WAFTS
AND
WEFTS
OF
WOMEN
AND
CHILDREN
LIBERTIES: TROWELL AND THE CONTOURS OF THE
COLONIAL HEGEMONY.
Margaret Trowell has been called the ‘mother of contemporary art in Uganda and a
feminist’. This is because in the mid-1930s she introduced the teaching of
contemporary art at Makerere University. Few of her works are accessible. There is,
however a lino print, her Mother and child (1940s), whose visual archive I have
accessed. The print captures a dominant sitting mother-figure wrapped in white cloth
and nursing a child. Trowell’s print seem to suggest that the earliest expressions of
her self-activism to emancipate mothers and children through modern art.
I re-read Trowell’s Mother and child and its multiplicity of meanings. I re-engage it to
retrace the contours of the colonial hegemony in which Trowell fused the instruction
of modern art. This debate is essential. It sets the gendered pedestal on in which
contemporary art in Uganda was born and became interlaced with – to use Trowell’s
words – ‘warps and wefts’ of women and children liberties. This therefore marks our
entry into the gendered discourses that have continued to shape Uganda’s modern art to the
present.
1
Margaret Trowell, Mother and child (1940). Lono Print, unknown measurement.
Trowell’s background and vocation
Margaret Katherine Turner (later Mrs1 Trowell) was born in 1904. She received her
primary education at St Paul’s Girls’ School. As an artist, Trowell went to Slade
School and later joined the Institute of Education in the University of London from
The term ‘Mrs’ began in the seventeenth century. It was used as a title for all married women. The
unmarried women were referred to as ‘Miss’. By the 1840s English Common Law enforced that
women be known and called by their husbands’ names (Dijkstra 1986). This may explain why all
European women who came to Uganda were called by their husbands’ names. However, in 1913 the
Anglican Synod in Uganda decreed that all married women in Uganda be known by their husbands’
names. Critics, for instance Musisi (2001:176), suggest that in this way the colonial hegemony policed
women and families. It is against this background that Margaret Katherine Turner became Mrs
Margaret Trowell. I will refer to her as Trowell but refer to her husband as Hugh Trowell. For more on
the debate on ‘Mrs’, see http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mrs.
1
2
1926-1928 to study art education. Here she met Marion Richardson, who trained her
to appreciate non-Western cultures and reshaped her teaching career.
While at the Slade, Margaret Turner met Hugh Trowell, a medical doctor from St
Thomas hospital. We learn from Margaret Trowell that Hugh Trowell had a vocation
for Africa. He had decorated his room with a large map of the African continent, for
example. After her course at the Slade School of Art, Trowell realised that her
‘vocation was to go to Africa as an artist and a teacher’ (Trowell 1957:28). It can
therefore be argued that the two, Margaret Trowell and Hugh Trowell, shared the
desire to travel to Africa. This shared interest was cemented when the two got
married2 and travelled to Africa in 1929 (Trowell1957:29), where Hugh Trowell was
to join the colonial service, first as a medical officer in Kenya and later as a medical
officer and instructor in Uganda.
It is important to note that the decision by the Trowells to mix marriage and colonial
service faced challenges emanating from what Trowell calls the ‘old colonial
policies’. For example it was colonial policy that ‘an officer seldom married until he
was getting towards the end of his twenty years’. But there was also the challenge of
limited essential services in colonies. Trowell writes that East Africa was inhospitable
and thus ‘was considered not to be a country for a white woman and let alone
children…’ In short colonial service was meant for unmarried men who were ready to
lead ‘a very artificial life’ and face the challenge of raising a ‘family on a pension
after retirement’ (Trowell 1957:34-35).
The couple then faced a hard choice. As Trowell puts it:
…it was our chief problem when we looked to the future as we could not see
that such a separation was right, yet we did not believe that we should resign
after a few years’ service (Trowell 1957:35).
2
The marriage between Margaret the artist and Hugh the doctor is also important because it set the
platform on which the link between the Makerere Art School and Makerere Medical School was built.
This link still exists today. For example, Trowell’s first classes in the late 1930s included hospital
workers (nurses and doctors). Her first professional art student, Gregory Maloba, studied hospital
patients during his modelling sessions. Later the study of human anatomy was adopted as a core subject
in the art curriculum. It still is. The Medical School has a Department of Medical Illustration which
recruits graduates of the Art School and offers a postgraduate programme (Master of Science Medical
Illustration) which is taught by artists and medical practitioners.
3
Trowell had strong reasons to explain her concern. For instance, settling in East
Africa meant that the Trowells had to leave their children back in England and the
Fishers (whom I will turn to later) did exactly that. Trowell had strong reasons against
this arrangement. She argues that it led to the ‘banishment of the children…to England
at a very early age’. Yet this would be ‘deplorable’, for Trowell saw herself as a
‘mother of a large and demanding family’ (Trowell 1957:28-35). It would be
deplorable because it would antagonise the role of the woman in a family. She
explains that it would have severed the family bond leading
…to constant tension, the mother never knowing where her love and duty lay
most strongly, either with her children in England or her husband abroad; the
husband and children in turn both feeling thwarted and deprived (ibid.)
Trowell’s belief in the centrality of the mother in the family, which we also confront in her
print Mother and Child to which I alluded earlier, comes out strongly in the above excerpt.
This, however, should not be read as Trowell’s unquestioning acceptance of the prevailing
asymmetrical gender economy which identified ‘the home as the separate, proper sphere
for women, who were seen as better suited to child nurturing’ (Nead 1988:14). On the
contrary, Trowell rejected the colonial notions of domesticity implicit in the policy of
relegating women to the fringes of the colonial economy. As she put it:
…no woman can be expected to be at her best if she is tied all day long to her
house and children, we all have to get away sometimes. If a woman has been
given a professional training and has learnt to love her profession it is asking a
very great deal of her to drop it all in order to run the house and potter around
doing only apparently trivial domestic jobs unrelieved by any change (Trowell
1957:36).
This debate is important for two reasons. First, it places the mother and child theme,
visualised in Trowell’s print Mother and child, in a political context. Although its
classical origins are religious, Trowell’s use of the theme seems to be a visual
manifestation of what she calls the love and duty of a mother, without affirming the
gender biases which located women on the margins of the colonial economy and
public sphere. Later we will see the politicisation of the mother and child theme being
engaged to express political statements such as the representation of the nation-state.
It is therefore important to trace such politicisation from here. Second, this debate
separates Trowell’s print from later appropriations of the mother and child
symbolism, including those by her students. Whereas Trowell’s representation is part
for her quest for affirmative action, she seems to be paving a way for future
4
contemporary artists to engage the similar theme to reverse the entry of women into
the mainstream economy and the public sphere.
Learning the hard way: Trowell settling in Africa
Trowell and her husband went on a long and difficult safari. It was in the course of
this adventure that she delivered her first child, Elizabeth. It was common for
Africans to give birth at home or on the roadside. It was, however, unheard-of for a
European woman to give birth under similar circumstances. Pregnant European
women were forbidden to go on safaris (a Swahili word which means a long journey
for adventure and camping):
It was absolutely forbidden by the Regulations for a Government official's
child to be born in an out-station… (Trowell 1957:25)
Trowell’s experience then embarrassed, and angered, the colonial establishment. As a
result she paid a high price. The Provincial Commissioner's wife reprimanded her.
She was forbidden to ever go on any other safari when pregnant. The punishment was
harsh, or very restful as she puts it.
Trowell’s experience, however, introduced her to the harsh realities borne by the
African women (Trowell 1957:24-26) and informed her romantic attachment to things
African. If Richardson taught Trowell to appreciate other cultures, the Trowells’
exposure to the problems which confront many African women in the countryside
wove her deeply into the African tapestry. The Trowels ‘became [Africa’s] willing
prisoners’ (ibid.). For instance, concluding that ‘Africa was so rich’ after all, Trowell
writes:
…the children missed many things in Europe but gained others, and I do not
think that the loss account really outweighed the profit (Trowell 1957:16).
Against the spirit of this balance sheet Trowell objected to the fact that her children
would be identified as the colonial other, or what she calls ‘young colonials’. As if to
support her contention she recounts the day when Elizabeth treated English eggs with
contempt. The young girl observed: ‘…not a nice egg, not got a nice taste like eggs in
Africa’. Elizabeth had earlier treated English nannies with similar contempt.
Introduced to one ‘stiffly starched English nanny’, the three-year-old Elizabeth
5
exclaimed ‘… that is not my nanny’, contending that her nanny had ‘a black face’.
Consequently Trowell employed ‘black nannies’, who were ‘often called ayahs’.
Trowell’s Nellie: The epitome of a universal mother
In her literature Trowell recounts two nannies: Miriamu and Nellie. Trowell described
Miriamu as very clean and absolutely reliable and as being loved by the Trowells ‘so
dearly’. So dear was she that, in addition to taking care of the children, she ‘nursed
[her] with great devotion and understanding’ when she fell ill (Trowell 1957:39).
Nellie, however, had a more interesting pedigree. She was an old black Swahili
woman from the coast. Freed from slavery when she was a child, Nellie was taken to
England to arouse Western interest in the problems of slave trade. We learn from
Trowell that as a young girl Nellie worked as an ayah in the family of one of the early
missionaries. At one point, when the mission station was sacked by the Arabs, Nellie
carried the small English baby in a cloth on her back over many miles of desert,
pretending he was her own son. The child eventually grew up to become the Reverend
Haudley Hooper a well-known Kenya missionary and later Africa Secretary of the
Church Missionary Society (ibid.). Nellie became the epitome of a universal mother.
Trowell’s revelation is instructive. McClintockk suggests that colonialists came with a
perception that civilisation can be redeemed through the self-sacrificial graces of
white motherhood (McClintockk 1995: 272-273). Nellie upset this stereotype when
she saved Hooper. She exhibited a high sense of self-sacrifice while claiming the
position of the universal mother for the Other. Arguably then, the mother-child
narrative in Trowell’s print revised colonial stereotypes while recognising Nellie’s
position as mother of all races. Secondly, the Bahima (singular Muhima) women, in
Western Uganda, drape themselves in a manner similar to the one we see in this print.
Against this backdrop Kakande speculates that Trowell’s Mother and child is about a
Muhima woman nurturing a healthy baby (Kakande 2007:150). This can be verified
while expanding the debate on the way Trowell upset colonial stereotypes.
6
Reshaping the common: Trowell revises colonial stereotypes on women and
children
In her book, Tribal Crafts, Trowell illustrates a woman dressed, just like in her
Mother and Child work, in long robes covering her from head to toe. The Bahima are
cattle-keepers. Traditionally Bahima women wear long robes while men wrap
themselves toga-wise, tying a knot at the shoulder. Bahima women are known to be
rotund because they feed mainly on dairy products. This then puts Trowell’s print into
another political frame: it begins to subvert colonial stereotype. I say this because
Hugh Trowell gives us a different story reflecting colonial medical dogma.
Margaret Trowell wrote that Hugh Trowell generalised that African children were
malnourished. He asserted that:
very many of the children who were supposed to be dying of malaria, yaws,
congenital syphilis, hookworm and many other diseases had much in
common; there were the distended pot bellies, the pale skin and straight redbrown hair, the apathy and lack of weight, and many other internal
symptoms which together make up thee syndrome of the form of protein
malnutrition now known as kwashiorkor (Trowell1957:33-34).
Hugh Trowell’s claim is part of the colonial construction of the African woman, and
child, through medicine. Other practitioners, including Dr Katherine Timpson and Dr
Albert Cook, made related claims.
Katherine Timpson and Albert Cook came to Uganda under the auspices of the
Church Missionary Society in 1897. In the same year they opened the first modern
hospital in Uganda. While Hugh Trowell argued that children were dying because of
malnutrition, Timpson argued that children were dying at birth because of their
incompetent and ignorant mothers. She lamented:
Many of our dear Christian women who are quite intelligent about reading
are quite ignorant about caring for their little ones. A great number of the
new-born babies die at once, or a few days after, and no wonder when we
remember the treatment they receive at birth. The little mite is dashed all
over with cold water, not dried, placed on a large banana leaf quite naked,
to finish off any life that may remain after the cold water and night air. ...It
a case of the survival of the fittest in Uganda (quoted in Summers
2001:799).
Grounded in the epithet of the survival of the fittest which informed colonial rhetoric
and doctrine of evolution, Timpson’s claim reveals the vulnerability of women and
7
children in a modernising reality which was taking shape in the Uganda of the 1890s.
Timpson also reveals the insufficiency of the early missionary education. Introduced
in the mid-1870s as the gospel of the “clean shirt”, early missionary education was
intended to introduce basic writing, hygiene, arithmetic and Christianity. Through
such education Ugandans were “converted” and “civilised”, starting in 1877. This
“education” was initially given to sons of the chiefs. Timpson’s claim, however,
suggests that by the turn of the century women accessed it albeit its shallowness on
issues of safe motherhood.
Timpson’s claims were, however, part of the construction of Ugandan women as
being at the bottom of the colonial hierarchy. Carol Summers argues that the colonial
hegemony perceived Ugandan women as clumsier, stupider and dirtier than African
men (Summers 1991:800). Arguably then, Timpson alludes to the gender discourse in
which men were linked with the ‘bigger picture’ while women were associated with
the non-rational or irrational (Beasley 1999:6-7). Most importantly, it is against this
backdrop that medical lenses constructed Ugandan women as being ‘incapable of
being mothers due to their deformed pelvises’ (Musisi 2002:95-110). This, it was
argued, had negative repercussions for the colonial economy. It, for example, led to a
declining population due to loss of fertility (Summers 2001:787-807).
Dr Albert Cook took up this debate. He measured the pelvises of women from the
Buganda region in Central Uganda. He then wrote back to Europe claiming that
women in Uganda had deformed ‘pelvises’. Pointing to the impact of the traditional
rural economy on women’s health, he observed that Baganda girls carried heavy
loads. He then concluded that they were victims of a cultural burden and were likely
to suffer from ‘degenerate’, ‘flattened’, ‘deformed’ and ‘contracted’ pelvises and
reproductive organs (Musisi 2002:100). Secondly, Cook also observed the high libido
among African men, who to him had an ‘uncontrollable sexual drive’ which spread
sexually transmitted diseases (STDs), worsening the condition of women. He then
predicted that soon women in Buganda would go into extinction (Musisi 2002). The
colonial authority was drafted into the debate. The Governor of Uganda, Sir Hesketh
Bell, intervened. A group of doctors and scientists were called on to pay more
attention to the birth rates and control diseases such as syphilis and yaws, which were
thought to cause infertility.
8
Margaret Trowell did not view life through similar lenses. For example, she believed
that, given the abundance of land in Africa, there was plenty of food (Trowell
1957:157) hence malnutrition was not likely. This assertion is borne out by the
portrayal of the healthy child in her Mother and Child. In other words, Trowell
subverted the scientific discourses and assumptions about Africans, a theme which
knitted together her teaching carrier in Uganda and literature.
But in some ways colonial science had a point. Venereal diseases affected safe
motherhood in Uganda, and they still do. Colonial science also motivated action. The
means introduced to help were diverse. For example, Timpson and Cook engaged a
social purity campaign. They engaged descriptions, parables, and analyses
underpinning the moral consequences of promiscuity (Summers 2001). Those
unwilling to change were named and shamed. Most significantly, the colonial
administration medical service and its missionary allies promoted safe-motherhood
through the Maternity Training School (MTS)3.
Unfortunately the campaign became unpopular, thus threatening to undermine its
good intentions. This was because in some ways the programme was engaged to
construct women as prostitutes. Hence Ugandan women were unwilling to visit health
centres to receive treatment and education on safe motherhood. As a redress in 1918
African women were trained as nurses and midwives and deployed to reach out to
fellow Africans.
Consciousness of the midwife in the 1920s
They were portrayed as prototypes for a new African womanhood, one ‘doing
yeoman service to their country women and children’, as each maternity centre
became ‘a potential centre of light and learning’. These new women saved
infants, rather than merely watching them die. Privately, however, within
Uganda, this praise was qualified (Summers 2001: 804).
3
Timpson was employed by the colonial establishment to run the MTS. Founded in 1918, the MTS
trained young girls from all over the country as midwives. Both the colonial administration and the
missionaries argued that the school helped to decrease maternal mortality and ensure safe motherhood
(Summers 1991:802). Because it was run by the Church Missionary Society (CMS) the MTS was
considered suspect. The Catholics argued that their evangelical objectives were not being highlighted
and soon they would be overshadowed. In 1924 Catholics withdrew their support to the CMS-run
maternity programme and began one of their own at Nsambya, headed by Mother Kevin (Summers
1991:803).
9
We learn from Carol Summers’ excerpt that the midwife emerged as ‘new woman’ in
Uganda during the 1920s. She was trained in the maternity training school (MTS) to
deliver healthy children. An exam was done towards the end of the training; a
certificate was awarded during graduation. Midwives joined the male-dominated club
of African elites. They worked in different maternity centres all over the country.
They had to practise their professional careers; a monthly salary was paid to them.
Summers describes midwives as young women who were given an education, selected
to play a leadership role, and then sent into communities where they practised their
new education. Arguably then, unlike her domesticated, ‘diseased’, ‘ignorant’, and
‘deformed mother’, the midwife learnt to teach and save the mothers and their
children. Back in England she was touted ‘as a potential light shining in the
wilderness, delivering medical, moral, and religious enlightenment to her flock’
(Summers 1991:803). The MTS published progress reports with touching stories
about the happy mothers who survived childbirth and whose babies lived, saved by
the midwives’ care. Pictures showed midwives lined up, clean and smiling in their
uniforms. Midwives symbolised ‘the best scholars’; they became the ‘potential
saviours of their race’.
Against this backdrop the midwife aggressively fought for her position in the social
and medical domains. Given her high status among the African community and her
access to medical knowledge, she demanded more rights. Summers writes that
midwives started to ask questions and talk back to the Europeans. And yet an African
had been trained never to ask questions but rather to do what he or she was told
(Sanyal 2000:94). And yet the midwife, for example, questioned church marriages.
She also refused to act as an agent of colonial morality. In short she did not serve the
intentions of her sponsors.
Gone to the city; upsetting the power hierarchy: Uganda’s new woman as a
problem
Trowell traced the history of the insubordinate nurses (and midwives) of the fifties.
She described them as ‘girls who…trained as nurses in Government or Mission
hospitals and have been dismissed on becoming pregnant’ (Trowell 1957: 36). She
suggested that such women then joined a large women’s semi-profession – the ayah –
to which I have already referred. The ayah of the 1950s was, however, different from
10
Trowell’s own Mariam and Nellie, to whom I referred earlier. This ayah resulted from
the insufficient education and broken families created by colonial modernity.
Trowell observed that colonial (mainly missionary) education introduced young girls
to the better amenities offered by modern life with disastrous consequences. This is
because it did not prepare such girls to return to their rural traditional life patterns on
completion of school or after dropping out of it. Yet it did not equip them to settle in
the sophisticated urban environment where modern amenities existed. Faced by this
harsh reality, the graduates of missionary/colonial education (and the dropouts) opted
to settle in the urban centres.
Secondly, in 1904 a law denouncing polygamous marriages as improper was enacted
in Uganda. It was argued that a Christian family should have one man and one wife.
However, traditionally most societies in Uganda believed in polygamous marriages. A
hut would be constructed for each wife. For the colonial legislation to take effect,
therefore, polygamous families had to be disrupted. A hut tax was imposed on each
hut. Unable to pay, men abandoned multiple marriages; women had to go back to
their families. Citing Roscoe, Musisi writes:
…the imposition of hut tax on men complicated the matter for women, as
‘chiefs’ found that they could not afford to pay for the huts of those
women of their clans who had been discarded as wives,…the huts were
therefore destroyed and the women were turned adrift by their relatives
(Musisi 1999: 177-178).
Unable to resettle in their families, the women migrated into the city in search of a
better modern life. Trowell rightly observes: ‘…so the girl goes off to town where she
knows she can get these things for what to her is little cost’ (Trowell 1957:37).
Located on the fringes of the city, Kampala, the migrant became independent. She
took up low-paid jobs. For example, she served as a domestic servant, the ayah, or
‘the woman-who-cooks-for-me girl’ as the colonials used to call her (Trowell
1957:37). Most importantly, the woman on the fringes of the city upset the balance of
power. She moved from the private to the public sphere. She gained property. She
11
claimed her ‘freedom of movement with its potential for sexual autonomy’ (Musisi
1999:178).
Reining in the ‘wicked’ woman: the patriarchy responds
Clearly then, by 1930s the new woman had threatened the position of the African man
in the social hierarchy. That she claimed rights equal to those of Europeans was
unacceptable and unheard-of. Stable African families were ‘strongly against their
daughters working as ayahs’. For Europeans, an ayah was perceived as a ‘delinquent’,
‘wretched girl’, thus a health hazard to their families. Propertied women threatened
the patriarchal order: they were uncontrollable. The free mobility of women was
considered unacceptable. Women’s sexual autonomy was perceived as a source of
sexual immorality, a threat against social order and a potential health hazard with
catastrophic demographic and economic consequences. Most importantly, unmarried
women were labelled prostitutes, immoral, lazy and weak, with the potential to spread
venereal diseases. In short, women in the city became a threat. They were labelled
‘wicked or bad’ women who threatened the stability of the state. Politicians and
priests joined together in the campaign for immediate action (Musisi 1999:177;
Trowell 1957:37-38; Summers 1991).
In an attempt to re-subordinate the woman in the city, the colonial hegemony
restrained the rights of nurses and midwives. For example, the MTS committee
threatened to de-register insubordinate hospital workers. Those nurses and midwives
who claimed independence over their sexuality were suspected to be immoral and
expelled. The MTS administration censored the mail of trainees, weeding out any
letter it perceived to be an ‘incitement to immorality’. The Church Missionary
Society, located in the centre of the city, engaged in a campaign of getting rid of the
‘wicked’ women from the city. Legislation was enacted to restrict women’s
movement. For example, vehicles were prohibited from transporting unaccompanied
women to the city. Some women were deported from the capital, Kampala (Musisi
1999; Summers 1991).
In conclusion, I have outlined the way the colonial hegemony forced women into the
city. She abandoned the rural, private, domestic space to join the urban, public sphere.
I argue that because the woman in the city gained access to urban professions and
12
careers, owned property, claimed her sexual autonomy and freedom of movement, she
became the first ‘new woman’ to emerge in Uganda. I have, however, demonstrated
that she threatened the status quo as she attempted to upset the balance of power. I
have demonstrated that the woman in the public sphere was perceived as a threat to
public order and health. The patriarchy responded. Prostitution, disease and
wickedness became convenient tools for framing and neutralising her. I have engaged
Trowell’s visual representation and text. I have outlined the colonial notions of class
and gender propagated through the family, as well as through the medical, religious and
political institutions and the way Trowell confronted and critiqued them. I have
demonstrated that through such institutions the woman in Uganda was constructed
and policed.
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