolic Work of Symbolic Creativity
1. Paul Willis' approach to cultural study
a. Life and culture as art: Willis construes "art as living, not textual thing. …Art
as an elegant and compressed practice of meaning-making is a defining and
irreducible quality at the heart of everyday human practices and interactions.
It is at the centre of the commonplace human uses of objects … producing
and investing meaningfulness in our relations with others and with the
objects and materials around us. It is the combination of these practices with
their locating relations and materials that produces culture and cultural forms
which are the stock in trade of ethnographic analysis, for example school
culture, subcultures, occupational and shop-floor cultures or individual
cultural formation." (Willis, 2000, p. 3-4)
b. The concept of symbolic work: By accepting cultures as a form of art of
meaning-making in everyday life, Willis therefore suggests that symbolic
work is a necessary constituent in everyday life. Just as the work or labour
we invested into the world of nature to produce material resources to sustain
our biological lives, we also invest substantial amount of our labour and work
to create and designate meanings and meaningfulness to physical objects,
fellow-beings and social relations in order to construct and maintain our
cultural lives. Accordingly, ethnographic study as endeavor of cultural
interpretation is by definition a study of the symbolic work organized,
constituted and practiced within a "native" society.
c. Forms and products of symbolic work: (Willis, 1990, p. 11)
i. Language as practice and symbolic resource: Language (both spoken
and written) is the primary instrument that we employ to create, store and
disseminate meanings. It is also the foundation for us to build reciprocity
of perspectives and coordination in social actions with our fellow
humans.
ii. The body as practice and symbolic resource: "The body is a site of
somatic knowledge as well as a set of sign and symbols. It is the source
of productive and communicative activity ― signing, symbolizing,
feeling."
iii. Social "drama" as practice of symbolic work: "Communication is achieved
through roles, rituals and performances that we produced with others.
Dramaturgical components of the symbolic include a variety of
non-verbal communications, as well as sensuous cultural practices and
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communal solidarities. These include dancing, singing, joke-making,
story-telling in dynamic setting and through performance."
iv. Symbolic creativity: "Language, the body, dramatic forms are, in a way,
both raw material and tools. Symbolic creativity is more fully the
practices, the making ― or their essence, what all practices have in
common, what drives them. This is the production of new (however small
the shift) meanings intrinsically attached to feeling, to energy, to
excitement and psychic movement." (p. 11)
2. Willis' ethnography of subcultures
a. Profane cultures of the motor-bike boys and the hippies in the early 1970s
(Willis, 1978)
b. The anti-school culture and working-class culture of the 'lads' in the 1970s
(Willis, 1977)
c. Common culture of youths in the 1980s. (Willis, 1990)
i. Symbolic creativity in culture media, e.g. television, magazines,
computers, …
ii. Symbolic creativity in music, e.g. selecting, consuming and identifying
with music styles
iii. Symbolic creativity and style and fashion, e.g. hairstyle, dressing, overall
styles "from teddy boys and the mods, to the skins to punks," (Willis,
1990, p. 87)
iv. Symbolic creativity and everyday life, e.g. pub cultures, sports, games,
sex and romances,
G. Processes of ethnographic study:
1. The grounded theory method
a. “Grounded theory methods consist of systematic inductive guidelines for
collecting and analyzing data to build middle-range theoretical frameworks
that explain the collected data. Throughout the research process, grounded
theorists develop analytical interpretations of their data to focus further and
refine their developing theoretical analyses.” (Charmaz, 2000, p. 509)
b. “The defining characteristics of grounded theory include:
i. simultaneous involvement in data collection and analysis;
ii. analytical codes and categories developed from data, not from
preconceived logically deduced hypothesis;
iii. theory development during each step of data collection and analysis;
iv. memo-making, an intermediate bridge between coding data and writing
first draft;
v. theoretical sampling aimed toward theory construction not for population
representativeness;
vi. a literature review conduct after developing an independent analysis.”
(Charmaz & Mitchell, 2001, p.162)
c. Major steps of grounded theory method
i. Collect data on what happens in the research setting
ii. Code data line-by-line to show action and process
iii. Compare data with data in memos
iv. Raise significant codes to categories
v. Compare data with category in memos
vi. Check and fill out categories through theoretical sampling
vii. Compare category to category
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viii. Integrate categories into theoretical framework
ix. Write the first draft
x. Identify gaps and refine concepts
xi. Conduct a comprehensive literature review
xii. Rework the entire piece
2. Michael Agar’s Ethnographic Understanding
a. Alfred Schutz’s assumption of coherence in the social world
Agar develops his method of ethnographic understanding based on Alfred’s
assumption that the structuredness of the social world is built on the
coherence of typicality and idealization among participants in social
interactions. Schutz postulates that action as well as interaction are possible
on “the assumption that I may under typically similar circumstances act in a
way typically similar to that in which I acted before in order to bring about a
typically similar state of affairs.” (Schltz, 1967a, p. 20)
b. Agar’s steps of ethnographic understanding
i. Coherence: Ethnographer approaches an “alien” culture with his own
coherent culture
ii. Estrangement and difference: Ethnographer as “the stranger” develops
the sense of estrangement and feels the difference between his own
culture and that of the “natives”.
iii. Breakdown: Ethnographers encounters breakdowns of his typicality of
schema in the life world of the “natives”
iv. Resolution: Ethnographers are required to develop “ethnographic
understanding” and novel schema into to resolve the breakdowns
confronting him in daily life
v. Coherence: Ethnographers achieve the coherence of his schema with
those of the natives.
3. Stephen Ball’s technical trajectories in ethnographic fieldwork in educational
setting
a. The ethnographic self and its skillfulness
b. Entry and access
c. Development of social relations in the field and the process of data collection
d. Naturalistic sampling
- Places
- Times
- Persons
e. The softness, adequacies and coherence of the data
Additional References
Ball, S. (1984) "Initial Encounters in the Classroom and the Process of Establishment."
Pp. 108-120 in M. Hammersley and P. Woods (Eds.) Life in School : The Sociology
of Pupil Culture.
Berger, Peter (1971) Marriage and the Social Construction of Reality: An Essay in the
Microsociology of Knowledge. Pp. 18-26. In Cosin, B.R. et al., (Eds.) School and
Society: A Sociological Reader, 2nd edition. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul.
Beynon, J. and Atkinson, P. (1984) "Pupils as Data-gatherers : Mucking and Sussing." Pp.
255-272 in S. Delamont (Ed.) Readings on Interaction in the Classroom. London :
Methuen.
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Blumer,H. (1969) Symbolic interventionism: Perspectives and Method. Berkeley:
University of California Press.
Bryman, A. (2001) Ethnography. London: Sage Pubilcations.
Erickson, F.& Shultz, J. (1982) The Counselor as gatekeeper: Social interaction in
interviews. New York: Academic Press.
Hammersley, Martyn and Woods, Peter (Eds.) (1984) Life in School: the Sociology of
Pupil Culture. Milton Keynes: Open University Press.
Hargreaves, Andy and Woods, Peter (Eds.) (1984) Classrooms and Staffrooms: The
Sociology of Teachers and Teaching. Milton Keynes: Open University Press.
Hargreaves, D.H. et al. (1984) "Rules in Play." Pp.25-35 in Andy Hargreaves and P.
Woods (eds.) Classroom and Staffrooms : the Sociology of Teachers and
Teaching. Milton Keynes : OUP.
Laslett, R. and C.Smith (1987) "Confrontation in the Classroom" Children with Problems"
and "Confrontation in the Classroom: Teacher Strategies". Pp.218-242 in L. Cohen
and A. Cohen (Eds.) Disruptive Behaviour: a Sourcebook for Teachers. London:
Harper & Row.
Pik, R. (1987) "Confrontation situations and Teacher Support Systems" Pp.149-167 in L.
Cohen and A. Cohen (Eds.) Disruptive Behaviour: a Sourcebook for Teachers.
London: Harper & Row.
Pollard, A. (1989) "An Ethnographic Analysis of Classroom Conflict". Pp.107-12 in D.P.
Tattum (Ed.) Disruptive Pupil Management. London: David Fulton.
Schutz, Alfred (1967a) “Common-Sense and Scientific Interpretation of Human Action.”
Pp. 3-47. In M. Natanson (ed.) Alfred Schutz Collected Papers I: The Problem of
Social Reality. The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff.
Schutz, Alfred (1967b) “Some Leading Concepts of Phenomenology.” Pp. 99-137. In M.
Natanson (ed.) Alfred Schutz Collected Papers I: The Problem of Social Reality. The
Hague: Martinus Nijhoff.
Spindler, G.D (1987) (ed.) Education and cultural process: anthropological approaches.
Waveland Press.
Willis, Paul (1978) Profane Culture. Milton Keynes: Open University Press.
Willis, Paul (1990) Common Culture. Milton Keynes: Open University Press.
Wolcott, Harry F. (1984/73) The Man in the Principal's Office: An Ethnography. Prospect
Heights, Ill. : Waveland Press.
Wragg, E.D. and Wood, E.K. (1984) "Teachers' First Encounters with their class." Pp.
47-78 in E.D. Wragg (Ed.) Classroom Teaching Skills. London : Croom Helm.
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