Challenges of Migrant Women
in the Destination Countries
Adilia Eva Solís1
Presentation at the Seminar “Women and Migration”
Regional Conference on Migration
El Salvador, 19-20 July 2007
Migrant persons, whether male or female, face challenges and obstacles to be
overcome. However, the migration phenomenon affects men and women
differently.
My presentation is based on the migration experiences of
Nicaraguan women in Costa Rica which, as most of you know, is the largest
migrant group in that country.
General data on female Nicaraguan migrants in Costa Rica:
Over 51% of the Nicaraguan migrant population is female.
Of full productive and reproductive age: average age is 33 years.
Schooling level: most are between completed primary and incomplete
secondary education.
Civil status: mostly single (51.8%), and married or cohabiting represent 43.8%.
Most are heads of household (54.0%).
Most do not have legal residence permit in the country (56.1%).
The first great challenge of migrant women is to face experiences that
perpetuate patriarchal systems
There are few opportunities for migrants to renegotiate their reproductive
role. Domestic work conditions require “sleeping in”, relegating women even
more to the “private sphere”.
Migrant women in Costa Rica, are discriminated against on the basis of
their nationality (segregated labor market), and gender (many almost
exclusively have access domestic work). Thus, patriarchal power relations are
reproduced and even strengthened by the international separation of work.
This is evident in the migration and labor laws and bills that promote
immigration to this service sector (Law of Migration and Alien Affairs).
Most women occupy spaces that reproduce subordinate relationships. Over
90% of migrant women are employed in salary and non salary domestic work
(see table 1).
1
Founder and member of Red de Mujeres Migrantes Nicaragüenses, Founding President of Centro de Derechos Sociales de
la Persona Migrante (Cenderos) and Professor atUniversidad de Costa Rica.
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Out of each 100 migrant women, 46 are heads of household, and even when
away from home, the financial and emotional responsibility to support the
family remains and they seek support from other females in the family:
grandmothers, sisters, older daughters.
Leaving home and crossing borders have not meant a change in the
responsibilities of men and women. There is no change in the roles or demands
made from us. There is the same level of demand on women as providers as
well as for reproduction, without any change to the relationship of power.
These unequal relations are expressed at the State level (in Nicaragua
and in Costa Rica) as no actions or policies exist that take the needs of women
and their families into consideration.
Table 1. Profile of Women by Occupation
Occupation
Participation
Head of Household
Insured
Domestic
54.5%
20.50%
27.6%
4.1%
1.3%
17.8%
15.1%
Unemployed
Housewife
5.8%
29%
The collection of gender studies in migration processes shows that the
gains made by women in other spheres regarding respect to their rights are not
reflected in the case of migrations; on the contrary, patriarchal schemes are
reproduced and expelling and receiving countries benefit from the
perpetuation of these schemes, wherein women are the providers of services
related to maternity, thereby limiting their possibilities for inserting themselves
into and carrying out productive activities.
In the second place, the challenge of having your rights respected as a
woman and a migrant, in circumstances where not being a national nor a
resident turns you into a non citizen
The male and female social subjects in the scenario of large migratory
movements find it difficult to become visible and be seen as actors and agents
of transformation of the societies of origin and destination. Migrant persons find
serious difficulties in exercising a series of rights, many of them deriving from their
status of non nationals (country of arrival) and non residents (of their country of
origin). It would seem “migrant” has become a new category in social
stratification, wherein migrants come after the poor. The “migrant” identity is
being gradually appropriated and internalized by the migrants themselves as
well as by the originating and receiving societies. “I’m a migrant”, “he is a
migrant”, “he doesn’t live here”, “I’m like a migrant…”, “us migrants”.
2
This term has gradually included more symbolisms and representations for some
and for others, but it establishes a set of non rights. It is very common for us to
hear “since I am a migrant…” or “since I don’t live there…” I can’t do, or I can’t
have, or I can’t be…
Citizenship is integration and access under equal conditions as nationals,
without discrimination for national or ethnic origin; moreover, as has been
demonstrated, the migrant population is a large part of the workforce and
constitutes a significant economic strength for both nations.
3.- Irregularities in migratory status severely limit the exercise of human rights in
general and women’s rights in particular. The reason for this is the patriarchal
vision of the migration laws
Nearly 56% have no resident status and 33% are totally unprotected by
the law, that is, without any type of legal residence permit, work permit, work
contract or resident status.
The most serious and paradoxical issue is that among those who have no
residence permit, 34% have already reunited their families and live with all their
sons and daughters in Costa Rica.
Irregular migrants are the most vulnerable among the migrant universe
and in the case of women it exposes them to situations of violence and abuse
in the relationships of power where they have every chance of losing: sexual
harassment, sexual favors in exchange for not being deported, easy prey to
traffickers and international trafficking.
It is necessary to analyze the reasons for migratory irregularity, as it is
linked to the patriarchal vision of the migration law as an excluding policy of
the Costa Rican government. Along these same lines, there is a lack of
sensitivity in the Nicaraguan State and an absence of political will to make
decisions and facilitate the documentation required by the population living
outside its borders.
In accordance with the recently approved migration law, permanent
residence can only be obtained by being married to a national, having
sons/daughters born in Costa Rica, or being married to a permanent resident.
4. Women continue to be viewed as dependants and as a reflection of
male migration. We are only recognized as mothers or wives, ignoring the labor
nature of migration
The current migration law ignores the fact that in Costa Rica almost
80,000 migrant women are employed as housemaids.
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Under the same legislation, those workers cannot obtain work permits, as
the category of housemaid disappeared and is now incorporated within the
category of “workers in specific occupations” with new requirements of very
difficult compliance.
An attempt is made to regularize a labor activity that has always been
characterized by de-regularization and by the overexploitation of workers
because the work is carried out in “private” environments.
The invisibility is so serious that in the bi-national agreements that are
being established to regulate labor migration, domestic workers are not
included in the efforts of either country, as measures are taken on the basis of
male labor migration.
5. Demand for the power to exercise the right to sexual and reproductive health
Regarding access to health services, the data show alarming figures:
58% reports not being insured. The main reason for not being insured is the lack
of a residence permit.
About 70% of the women over 40 years old have never had a
mammography, 18% of the women over 18 have not had a Pap smear in the
last 2 years and 70% does not practice birth control.
The demand for medical attention in sexual and reproductive health for
women, regardless of their migratory status, is of utmost importance.
6.
The support required from States in the child-raising responsibilities of
migrant mothers, especially when pertaining to motherhood across borders.
Nearly 32% have all their sons and daughters in Nicaragua and 21% both
in Nicaragua as well as Costa Rica. This represents additional costs, since childraising activities in Costa Rica become very complicated due to the loss of
family support networks. Thus, not only do they have to tend to domestic and
child-raising chores in homes that are not their own, but must also do the
housework at home, particularly if they are heads of household.
Seeing for their own family (the one here and the one there) is
problematic for migrant women, who are trying to fulfill the cultural
expectations: “I am the one that has to do everything. God forbid I didn’t”.
Remennick (1999) calls them “multiple-role women” to illustrate the intensity of
the work and the little reward obtained from it: bad quality jobs, low pay,
responsible for the care of children or the elderly of others and, in addition,
responsible for the care and sustenance of their family in Costa Rica and in
Nicaragua affects the health of these women.
The dilemma implied by motherhood and personal realization is
experienced somewhat dramatically, it is a contradiction not always resolved in
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a healthy manner. The weight of the cultural mandates is a factor in facing
motherhood for bi-national women.
This fact is not recognized at all. The women who leave their children in
Nicaragua are the ones who most often have no documents and travel less,
thereby affecting their emotional relationship with their families.
7. The cost of renouncing professional or technical education acquired in their
country of origin. Loss of social status and stagnation of work possibilities
“They don’t accept what I am”.
“Over there I am the neighborhood nurse, here I’m less than a cat”.
One of the sources of lack of satisfaction most commonly voiced by migrant women is
having to give up their profession or their education. There is also a social downstep.
As an illustration, approximately 12% of the women used to work as maids in
Nicaragua, now 62% are maids. About 25% was studying in Nicaragua before
migrating and now only 6.5% studies. One of the interviewees, a teacher by
training said:
This lack of correspondence between their abilities, skills and training is
identified as a source of sadness and sometimes even depression. When elaborating on
the issue, they link this closely to gender:
“what keeps me going through this sacrifice I am making is that I am only doing this for the
time I’m going to be here and with what little I send my children at least have beans to eat”.
The rationale: You endure it because there is a need:
They think of the sacrifice that they make as something temporary, they aspire
to again become what they were although they may never achieve that.
“At least I find consolation in that this is not forever, it is only while a save some money to pay
the debts (‘jaranas’), I am not here to stay”.
So, have we Nicaraguan women gained more power, greater autonomy from
the migratory experience? Has there been a change in the roles and the
visions? Have the laws been reformed to protect the rights of women? Have
inclusive public policies been designed in the country of origin and destination
to protect women, to incorporate a focus on gender and migration? Have binational action strategies been designed to leverage the social capital
generated by migration?
TO CONLCUDE, THE GREAT CHALLENGE:
To afford recognition to migrant populations, and women in particular, of their
condition of citizenship without harming this right because they are not
nationals
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The integration of migrant populations necessarily includes the discussion on
their citizenship rights. The theory of economic and social citizenship establishes
that political citizenship does not define what is essential in the social relations
of society, but rather the full enjoyment of economic and social rights.
Recognizing bi-nationality in the exercise of citizen rights
Migrant populations are fundamental economic agents for both societies and
a lot has been said about the trans-nationality, circularity and bi-nationality of
Nicaraguan migration.
Therefore, their direct participation without
intermediaries is a right to be defended in all areas. We have the right to be
consulted directly at all levels and on all issues pertaining to us.
The various organizational systems of migrant populations become relevant in
the discussion on citizenship and political participation
The networks organized by migrant groups are relevant because they are
linked to the integration process and to the management of stress and other
affective disorders, especially during the periods of contact. In addition, they
enable participation in public spaces, because by being excluded from
participation through the right to vote, this direct representation and
participation in spaces such as the Forum or organization networks becomes an
alternative representation mechanism.
Reinforcing the rights of migrant women
As long as the need to strengthen the rights of migrant women is not
recognized, migrations are a serious threat to social and personal
development. If we view migration as an opportunity, the States involved have
the responsibility of defining public actions, measures and policies not only to
protect the human rights conquered by women, but that also ensure their
psychological well-being in an environment of equity and social justice.
The migratory experience therefore constitutes a general balance in a
significant opportunity to construct a social asset for both the Nicaraguan and
the Costa Rican societies. To date, the responsibility of using this social
knowledge collected along the migratory chain has been almost exclusively
with the female migrants themselves and no public action has been
undertaken either in Nicaragua or in Costa Rica to foster, stimulate or capitalize
it for local and national development.
San José, Costa Rica
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