Grace Theological Journal 7.1 (1986) 3-19.
[Copyright © 1986 Grace Theological Seminary; cited with permission;
digitally prepared for use at Gordon College]
THE CLASSIFICATION OF
SUBJUNCTIVES: A STATISTICAL
STUDY*
JAMES L. BOYER
Besides providing statistical information not easily available elsewhere and offering supporting elements within each classified use,
this study seeks to explore two related subjects which are clarified by
this inductive study. They are (1) the parallel between the i!na + subjunctive construction and the infinitive, and (2) the occurrence of
future indicatives in many instances where aorist subjunctives might
have appeared. Both of these are significant to the exegete.
* *
*
INTRODUCTION
IT is not within the intended scope of this article to deal with the
theoretical question of the primary significance of the subjunctive
mood or with the question of its historical origin and development. I
begin with the basic understanding that the subjunctive mood expresses some doubtfulness, contingency, or uncertainty by reason of
futurity. My purpose is to classify the various constructions in which
*Informational materials and listings generated in the preparation of this study
may be found in my "Supplemental Manual of Information: Subjunctive Verbs." Those
interested may secure this manual through their local library by interlibrary loan from
the Morgan Library, Grace Theological Seminary, 200 Seminary Dr., Winona Lake,
IN 46590. Also available is "Supplemental Manual of Information: Infinitive Verbs."
This augments my article "The Classification of Infinitives: A Statistical Study" GTJ 6
(1985) 3-27. I plan to prepare other supplemental manuals as time permits, beginning
with one on participles.
This study is one of several published in GTJ on related aspects of the grammar of
the Greek NT: (1) "Project Gramcord: A Report" (1 [1980] 97-99); (2) "First Class
Conditions: What Do They Mean?" (2 [1981] 75-114); (3) "Second Class Conditions
in New Testament Greek" (3 [1982] 81-88); (4) "Third (and Fourth) Class Conditions"
(3 [1982] 163-75); (5) "Other Conditional Elements in New Testament Greek" (4 [1983]
173-88); (6) "The Classification of Participles: A Statistical Study" (5 [1984] 163-79);
and (7) "The Classification of Infinitives: A Statistical Study" (6 [1985] 3-27).
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GRACE THEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
the subjunctive appears in the Greek NT, providing statistical information about these structures in general, and about many of the elements
which appear in them. The system of classification is the traditional
one found in most grammars.
THE SUBJUNCTIVE IN INDEPENDENT CLAUSES
Hortatory Subjunctive
Usually named first of these independent or main verb uses of
the subjunctive is the hortatory subjunctive, in which "the speaker
is exhorting others to join him in the doing of an action",l as in
I John 4:7: ]Agaphtoi<, a]gapw?men a]llh<louj / 'Beloved, let us love
one another’.2 Thus it serves to supply the deficiency of the imperative
mood which like English has no first person forms.3 It is almost
always in the plural (66 of 69 occurrences); the three exceptions seem
to express a slightly different sense. Rather than an exhortation addressed to self there is an invitation to someone else to permit the
speaker to do something, as in Luke 6:42 (= Matt 7:4); ]Adelfe<,
a@fej e]kba<lw to> ka<rfoj to> e]n t&? o]fqalm&? sou / 'Brother, let me
take out the speck that is in your eye'. The other example of a first
person singular is Acts 7:34, with similar meaning.
The example just given also illustrates another frequent characteristic of the hortatory subjunctive: the use of an introductory
imperatival word immediately before the subjunctive. The words so
used in the NT (and their frequencies) are a@fej (3), a@fete (1), deu?te
(3), and deu?ro (1).4 The first two are aorist imperatives but function
as mere hortatory particles. The last two are adverbial particles, with
the ending inflected as if to show their imperatival nature. All four
function elsewhere as equivalents of a full imperative.5
Deliberative Subjunctive
The subjunctive is also used in deliberative questions, in which a
person asks himself or another what he is to do,6 as in Matt 6:31 ti<
1
H. P. V. Nunn, A Short Syntax of New Testament Greek (Cambridge: Cambridge
University, 1951) 82.
2
Unless stated otherwise the translation of biblical examples is from NASB.
3
A. T. Robertson, A Grammar of the Greek New Testament in the Light of
Historical Research (Nashville: Broadman, 1934) 93.
4
This usage also characterized this construction in classical Greek, using a@ge, fe<re
or deu?ro. It continues in modern Greek in a@j (shortened from a@fej).
5
BAGD, 125, 176.
6
Nigel Turner, Syntax, vol. 3 of A Grammar of New Testament Greek by J. H.
Moulton (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1963) 98.
BOYER: THE CLASSIFICATION OF SUBJUNCTIVES
fa<gwmen / 'What shall we eat?' Not all examples are deliberative,
however, and BDF expands the title to "the Doubtful [Dubitative] or
Deliberative Subjunctive7 (cf. Matt 23:33: pw?j fu<ghte; / 'How shall
you escape?'). The use of the subjunctive in these sentences points to
the doubtful, hesitating quality of subjective consideration.
Normally questions in the subjunctive use first person, singular
or plural (57 of 102), but when these questions are quoted indirectly
the first person may change to second or third. Even beyond this
there are a few instances where the deliberation is not with one's self,
but advice is being asked from another party. Mark 6:24 (ti< ai]th<swmai; / 'What shall I ask for?') does not mean that Herodias is
deliberating with herself--rather she is asking her mother's advice.
Matt 27:22 is a similar case.
These may be simple questions or introduced by an interrogative
pronoun or adverb, such as ti< (54), ti<j (1), pw?j; (18), pou? (6), o!pou
(2), po<qen (1), and poi<oj (1). Five times the indirect question is preceded by the substantivizing article.
The deliberative question (as the hortatory subjunctive) may be
preceded by an introductory word, i.e., qe<leij, qe<lete, or bou<lesqe
(as in classical). If these are thought of as proper verbs the subjunctive
clause then would be an object clause replacing the frequent infinitive
object. But the absence of a conjunction and the parallel with the
introductory hortatory particles make it at least possible to consider
these as compressed, deliberative, double questions, as in Matt 20:32
ti< qe<lete poih<sw u[mi?n / 'What do you want? What shall I do for
you?'8 (In 1 Cor 4:21 the editors of the UBSGNT even punctuate the
sentence as two questions.)
There are other ways to express the deliberative question. (1) The
future indicative is used, as in Luke 22:49; Rom 3:5; 4:1; 9:14. In
Luke 11:5 the future indicative is used first,. followed by two subjunctives, each connected with the future indicative by kai<. (2) Even
the present indicative is used, as in John 11:45. (3) A paraphrastic
a construction using dei? or du<namai plus an infinitive may also be used,
as in Matt 12:34; Acts 16:30.
Aorist Prohibition
Strange as it may seem to the beginning Greek student, the use
of the subjunctive instead of the imperative in aorist prohibitions is
native to Greek from earliest times. Robertson says, "It seems clear
7
BDF, 185.
My translation; NASB renders this subjunctive as if it were an infinitive object
clause: 'What do you wish me to do for you?'
8
5
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that originally both in Sanskrit and Greek prohibition was expressed
only by the subj. Hence the growth of the imperative never finally
displaced it.”9 In the NT as in classical Greek these negative commands are almost always in the subjunctive mood when they use the
aorist tense. The exceptions are few10 and there seems to be no clear
difference in sense. All of them are third person, but there are also 6
examples where third person aorist prohibitions are in the subjunctive
mood.
Since these subjunctives are substitutes for the imperative, a consideration of them will be included in a later study of that mood.
Here it may be sufficient to point out that they sometimes occur with
an introductory o!ra or o!rate, as in classical and parallel to introductory words with hortatory and deliberative subjunctives. The
prohibition is introduced by mh< or one of its compounds.
Emphatic Future Negation
The sense of this construction is clear; the most emphatic way to
say that something shall not happen in the future is to use ou] mh< with
the subjunctive mood. But it is not so clear by what process this
construction arose, nor why it means what it does. The subjunctive
does not naturally express such certainty, and the doubling of the
simple negative might seem to make an affirmative, but the case is
not so simple. The grammarians review the theories with varying
conclusions.11 I prefer to think of it as a form of litotes; i.e., the
second negative (mh<) negates the subjunctive verb and together they
express a doubtful idea; the first negative (ou]) negates the doubtful
clause introduced by mh<. As a whole the clause communicates that
"there is no doubt about it; it is not an uncertain matter."
The first negative in two instances is a strengthened form of ou]
(ou]xi<, Luke 18:30; ou]de<, Rev 7:16); in two it is preceded by a doubling
ou]de< (Luke 10:19; Heb 13:4).
This category of subjunctive use is not limited to the independent
or main clause classification. It may appear anywhere an indicative
might appear, in o!ti substantive clauses (11), in relative clauses (9), or
in object clauses (1). In Mark 13:2 it occurs both in the main clause
and in the subordinate relative clause.
9
Robertson, Grammar, 841.
There are 8 aorist imperatives with mh< as compared with 88 subjunctives. One is
in Matt 6:3; the other 7 are in 3 parallel passages of the synoptic gospels, Matt 24: 1718 = Mark 13:15-16 = Luke 17:31.
11
Cf. Robertson, Grammar, 929; J. H. Moulton, Prolegomena, vol. I of A Grammar of NT Greek (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1906) 188ff.
10
BOYER: THE CLASSIFICATION OF SUBJUNCTIVES
7
Not strictly within the present scope of study but closely related
to a major item to be dealt with later is the occurrence of this construction with the future indicative instead of the subjunctive.12
Doubtful Assertion or Cautious Statement
Is the subjunctive ever used in the New Testament to express
doubtful assertion--what we express in English by "I may do it"? It
would seem to be a natural sense; but the answer is not clear. Classical
Greek grammars speak of such a use; for example, "the present subjunctive with mh< may express a doubtful assertion, with mh< ou] a
doubtful negation."13 Turner says it is "rare in the NT" and cites
three possible examples. Matt 25:9 has a variant reading mh<pote ou]k
a]rke<s^ which then could be read 'Perhaps there might not be sufficient for us and you'. The edited text has instead the ou] mh< + subjunctive construction, 'No, there will not be enough for us and you
too'. The second example is 1 Thess 5:15 which seems most naturally
to be a simple prohibitive subjunctive, 'See that no one repays another
with evil for evil'. If it is indeed a subjunctive of cautious statement
the meaning might be, 'Look, someone might repay with evil', a
rather unlikely choice. The third example is 2 Tim 2:25, an admittedly
difficult sentence: mh<pote dw<^ au]toi?j o[ qeo>j meta<noian / 'if perhaps
God may grant them repentance'. This translation in NASB could be
proper for a subjunctive of cautious statement, but NASB marginal
note points to Acts 8:22 as a parallel in sense, where the grammatical
structure is entirely different. Turner translates the phrase 'perhaps
God will give'. BAGD makes it elliptical, involving an imbedded
deliberative question: '(seeing) whether God may perhaps grant'.15 At
any rate, this may possibly be the only example of a subjunctive of
doubtful assertion in the NT.
THE SUBJUNCTIVE IN DEPENDENT CLAUSES
By far the more frequent use of the subjunctive mood is in dependent or subordinate clauses.16
12
There are 13 examples: Matt 15:6; 16:22; 26:35; Mark 13:31; 14:31; Luke 21:33;
John 4:14; 6:35; 10:5; Gal 4:30; Heb 10:17; Rev 9:6; and 18:14. Variant readings would
provide more.
13
H. W. Smyth, Greek Grammar for Schools and Colleges (New York: American
le is Book Co., 1916) 297.
14
Turner, Syntax, 98.
15
BAGD,519.
16
81.5%, or 1513 instances to 344 in "main verb" clauses. Even this is not an
accurate representation, for as I have shown above in dealing with the independent
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In Final (Purpose/ Result) Clauses
The largest group of dependent subjunctives is found in final
clauses those expressing purpose or result, or, as they are referred to
in some grammars, telic or ecbatic.17 One example is Rom 5:20: no<moj
de> pareish?lqen i!na pleona<s^ to> para<ptwma / 'And the Law came
in that the transgression might increase'. These clauses are introduced
by a variety of conjunctive expressions: i!na (405), i!na mh< (91), i!na
mhde< (l), i!na mhdei<j (2), i!na mh<pote (1) (total with i!na 500); mh< (3),
mh< pwj (5), mh<pote (25) (total with mh< 33); o!pwj (33), o!pwj a@n (5),
o!pwj mh< (3) (total with o!pwj 41). These are all consistent with older
Greek usage, except that the i!na clause is greatly extended because it
so often serves as a paraphrasis for the infinitive,18 and o!pwj has lost
ground.
The same lack of distinction between purpose and result is to be
seen in these clauses as with the infinitives of purpose,19 though in
most cases the context makes the sense clear. The vast majority are
true purpose clauses (97%). There are four examples where the sense
clearly seems to be result,20 one of which is especially difficult to
understand if it expresses purpose: John 9:2: [Rabbi<, ti<j h!marten, . . .
i!na tuflo>j gennhq^?; / 'Rabbi, who sinned. . . that he should be born
blind?' In 12 instances21 I have considered the matter undecided, although I would lean toward their being result. The list of those cases
which are not clearly purpose or result could be greatly expanded.
Another parallel with the infinitive of purpose is the frequent use
of these subordinate purpose clauses after intransitive verbs of motion,
and almost without exception the same verbs are involved (a]nabai<nw,
katabai<nw and e@rxomai and its compounds). Also transitive verbs
(like a]poste<llw and pe<mpw) use the subjunctive purpose clause and
the infinitive of purpose interchangeably.
In Substantival or Noun Clauses
These noun clauses will be treated next because they are closely;
related to the final clauses--they are not second in frequency of
uses, many of them were found within subordinate clauses, particularly in the deliberative where the question is being quoted indirectly and in emphatic negation which may
appear in any clause.
17
38%, or 574 of 1513.
18
BDF, 196-202.
19
Cf. my article, "The Classification of Infinitives: A Statistical Study," GTJ 6
(1985) 10-12.
20
John 9:2; 1 Cor 7:29; Phil 1:26; and 1 Thess 5:4.
21
Matt 23:26, 35; Luke 9:45; 11:50; 12:36; 16:26 (2); John 4:36; 6:5; Rom 11:11;
2 Thess 3:14; and 2 Tim 1:4.
BOYER: THE CLASSIFICATION OF SUBJUNCTIVES
9
occurrence.22 Indeed, they are identical with the final clauses in form,
using the same conjunctive phrases and the same subjunctive mood.
Until NT Greek was recognized as a part of Koine Hellenistic Greek
rather than of older, classical Greek, grammarians and commentators
went to great pains to insist that these must be interpreted as telic.
Now they are recognized as a legitimate idiom of the language of that
time and are treated separately.
The following conjunctive phrases are used in these nominal
clauses: i!na (198), i!na mh< (15), i!na mhdei<j (2) (total with i!na 215); mh<
(16), mh< pou (1), mh< pwj (4), mh<pote (3) (total with mh< 24); o!pwj (14).
Like the final clauses from which they were derived, these nominal
clauses most frequently function in places where infinitives could have
been used.
As Subject
There are 19 subjunctives in subject nominal clauses. Ten are
subjects of an impersonal verb (sumfe<rei [9] or lusitelei? [1]), as in
John 16:7: sumfe<rei u[mi?n i!na e]gw> a]pe<lqw / 'it is to your advantage
that I go away'. Four are subjects of the copulative verb e]sti<n
(whether expressed [3] or understood [1]), as in Matt 10:25: a]rketo>n
t&? maqht^? i{na ge<nhtai w[j o[ dida<skaloj au]tou? / 'It is enough for the
disciple that he become as his teacher'. Five are subjects of a passive
verb (di<dwmi [2], gra<fw [2], or zhte<w [1], as in 1 Cor 4:2: zhtei?tai e]n
toi?j oi]kono<moij i!na pisto<j tij eu[req^? / 'It is required of stewards
that one be found trustworthy'. Elsewhere the infinitive is used commonly.
As Object
A very large number of subjunctives appear in clauses which
function as the object of a verb. These will be classified according to
the different types of verbs which have these clauses as objects.
Robertson says that these clauses are "found with verbs of striving,
beseeching, commanding, fearing.”23 I will follow that pattern, but
supplement it by calling attention to the close parallels with object
infinitives.
With Verbs of Striving. The first category includes verbs which
express effort to bring about an action ('to attempt', 'to accomplish',
'to cause', 'to plan', etc.), as in John 11:53: a]p ] e]kei<nhj ou#n th?j
h[me<raj e]bouleu<santo i!na a]poktei<nwsin au]to<n / 'So from that day
22
23
There are 251 instances (17%), making them fourth in frequency.
Robertson, Grammar, 991.
10
GRACE THEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
on they planned together to kill Him'. There are 28 which use a i!na
clause as object: poie<w* ('to cause', 7), e[toima<zw (3), ti<qhmi ('to
appoint', 3), a]gallia<w (2), a]ggareu<w (2), bouleu<w (2), diati<qhmi (2),
pei<qw ('to persuade', 2), sumbouleu<w* (2), a]nasei<w (1), zhlo<w (1),
and zhte<w* (I); (total 28). Compare this group with the second
category of complementary infinitives. Those marked with the asterisk
also use the infinitive object (three more [listed below] have cognates
which use the infinitive).
With Verbs of Wishing. qe<lw is the only verb of wishing which
uses the i!na clause as object, e.g., I Cor 14:5: qe<lw de> pa<ntaj u[ma?j
lalei?n glw<ssaij, ma?llon de> i!na profhteu<hte / 'Now I wish that
you all spoke in tongues, but even more that you would prophesy'.
qe<lw is used this way 8 times; there are 3 elliptical constructions in
which qe<lw probably should be supplied. This usage is parallel to my
first category of complementary infinitives which includes qe<lw with
other verbs of similar meaning. Note that in the example cited the
same verb has both an infinitive and a i!na clause complement.
With Verbs of Permitting. ]Afi<hmi more frequently uses a
complementary infinitive construction, but the i!na clause can express
the same sense, as in Mark 11:16: kai> ou]k h@fien i!na tij diene<gk^
skeu?oj dia> tou? i[erou? / 'And He would not permit anyone to carry
goods through the temple'. In the other example included in this
classification, di<dwmi (Mark 10:37) occurs in the sense of "to give [the
privilege] to [do something], to grant, to permit." The i!na clause
describes the gift which they were seeking permission to have. This
use parallels the third category of complementary infinitives.
With Verbs of Beseeching. There are 64 subjunctives in this
category. As object clauses of these verbs they express the content of
the thing asked or sought and are thus a kind of indirect discourse, as
in Col 1:9: proseuxo<menoi kai> ai]tou<menoi i!na plhrwqh?te th>n e]pi<gnwsin tou? qelh<matoj au]tou? / 'to pray for you and to ask that you
may be filled with the knowledge of His will'. The following conjunctions are used: i!na (49), i!na mh< (6), and o!pwj (9). The verbs
which use this construction are parakale<w* (21), proseu<xomai* (16),
e]rwta<w* (15), de<omai* (6), ai]te<omai* (2), and 4 other instances where
there is ellipsis requiring that "pray" or "ask" be supplied.
With Verbs of Commanding. The object clause uses the subjunctive (also a form of indirect discourse) to express the content of
the command 33 times, as in Luke 4:3: ei]pe> t&? li<q& tou<<t& i!na
ge<nhtai a@rtoj / 'tell this stone to become bread'. The verbs with
which the subjunctive is so used are ei#pon* ('to command', not simply
'to say') (6), e]pitima<w (6), diaste<llw (4), gra<fw* (4), le<gw* (3),
BOYER: THE CLASSIFICATION OF SUBJUNCTIVES
a]pagge<lw* (1), ba<llw (1), diamartu<romai* (1), e]mfai<nw (1), e]nte<llw* (1), e]corki<zw (1), khru<ssw* (1), paideu<w (1), paragge<llw*
(1), and sunti<qhmi (1). The conjunction is almost always i!na (28), or
one of its negatives, i!na mh< (2), i!na mhdei<j (2), or o!pwj (1).
It should be noted that this object clause with a subjunctive verb
is used only when it would have been a command or request in a
direct quotation, or in the imperative mood. It is not used with an
indirectly quoted simple statement, which would usually be o!ti with
the indicative. The infinitive of indirect discourse may be used with
either statements or commands. Thus i!na with the subjunctive is
equivalent to some infinitives, o!ti with the indicative is equivalent to
some infinitives, but a i!na clause is never equivalent to a o!ti clause.
The mood is significant--nominal clauses use the subjunctive when
they refer to something indefinite, doubtful, subjective, potential, or
future.24
With Verbs a/Fearing, Apprehension. A group of verbs which
express fear, warning, or apprehension, often in English followed by
'lest', may express the ground for that apprehension by a nominal
clause with a subjunctive verb,25 as in Acts 5:26: e]fobou?nto ga>r to>n
lao<n, mh> liqasqw?sin / 'for they were afraid of the people, lest they
be stoned'. The conjunction characteristically used is mh< (15), but
these occur also: mh<pote (3), mh< pwj (4), mh< pou (1), and even i!na (3)
and i!na mh< (1) occur with ble<pw. The verbs used are ble<pw ('watch
out for') (11), fobe<omai* (10), e]piskope<w (2), prose<xw* (2), and
skope<w (1). In one instance the governing verb should be supplied,
probably with ble<pw.
As Limiting or Epexegetic
A nominal clause with a subjunctive verb often explains or limits
another substantive (a use termed 'epexegetic' when used of an infinitive). The substantive so described may be noun, an adjective, or a
pronoun.
Limiting a Noun. The i!na clause can define the meaning or
application of a noun, as with e]cousi<a in Mark 11:28: ti<j soi e@dwken
th>n e]cousi<an i!na tau?ta poi^?j / 'who gave You this authority to do
24
This has also been seen in indirect questions; they normally use the indicative,
but when they are deliberative in nature they preserve the subjunctive.
25
The indicative also is used with this construction. "Mh< in an expression of
apprehension is combined in classical with the subjunctive if the anxiety is directed
towards warding off something still dependent on the will, with the indicative of all
tenses if directed towards something which has already taken place or is entirely
independent of the will" (BDF, 188).
11
12
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these things?' The conjunctions used are i!na (30) and o!pwj (4). This
usage is parallel to the epexegetic infinitive, and 8 of the 16 nouns so
described also use the infinitive construction.
Limiting an Adjective. The subjunctive can be used in a clause
to limit an adjective, as in John 1:21: ou$ ou]k ei]mi> [ e]gw> ] a@cioj i!na
lu<sw au]tou? to>n i[ma<nta tou? u[podh<matoj / 'The thong of whose sandal
I am not worthy to untie'. The adjective a@cioj is related to 'untying'.
The conjunction is always i!na (6). Three of the 4 adjectives so limited
also occur with the epexegetic infinitive (the fourth occurs in its
negative form).
Limiting a Pronoun. A subjunctive clause can also limit a pronoun, as in John 11:3: au@th de< e]stin h[ ai]w<nioj zwh<, i!na ginw<skwsin
se / 'And this is eternal life, that they may know Thee'. The i!na
clause stands in apposition to and is explanatory of the pronoun
au!th. The conjunctions used are i!na (28), i!na mh< (1), and mh< (1). The
pronoun in each case is ou$toj. This same construction also uses the
infinitive frequently.
In Indefinite Clauses
"Ordinary relative clauses simply define more exactly a definite
antecedent, and take the construction and negative of simple sentences.”26 Thus the mood is indicative and the negative used is ou].
But when the antecedent is indefinite the relative is accompanied
characteristically by the indefinite modal particle a@n or e]a<n and the
mood is subjunctive. These indefinite relative clauses are usually expressed in English by adding '-ever' to the relative: whoever, whenever, wherever, etc. Strictly speaking the term includes the clauses
introduced by the relative adverbs of time, place, etc., and in this
larger connotation they comprise the second largest category of subjunctive usage.27 For clarity, I will deal with them in several categories, using the term 'indefinite relative clauses' for those introduced
by a relative pronoun. Those using relative adverbs of time, place,
etc., will be labeled accordingly.
26
Smyth, Grammar, 359.
J. Greshem Machen, in his New Testament Greek for Beginners (New York:
MacMillan, 1950) 175, says "This is one of the commonest uses of the subjunctive,"
and includes among his examples one indefinite relative clause of place. The actual
counts are: indefinite relative 137, indefinite temporal 205, indefinite locational 10,
indefinite comparative 6; total 358 or about 24%. Many grammarians term this construction "conditional relative clause," drawing very precise analogies between it and
the various patterns of formal conditional clauses. See my discussion in "Other Conditional Elements," GTJ 4 (1983) 183-84, esp. n. 29.
27
BOYER: THE CLASSIFICATION OF SUBJUNCTIVES
13
Indefinite Relative Clauses
Indefinite relative clauses characteristically use a subjunctive and
are introduced by a relative pronoun with the indefinite particle, as in
1 John 4:15 o!j e]a>n o[mologh<s^ o!ti ]Ihsou?j e]]stin o[ ui[o>j tou? qeou? /
'Whoever confesses that Jesus is the Son of God'. The pronouns used
are the simple relative o!j (110), the correlative o!soj (14), or the
indefinite relative o!stij (12). The indefinite particles used are a@n (82)
or e]a<n (51).28 In the 3 cases where an indefinite particle is absent, the
pronoun itself is indefinite.29
Indefinite Temporal Clauses
Clauses expressing time constitute a second type of indefinite
relative clause which uses the subjunctive mood. The time referred to
is indefinite or unknown, always future to the viewpoint of the
speaker, as in Matt 2:13: kai> i@sqi e]kei? e!wj a@n ei@pw soi / 'and remain
there until I tell you'. There is a great variety of introductory expressions, including conjunctions, temporal adverbs, and improper prepositions with a genitive relative pronoun as object.30 Most of them
include the indefinite particle a@n or e]a<n. The actual combinations are
as follows: o!tan (124), e!wj (12), e!wj a@n (20), e!wj ou$ (14), e!wj o!tou
(4), a@xri (4), a@xri h$j (1), a@xri ou$ (2), a@xrij ou$ (3), a@xrij ou$ a@n (1),
me<xri (1), me<xrij ou$ (2), e]pa<n (3), o]sa<kij e]a<n (4), w[j a@n (3), a]f ] ou$
a@n (3), h[ni<ka a@n (1), h[ni<ka e]a<n (1), and pri>n h} a@n (1).
A large number of temporal clauses uses the indicative mood,
including some which are introduced by the same conjunctive phrases
used to introduce the subjunctive. When a temporal clause refers to
definite or known time the normal mood is indicative. When the time
is indefinite or uncertain because it is still future or not yet known the
normal mood is subjunctive.
Indefinite Local Clauses
In a few instances clauses introduced by relative adverbs of place
use the subjunctive, as in Mark 14:14: o!pou e]a>n ei]se<lq^ ei@pate t&?
oi]kodespo<t^ / 'wherever he enters, say to the owner of the house'.
The adverbs used are o!pou (9) and ou$ (1); in every instance it is
followed by the indefinite particle e]a<n (9) or a@n (1).
28
Cf. Moulton, Prolegomena, 423; BDF, 57; and Robertson, Grammar, 190-91.
o!stij in James 2:10 (twice); in Heb 8:3 the antecedent of the relative is an
and indefinite pronoun.
30
h$j, antecedent h[me<raj; ou$, antecedent xro<nou (supplied); and o!tou (gen. of
o!stij).
29
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Indefinite Comparative Clauses
Comparative clauses almost always use the indicative mood, but
two passages (using 6 verbs) have the comparative particle w[j followed by the subjunctive. 1 Thess 2:7 has w[j e]a<n which clearly is
indefinite and understandably takes the subjunctive. In Mark 4:26 w[j
is followed by 4 subjunctive verbs and the indefinite particle is missing
in the earliest manuscripts.31 BAGD32 calls this "gravely irregular fr. a
grammatical viewpoint" and suggests textual corruption. BDF points
out the need for "the indispensable e]a<n or o!tan."33 But Robertson34
argues that e]a<n is not indispensable with the subjunctive (for example,
temporal w[j in some manuscripts of Gal 6:10) and claims that the
subjunctive alone makes it indefinite.
In Third Class Conditional Clauses
The third largest group (328, or 21.7%) of subordinate subjunctives occurs in the protasis of the simple future condition which characteristically is introduced by e]a<n or a@n and has its verb in the
subjunctive. The mood reflects accurately the basic significance of
this construction, that of potentiality or indefiniteness by reason of
futurity.35 This construction is usually introduced by e]a<n (241),36 e]a<n
mh< (63), a@n (4), ka@n (13), e]a<nper (3) (total with e]a<n 324); and by ei]
(1), ei@te . . . ei@te (2), e]kto>j ei] mh< (1) (total with ei] 4).37
SPECIAL CONSIDERATIONS
The i!na Clause as an Equivalent to the Infinitive
It is not within the scope of this study to explain or even to trace
the historical development by which the Greek language ultimately
lost its infinitive before the encroachment of the i!na clause; rather I
will survey the situation as it was in the Greek in the NT. As o!ti with
the indicative increasingly became a substitute for the infinitive in
indirect statements, so i!na with the subjunctive became a substitute
for the infinitive in indirect commands and requests. But beyond this,
31
For example, K, B, and D.
BAGD,897.
33
BDF, 192.
34
Robertson, Grammar, 968.
35
For a full treatment the reader is referred to my previous article, "Third (and
Fourth) Class Conditions," GTJ 3 (1982) 163-75.
36
The numbers here indicate the times the subjunctive verb occurs in these constructions, not the number of third class conditional sentences.
37
For a discussion of these anomalous constructions see my articles "Third (and
Fourth) Class Conditions," 164 and "Other Conditional Elements," 174-75.
32
BOYER: THE CLASSIFICATION OF SUBJUNCTIVES
15
the i!na clause became an alternative expression for almost every function of the infinitive. It seems important at this point to demonstrate
this, and to let it impact the interpretive process.
A comparison of the functions of the infinitive with those of the
i!na clause shows their remarkable parallels. Even in older Greek both
were used to express purpose, but in the NT the infinitive increases in
frequency, particularly with verbs of motion. In contrast with this
tendency, the use of the infinitive in its noun-functions shows a sharp
decrease in favor of the o!ti or i!na clause. Every use of the infinitive
demonstrates this. In this section I will examine the relationship
between the i!na clause and the infinitive.
The i!na clause is used as the subject of impersonal, predicative,
and passive verbs, as is the infinitive.38 It is used as the object of
many verbs which often use the complementary infinitive, as, e.g.,
verbs of wishing (qe<lw), verbs of striving and doing (di<dwmi, e[toima<zw, pei<qw, poie<w, sumbouleu<w, ti<qhmi, zhlo<w, zhte<w), verbs of
permitting or granting (a]fi<hmi, di<dwmi), as well as other verbs of like
kind which do not use the infinitive in the NT. The i!na clause also
forms the object of verbs of mental action and communication which
take the infinitive of indirect discourse, such as verbs of beseeching
(ai]te<omai, de<omai, e]rwta<w, parakale<w, proseu<xomai), and verbs of
commanding (a]pagge<llw, diamartu<romai, ei#pon ['to order, command '], e]nte<llw, gra<fw, khru<ssw, le<gw ['tell to'], paideu<w, paragge<llw, and sunti<qhmi). Note that the i!na clause is used in indirect
discourse only with verbs of beseeching and commanding, where the
direct discourse would have been in the imperative. For indirectly
quoted statements o!ti + indicative can be used in place of the infinitive. A clause introduced by i!na, i!na mh<, or mh< with a subjunctive
verb is also used as object after verbs of fearing and apprehension
(fobe<omai, prose<xw) where occasionally the object infinitive occurs.
The substantival i!na clause also substitutes for an epexegetic
infinitive, one which limits or qualifies or stands in apposition to
another substantive. Again it is found frequently with the same words
as the infinitive, such as nouns (boulh<, xrei<a, xro<noj, e]ntolh<,
eu]kairi<a, e]cousi<a, qe<lhma, w$ra), adjectives (a@cioj, di<kaioj, i[kano<j),
and in apposition to the demonstrative pronoun ou$toj.
Even the so-called "imperatival infinitive" has its counterpart
with the "imperatival i!na clause,"39 although both are probably misnamed and should rather be considered elliptical, with some governing
verb to be supplied from the context.
38
Examples of these and the following will be found above in the various classifica-
tions.
39 Cf. Turner, Syntax, 94-95. For my discussion of the imperatival infinitive see
"The Classification of Infinitives: A Statistical Study," GTJ 6 (1985) 14-15.
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That leaves only one infinitive usage without a parallel i!na construction, the articular infinitive after prepositions to express various
adverbial relationships. Indeed this is one of the two uses of the
infinitive which in NT Greek shows an increase, the other being the
purpose infinitive.
This very close correspondence between the infinitive and the i!na
clause must certainly be taken into consideration in the exegetical
process. For example, 1 John 1:9 (pisto<j e]stin kai> di<kaioj i!na a]f^?
h[mi?n / 'He is faithful and righteous to forgive') should be understood
so that the i!na clause is epexegetic to the two adjectives. It is not a
purpose clause--forgiveness is not the purpose for which God is faithful and just. To see it as result would be clearer ("so that He will. . ."),
but the epexegetic infinitive provides the clearest sense.
The Ambivalence of the Future Indicative
with the Aorist Subjunctive
A Definition of the Phenomenon
In places where an aorist subjunctive verb might be expected,
occasionally a future indicative is found. This does not happen in the
reverse, however; never does an aorist subjunctive occur where a
future indicative might be expected.40 The future functions normally
as an indicative, but it also functions in certain situations where the
subjunctive (the potential future) might be expected.
Historical Background
Grammarians have attempted to explain this ambivalence by
resorting to a study of the historical development of the language.41
Several factors have been suggested. (1) Historically the future indicative may have originated from the aorist subjunctive. (The aorist
subjunctive functioned as a simple future in Homer, for example.)
(2) There was always some duplication and confusion in form between
the two, either in actual identity of spelling (e.g., lu<sw, for both fut.
ind. and aor. subj.) or in similarity or identity of sound between the
long and short thematic vowel (e.g., lu<sei and lu<shi [later written
lu<s^], or lu<somen and lu<swmen). (3) This confusion is often demonstrated in variations between manuscripts of the same text. (4) The
40
For example, there are 4 places where ei] is followed by a subjunctive verb; in
none of these can it be explained as a substitute for a future indicative (ei] in 1 Cor 14:5
and Rev 11:5; ei@te in 1 Thess 5:10). See my discussion of these in "Other Conditional
Elements," GTJ 4 (1983) 175. In each instance the element of future contingency is
present and the subjunctive is the expected mood. It is the conditional particle that
needs explanation.
41
BDF, 183, 186-88; Robertson, Grammar, 924-28, 984.
BOYER: THE CLASSIFICATION OF SUBJUNCTIVES
17
basic significance of the subjunctive is always futuristic; its connotation of doubtful assertion or potentiality is by reason of futurity-it is
uncertain because it has not happened. Even when the subjunctive
was used to describe an event which was only a possibility to the
speaker at that time, the verb would often be changed to the indicative
after the fact.
Survey of the Occurrences
Since a list of subjunctives such as has been the basis of this
study is compiled from form rather than function the instances where
a future so functions are not included. And a list of future indicatives
would have to be subjected to the same type of study as I have
attempted here on subjunctives in order to discover which categories
of usage are parallel. I have not yet done this, so I have attempted to
find these ambivalent future indicatives from the other end--by searching the constructions which normally take the subjunctive in order to
find instances where the future is found instead. It would be too
much to expect that I have found them all.
This ambivalence occurs in most of the classified functions of the
subjunctive. Among the main-clause uses it may be found in deliberative questions42 but it clearly is present in the emphatic negation
category as well: ou] mh< + future indicative.43
This ambivalence between aorist subjunctives and future indicatives occurs most frequently in places where the subjunctive would be
expected in subordinate clauses. It is rare in conditional44 and relative
clauses,45 as well as temporal indefinite relative clauses. It normally
by uses the subjunctive verb but twice the future indicative is found.46 It
42
A few possible examples found were Luke 22:49; John 3:12; Rom 3:5; 4:4; 9:14;
even a present indicative is found in John 11:47. But not all future questions are
deliberative; those so described usually show an element of anxiety or perplexity. The
examples just cited may be matter of fact examples of a simple future question.
43
Matt 15:6; 16:22; 26:35; Mark 13:31; 14:31; Luke 21:33; John 4:14; 6:35; 10:5;
the Gal 4:30; Heb 10:17; Rev 9:6; 18:14.
44
Luke 19:40; Acts 8:31. There are also examples of other tenses in the indicative
after e]a>n present (I Thess 3:8) and perfect (I John 5:15). Cf. my article "Other
Conditional Elements," GTJ 4 (1983) 175.
45
In relative clauses the indicative is normal, and only in the category called
'Indefinite Relative' would the subjunctive be expected. But the term 'indefinite' may be
a bit confusing. For example, it is not merely that the relative has an indefinite
antecedent (in Matt 7:24)--the pronoun is the indefinite relative e]a<n but the mood is
indicative, as it is also in 10:32 where the future indicative occurs naturally in an
exactly parallel passage. (But cf. Matt 7:12 where the indefinite particle e]a<n appears
along with a verb in the subjunctive.) This construction looks at the action itself as
indefinite or uncertain by reason of futurity.
46
Luke 13:28; Rev 4:9. The imperfect is also used (Mark 3:11), as well as the
present (Mark 11:25) and the aorist (Mark 11:18).
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GRACE THEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
is primarily in the clauses introduced by i!na, i!na mh<, and o!pwj where the
future indicative more frequently takes the place of the aorist subjunctive.47 It occurs in both the final and nominal clauses introduced
by these words.
Is there a Distinction in Meaning?
All that has been said thus far would not lead one to expect any
difference in meaning between the future indicative and aorist subjunctive in these clauses--the difference would seem to be formal, not
semantic. But some have insisted upon a distinction in meaning. One
of my students in a Greek exegesis class called to my attention the
view that in 1 Pet 3:1 the future indicative means that the purpose
was guaranteed fulfillment, since the indicative is the mood of actuality. The believing wife who lives a godly life before her unbelieving
husband is assured that she will win her husband. Is this claim valid?
How can it be checked?
Since the claim is based on a grammatical principle, it can be
checked. When the grammars are checked for theoretical statements
about the indicative mood, there are claims that it is the mood of
certainty, of actual statement, etc.; but there is no claim which applies
that principle to this situation. Instead there are explanations such as
those reviewed above, but there is no suggestion of a difference in
meaning.
A study of all the contexts where the idiom occurs is more
decisive, and such a study demonstrates that there are some contexts
where the purpose was actually accomplished, although there is no
indication that it was guaranteed. In most instances, predictably, there
47 After i!na Mark 15:20; Luke 14:10; 20:10; John 7:3; Acts 21:24 (2); Rev 3:9 (2);
6:4, 11; 9:4, 5; 13:12; 14:13; after i!na mh< Gal 2:4; I Pet 3:1; Rev 8:3; 9:20; 22:14; after
mh<: Luke 11:35; Col 2:8; and after o!pwj Matt 7:8; Mark 14:2; Heb 3:12.
In addition there are a number of places where the clause contains one or more
subjunctives normally, with a kai< and a future indicative following: Matt 5:25; 13:16;
Rom 3:4 (after o!pwj); Eph 6:3; Rev 2:10. This is capable of two explanations; either it
is another ambivalent use of the future and the verb is simply another dependent on the
conjunction, or it is a new beginning, an additional comment in which the future
indicative stands independently. The latter seems to fit the sense better in most cases.
There are also a number of places where these clauses use indicative verbs
other than the future: aorist (Luke 24:20, after o!pwj Gal 4:17; I Thess 3:5); perfect
(Gal 4:11); present (I Cor 4:6; Gal 4:11). These are outside our present consideration,
but it may be noted that of those using the aorist and perfect 3 are in contexts
expressing apprehension where even older Greek used mh< with indicative (cf. BDF,
188) and the other communicates the proper sense although the structure may seem to
be irregular. The two showing present indicatives do appear to be standing where
subjunctives would be expected. At least they illustrate that in Hellenistic Greek the
correspondence between the conjunction and the mood are somewhat relaxed.
BOYER: THE CLASSIFICATION OF SUBJUNCTIVES
19
is no indication whether the purpose was realized or not. But there
are a number of instances where the purpose was not realized, and
obviously was not guaranteed. For example, in Luke 20:10 the owner
of the vineyard sent his servant i!na . . . du<sousin / 'in order that they
might give him some of the produce'. In Gal 2:4-5 false brethren
sneaked in to spy i!na h[ma?j katadoulw<sousin oi$j ou]de> pro>j w!ran
ei@camen / 'in order to bring us into bondage. But we did not yield. . .
even an hour'. (See also Gal 4:17 and Mark 14:2.) These examples
demonstrate that the principle "usage determines meaning" is as true
in syntax as it is in lexicography.
This material is cited with gracious permission from:
Grace Theological Seminary
200 Seminary Dr.
Winona Lake, IN 46590
www.grace.edu
Please report any errors to Ted Hildebrandt at: thildebrandt@gordon.edu