REFERENCES CHILD WELFARE PRACTICE IN A MULTICULTURAL ENVIRONMENT Aspen Institute Roundtable on Community Change (2004). Structural Racism and Community Building. Washington, D.C.: The Aspen Institute. Retrieved on March 2, 2009 from http://www.kintera.com/atf/cf/%7BDEB6F227-659B-4EC8-8F84-8DF23CA704F5%7D/ aspen_structural_racism2.pdf. (K1, K7) About the study/citationThe Aspen Institute Roundtable on Community Change has focused on how the problems associated with race and racism in American affect initiatives aimed at poverty reduction in urban neighborhoods. The Roundtable has explored how race shaped the social, political, economic and cultural institutions of our society, and how those dynamics produce significant and ongoing racial disparities in the well-being of children, families, and communities. This publication represents an effort to summarize and share the Roundtable’s perspective on racial equity. Findings/content Scientific studies conclude that race has no biological meaning or significance. The gene for skin color is linked with no other human trait. Humans are far more alike than different and share 99.9 percent of their genetic material. Race does have social and political significance. Social scientists call the term race a “social construct” that was invented and given meaning by human beings. Structural racism refers to a system in which public policies, institutional practices, and other norms work in often reinforcing ways to perpetuate racial group inequality. It identified dimensions of history and culture that have allowed privileges associated with “whiteness” and disadvantages associated with “color” to exist and adapt over time. At pivotal points in U.S. history when socioeconomic factors produced abundant opportunities for wealth and property accumulation, such as the G.I. Bill and home mortgage subsidies, white Americans were positioned to take advantage of them, whereas people of color were systematically prohibited from benefiting from them. Psychological studies of African Americans adolescents have demonstrated that consistent negative imaging contributes to negative self-acceptance and some mental health issues. Occupational segregation based on race, ethnicity or gender: Racial minorities and women are overrepresented in the lowest paid and least desirable jobs. Researchers have found that occupational segregation has been most pronounced for African American male youth. Racial inequities plague every important decision point in the criminal justice process, including suspect profiling, arrests, verdicts and parole, have a cumulative effect that results in dramatic racial disproportionality in the prison population. Implications for CWSSocial workers should be aware of how a history of racism and oppression can affect the working relationships with some families. Therefore, the worker must factor race into their analysis of the causes of the problems they are addressing, and they must factor race into their strategies to promote change. Betancourt, H. and Lopez, S.R. (1993). The Study of Culture, Ethnicity, and Race in American Psychology. American Psychologist, 48(6), 629-637. (K1, K3) About the study/citationThe general purpose of this article is to share some of our preoccupations and views concerning the status of the study of culture and related terms, such as race and ethnicity, in psychology. Findings/content The definition used for culture is that proposed by Herkovits (1948), who conceives culture as the human-made part of the environment. Triandis et al. (1980) reformulated the definition. According to Triandis, although physical culture refers objects, such as roads, buildings and tools, subjective culture includes social norms, beliefs, and values. It also includes cultural elements, such as familial roles, communication patterns, etc. According to Jones (1991), the concept of race is fraught with problems for psychology. The classification of people in groups designated as races has been criticized as arbitrary, suggesting that the search for differences between such groups is dubious. Specifically, there are more within-group differences than between-group differences in the characteristics used to define the three so-called races. When behavioral variations are studied in relation to race, the racial variable under study should be defined, measured and proposed relationships tested. Ethnicity is usually used in reference to groups that share a common nationality, culture or language. It also refers to the ethnic quality of a group or affiliation of a group, which is normally characterized in terms of culture. Researchers encourage investigators to think carefully about the group of interest, whether it be cultural racial, or ethnic and go beyond the group category to the specific factors that underlie the group category. The following two approaches would help psychologists to enhance the study of culture: 1) Begin with a phenomenon observed in the study of culture and apply it crossculturally to test theories of human behavior and 2) begin with a theory, typically one that ignores culture, and incorporate cultural elements to broaden its theoretical domain. In an attempt to more directly assess cultural influences associated with ethnicity, some investigators have been using measures of acculturation; however, there are limitations to this. Implications for CWSUnderstanding these differences in terminology will assist the worker in being more culturally sensitive and reading such related research with a critical eye. Brissett-Chapman, S. (1997). Child Protection Risk Assessment and African-American Children: Cultural ramifications for families and communities. Child Welfare, 76(1), 45-63. (K2) About the study/citationThis article addresses the critical need for culturally competent assessments of the risk of child maltreatment in African American families and the implications for both policy and practice. Findings/content Culturally sophisticated processes for risk assessment are crucial for child victims who come under the supervision of the child welfare system. Reported victims are typically young, are increasingly of color, and remain at high risk for child placement. Certain items must be evaluated if the African-American adolescent is to be understood, such as attitudes towards self, speech and language, family structures and roles, socioeconomic status and community assessment. Jackson and Westmoreland (1992) discussed the need to understand the family of origin as the primary agent of socialization. They described the effects of racism and oppression, the role of the family in providing racial socialization, and the impact of skin color and socioeconomic status that impact the child’s self-concept. Greater emphasis in professional training should be placed should be placed on the complex dynamics of culture and on social acculturation. Most practitioners struggle with the need for simple, direct action and often may shortcut the necessity of understanding historical and community contextual factors that influence family adaptation. Cross-cultural assessments require an increased element of time, valuation of the legitimacy of the perspectives of involuntary clients, and the personal awareness of the professional’s own values and cultural lens. Practitioners should be trained to understand the significance of the worldview of African Americans and the implications for planning interventions (English, 1991). Professionals throughout the child welfare system should question linear-based models of service planning; collaborative strategies should be prioritized; and teams should engage in dialogue that examines various implications for cultural conflicts, screening and intake and other issues. Professionals should cultivate partnerships with extended family members and kinship networks since they may prove to be the holders of the most accurate, predictive assessment information. If such people are not engaged, cultural belief systems that are reinforced by the family’s network may complicate positive case outcomes. Implications for CWSIn order to complete an accurate, informative assessment on any family, specifically regarding to African American families, culture must be take into account and considered in all aspects of the assessment process. Likewise, culturally-appropriate interventions are needed to best serve the needs of families. Carter, N. (n.d.) Forging New Collaborations Between Domestic Violence Programs, Child Welfare Services and Communities of Color: A report from focus groups conducted by the Women of Color Network (WOCN). Harrisburg, PA: National Resource Center on Domestic Violence. Retrieved on March 13, 2009 from http://new.vawnet.org/Assoc_Files_VAWnet/WOCN_ ForgingColl.pdf. (K5, K7) About the StudyThis project had two main goals: 1) To provide an opportunity for women of color working in the field of domestic violence at the local and state level to participate in the growing discussion around how to provide effective services to battered and assaulted women with children; 2) To gather information from these service providers about what types of interventions they would like to see developed to respond to the needs of battered women with children from racial and ethnic communities. Over 100 women of color activists participated in the project. Responses from 92 men and women were used to compile data. Respondents were 90 women and 2 men of color who represented a wide range- 60% were African American, 19% were Latinos, 11% were Asian Americans and 7% were Native American. The participants were from 30 states. The data was collected at three intervals: 1) September 2002 at a WOCN meeting in Columbus, OH; 2) November 2002 at a WOCN Leadership Institute Part II meeting in Miami, FL; 3) November 2002 in Green Bay, WI at WOCN’s Second Leadership Institute Training. All three groups were provided with brief survey questionnaires mainly designed to facilitate discussion on relevant topics. This project was conducted using a qualitative method. Findings/content Participants identified the following needs: increased collaboration between systems, additional cross-training of workers from domestic violence and child welfare on delivering culturally relevant services, expanded outreach about services, continuation of systems advocacy and more supportive services to address the needs of battered women living in poverty. Participants viewed racism as one of the biggest barriers for women of color to accessing and utilizing services. “Racism is a major issue for people in our community. Because of the mistrust of systems, many people will not access services outside of the community. Finding ways to strengthen community capacity to participate in service delivery and service development, and increasing the number of women of color in leadership roles are two strategies discussed by participants for working towards more culturally-relevant community-based services. Institutional racism and discrimination were central themes raised throughout the project. One participant stated, “…They (white service providers) pathologize things that are unfamiliar. Lack of cultural competence is a major problem. In many communities of color, a lack of resources to assist poor women of color with basic survival needs reinforces child removal. Once children are removed and in the system, women of color have to “jump through too many hoops to get their children back.” In many cases, DV and child welfare staff appear to lack sensitivity to the barriers racism and discrimination create for women from racial and ethnic communities and therefore, do not address these issues when assisting women planning for self-sufficiency and on how to keep their families together. Limitations- Possibility of writer bias, which would affect the validity of findings. Also, a larger sample size and the use of quantitative research methods would be of value to extend findings. Most respondents were African American, and the project could be repeated including more women of other racial and ethnic groups that were not represented. Implications for CWSThe worker should be aware of how racism and oppression can influence their relationships with families of color. In acknowledging and understanding these issues, the worker can offer culturally-sensitive services and build a better working relationship with the client. Casey-CSSP Alliance for Racial Equality in the Child Welfare System (2006). Synthesis of Research Disproportionality in Child Welfare: An update. Retrieved on March 4, 2009 from http://www.racemattersconsortium.org/docs/BobHillPaper_FINAL.pdf. (K5) About the study/citationThis paper summarizes the current research findings on racial disproportionality and disparities in treatment and services within the child welfare system. The paper explores recent patterns involving child maltreatment and disproportionality, the role race plays at the different decisionmaking stages and the extent of racially disparate treatment in child welfare, and how other social systems contribute to disproportionality in child welfare. Findings/content- Disproportionality refers to the difference in the percentage of children of a certain racial or ethnic group in the country as compared to the percentage of the children of the same group in the child welfare system. Disparity refers to unequal treatment when comparing a racial or ethnic minority to a non-minority. Research shows that children of color in foster care and their families are treated differently from white children and their families in the system. For example, fewer African American children receive mental health services even though the identified need for this type of service may be great or greater for African Americans as for other racial or ethnic groups. As cited in this article and based on numerous pieces of research, theories about what leads to minority disproportionality have been classified into three types of factors: o Parent and family risk factors-minorities are overrepresented because they have disproportionate needs. o Community risk factors-overrepresentation has less to do with race and class and more to do with residing in neighborhoods and communities which have a lot of risk factors. o Organizational and systemic factors-contends that minority overrepresentation results from the decision-making processes of CPS agencies, the cultural insensitivities and biases of workers, governmental policies, and institutional racism. Based on the above chart: o Blacks and American Indians are the two most overrepresented groups, and they are represented in foster care at twice their proportions in the population. o Although Hispanic families are just as likely to be poor as black families, Hispanic children are more underrepresented in the child welfare system. In a study in Pittsburgh, Nelson, Saunders and Landsmen (1993) found that black families were more likely to be reported for maltreatment than white families. In an urban county in Ohio, Sabol, Coulton, Pouousky (2004) found that black children in the child welfare system were three times more likely to be the subject substantiated reports by their tenth birthday than white children. Analyses of 2000 NSCAW data revealed that at every age level, black children were more likely to be placed in foster care than whites or Hispanics (Wulczyn, Barth, Yuan, Jones-Harden, and Landsverk, 2005). In one study, 80 percent of blacks needing housing services did not receive them, compared to 65 percent of whites with comparable housing needs (Rodenborg, 2004). In a longitudinal study in San Diego, Garland et al. (2000) found that, after controlling for several factors (age, gender, type of maltreatment and severity of emotional/behavioral problems) black and Hispanic youth were still significantly less likely to receive mental health services than white youth. Implications for CWSWorkers should be aware of the research regarding disproportionality in the child welfare system and that this issue needs to be addressed in order enhance access to quality services for all children, regardless of race or ethnicity. Center for Advanced Studies in Child Welfare (2001). The Contribution of Ethnographic Interviewing to Culturally Competent Practice. CASCW Practice Notes, 10. Retrieved on March 3, 2009 from http://cehd.umn.edu/SSW/cascw/attributes/PDF/practicenotes/ Practicnotes_10.pdf (K6) About the study/citationThis issue provides an introduction to ethnographic interviewing. It describes what ethnographic interviewing is, stages of the interview and how to incorporate it into practice. Findings/content Ethnographic interviewing is defined as a method of interviewing that began in the field of anthropology and is widely practiced by social researchers in all fields. The interviewer assumes the role of “learner” rather than “expert.” The interview is semistructured, while it is guided by the client’s responses. The goal of ethnographic interviewing is to understand and appreciate experiences and worldviews of people who are different from us. Ethnography provides a framework for delivering culturally competent services. Two principles stand out: o Active listening is required in order to understand the narrative of a family’s life. o Respect for the cultural knowledge of families requires us to learn from clients. The stages of the interview are as follows: o Setting the stage-stating purpose and goals and setting the tone of the interview o Expressing ignorance- the worker should express a lack of knowledge about the client’s culture o Open-ended questions- questions about the client’s perception of how the community defines problems, norms, etc. These questions also regard how the person relates to community cultural values and norms of behavior. o Cover terms- used that are frequently used by the client should be explored. o Descriptors- The worker can learn what meaning the client gives to cover terms by asking descriptive questions. Descriptive questions include many types of questions, such as space questions, time questions and language questions. In order to incorporate ethnography into practice, the social worker needs to: o Be flexible and invite the client to talk o Learn about clients as individuals and as members of their cultural community o Social workers are “learners” of the client’s culture and “experts” on the problem solving process o Social workers should facilitate the client’s understanding of themes that are within their story. Limitations of ethnographic interviewing are: o Time-intensive process, so applying the technique to child welfare may involve the need to adapt the model to fit policy timeframes. o Use of a qualified interpreter is important, but there are limitations in using interpreters, such as the addition of an interpreter changing the dynamics of the interview. Implications for CWSThe worker needs to be aware of the importance of understanding the family’s culture in engaging the family in case planning. Therefore, the worker should understand the use of this technique as a means of building a collaborative relationship with the family and learning about the cultural framework of the family. Chapin Hall Center for Children (2008). Understanding Racial and Ethnic Disparity in Child Welfare and Juvenile Justice. Chicago: Chapin Hall Center for Children at the University of Chicago. Retrieved on March 13, 2009 from (K5 ) About the study/citationThis paper starts by exploring the language to describe the extent of ethnic and racial differences of children, both in the child welfare and juvenile justice systems. Then, it offers a common language that is intended to clarify the meaning of the terms. This paper describes current efforts to improve services in the two systems. The paper also offers a conceptual framework that uses the language offered in the paper. The goal is to create productive debate about the most effective methods to change racial and ethnic disparity. Findings/content The figure below is a physical representation of disproportionality. It underscores the fact that the words disproportionality and overrepresentation are reserved for direct, quantitative comparisons of the compositions of at least two or more populations. Disparity is often used to describe differences in the experiences of children in regards to their level of contact with juvenile justice and child welfare systems. However, it can also be used to describe differences in access to care, utilization of care, or quality of care (Braveman, 2006). Often the terms disparity and disproportionality are used interchangeably. However, disparities actually produce disproportionality. For example, the reasons why AfricanAmerican children are overrepresented (disproportionately represented in child-serving systems is because of disparities in the likelihood of coming into contact with the system and disparities in the likelihood of ending involvement with the system (Wulczyn & Lery, 2007). Robert Hill (2006) reviewed the literature on both the scope and nature of disproportionality in child welfare, in which he concluded that children’s experiences differ by race and ethnicity at all decision points in the system, except for reentry into foster care. In two recent studies (Church, 2006; Church, Gross and Baldwin, 2005), found that reports of maltreatment of Latino children, when compared to non-Latino white children, are more likely to be substantiated and that those children are more likely to be placed in care and stay in care longer. Another study, however, found not differences between the two groups at any stage of the child welfare process (Johnson et al., 2007). Roberts (2007) notes that institutional racism may explain placement disparity. A study of census tracts in three California counties examined social conditions in relationship to the rates of maltreatment. For African-American children, poverty rates and the density of alcohol outlets were positively associated with maltreatment risk, but high levels of residential instability and higher percentages of African-American residents were negatively associated with maltreatment risk. The percentage of femaleheaded households, poverty and unemployment predicted higher maltreatment rates for Hispanic children. The percentage of elderly or Hispanic residents, poverty and the ratio of children to adults was associated with higher maltreatment rates for white children (Freisthler, Bruce and Needell, 2007). Data from the National Child Abuse and Neglect Data System (NCANDS) indicates that in high poverty counties, the risk of maltreatment for African-American infants is nearly four times the rates for white and Hispanic infants in the same counties. Since the late 1970’s, federal legislation has addressed the issue of race and ethnicity within the child welfare system in two ways: the Indian Child Welfare Act of 1978 (ICWA) and the Multi-Ethnic Placement Act of 1994 (MEPA). The following is a list of initiatives or organizations that are addressing the issues of disproportionality and disparity: o Family to Family o California Disproportionality Project o California Disproportionality Project and Family to Family Rating Tool o Minority Youth and Families Initiative o Breakthrough Series Collaborative o Undoing Racism o AECF Race Matters Toolkit o APHSA/NAPCWA Workgroup o Courts Catalyzing Change o General strategies are also provided. The figure below is the conceptual framework for considering efforts to address disparity: Implications for CWSThe worker should be aware of the statistics regarding disparity and disproportionality and their possible roots, such as institutional racism. The worker should consider how these factors influence case planning and services for children. Hill, R. (2004). Institutional Racism in Child Welfare. Race and Society, 7(1), 17-33. About the study/citationThis article discusses how institutional racism influences the operation of the child welfare system and how this results in disparate effects on African-American children and their families. Findings/content The definition used for institutional racism in this article is that of Billingsley and Giovannoni (1972) It is as follows: o It is the systematic oppression, subjugation, and control of one racial group by another dominant or more powerful racial group, made possible by the manner in which the society is structured. In this society, racism emanates from white institutions, white cultural values, and white people. The victims of racism in this society are black people and other oppressed racial and ethnic minorities. Some characteristics of institutional racism are that is can be covert or overt, unconscious or conscious, and unintentional or intentional. Structural or unintentional discrimination refers to the disparate consequences of societal trends and institutional policies on racial minorities that may not have been explicitly designed to have racially discriminatory effects (Hill, 1990). Research on “modern racism” has shown that institutional racism is often manifested in inequitable mental health treatment of racial minorities through “aversive racism” (Whaley, 1998). Educational institutions are one important source for identifying children likely to come to the attention of the child welfare system. Black students are also more likely than white children to be labeled as “mentally or educationally retarded” and assigned to special education. There is some contradictory data about whether there are racial differences at various stages of the child welfare system. Major reasons for these mixed results are different methodologies used in these studies and the paucity of systematic data by race at different stages. Hill (2005) tested various logistic regression models to determine the set of variables that were the strongest predictors of placement in foster care. His analysis identified five strong predictors of placement in foster care: race of child (i.e., black versus white), substance-abusing parents, children with disabilities, Medicaid recipients, and cases with abuse allegations. Although black children are more likely than white children to be freed from adoption, they are still less likely to be adopted than white children (Altstein and McRoy, 2000). According to three NIS studies, black families do not maltreat their children more than white families. However, black children are more likely to be removed from their homes for neglect (for reasons related to poverty) than for physical or sexual abuse. Implications for CWSSocial workers should be aware of the existence of institutional racism and what things they can do to enhance sensitivity and appreciation of other cultures, i.e., disavow that different cultures are not inherently "inferior” to their own culture, treat families as partners and conduct selfassessments regularly to increase the awareness of stereotypes. Mukhopadhyay, C. and Moses, Y. (1997). Reestablishing “Race” in Anthropological Discourse. American Anthropologist, 99(3), 517-533. (K1) About the study/citationThe article is about the transition the field of anthropology is experiencing, specifically in the subdisciplines of cultural anthropology and biological anthropology. Both of these disciplines contributed to the unilinear, evolutionary theories of race and are now attempting to dismantle the very ideology of race they help to create. In essence, this article addresses the concept of race vs. “no race.” Findings/content Physical anthropology seems to have abandoned the notion of biological races in favor of “no race.” As early as 1897, Franz Boas questioned key assumptions in American racial ideology, such as the correlation between language, culture and biology, and the idea that cultural and linguistic inventions could be attributed to a group’s biological traits. He provided data that challenged the notion of races as biologically fixed, permanent, and homogenous. By 1972, Richard Lewontin had demonstrated the existence of more variation within than between the major racial groups, a finding that was supported by more sophisticated DNA research. Intradisciplinary collaboration supported anthropology’s contribution to the 1952 UNESCO on race, which rejected the linkage between sociocultural capacities and biology, a fundamental premise of the racial world view. By the 1980’s, anthropology appeared to have successfully challenged within the profession, key elements in the racial worldview, particularly the existence of “biological races” within the species of Homo sapiens and the belief in American racial categories as universal and rooted in nature. The term “ethnicity” has the advantage of carrying less “cultural baggage” and can be employed as an analytical concept inclusive of African Americans as well as other Americans of other ancestry. Implications for CWSThe worker should be aware of race as a social construct versus biologically-based, and also, what defines race can contribute to oppression and racism of some groups. The worker should be aware of these social implications of race and how their view of client’s of color can affect the relationship with the client. Ryan, J.P., Garnier, P., Zyphur, M., and Zhai, F. (2006). Investigating the Effects of Caseworker Characteristics in Child Welfare. Children and Youth Services Review, 28, 993-1006. (K4) About the study/citationThis paper investigates the role of caseworkers in determining outcomes in the child welfare system. The paper presents a framework for organizing and critically examining the role of caseworkers in determining outcomes in the child welfare system. Particular focus was on the relationship on the number of caseworkers assigned to each child, the racial match between the child and caseworker, and the role of graduate education on the child’s length of stay in foster care and reunification. Also, the researchers develop and test a variety of multi-level models to better understand the association between key child welfare outcomes (length of stay and family reunification) and caseworker characteristics. The study uses administrative data from the Illnois Department of Children and Family Services (IDCFS). The data included allegation records, placement information and caseworker information. The sample includes 5726 children entering foster care placement for the first time between January 1, 1995 and December 31, 1995. Sample so included children who exited the placement before December 31, 2004. For the analyses, Mplus was used, so that a single model can be developed that permits for both continuous and dichotomous outcomes in a multi-level framework. The analyses are designed to answer the following research questions: 1) Is caseworker turnover associated with the length of stay in foster care and the likelihood of achieving family reunification? 2) Is a MSW associated with the length of stay in foster care and the likelihood of achieving family reunification? 3) Does the race of caseworker modify the relationships at the child level, specifically the relationship between child race, length of stay and family reunification? Findings/content Multi-level modeling revealed that caseworker characteristics are important factors in understanding outcomes in the child welfare system. Children associated with multiple caseworkers experienced significantly longer stays in foster care. Caseworker turnover is related to family reunification. Children associated with MSW level caseworkers spend significantly less time (on average 5.15 months less time) as compared with the children not associated with a MSW level caseworker. There is no significant relationship between MSW and likelihood of achieving family reunification. African American youth experience significantly longer stays in foster care and remain less likely to achieve reunification, and this holds true regardless of race of caseworker. Hispanic children are significantly less likely to achieve family reunification but only when they are associated with African American caseworkers. While Hispanic children stay in foster care longer than their African American and white peers, this effect is only true of African American caseworkers of Hispanic children. For both African American and Hispanic caseworkers, turnover did not reduce the likelihood of achieving reunification. For white caseworkers, an MSW significantly increases the likelihood of achieving family reunification. Race appears to be a proxy for a variety of factors including, but not limited to attitudes, beliefs, values, geography, experiences and the behaviors that arise from such factors. Conclusion-While the precise nature and magnitude of the effects is still unclear, this study demonstrates that at least some caseworker characteristics do affect some important child welfare outcomes. Limitations- caseworker characteristics available for analysis were limited. Although the study employed sophisticated analytic techniques to address problem associated with multiple memberships, there remain problems with overlap. That is, children could not be nested within the African American Hispanic, and white caseworker models. Implications for CWSThe worker should be aware of how their own personal characteristics, such as values and beliefs, may influence their decision-making process and the outcomes of child welfare cases. The worker should explore how their own belief system, culture, background etc. might be affecting their work and consult with their supervisors regarding this. Vitell, S., Nwachukwu, S. and Barnes, J. (1993). The Effects of Culture on Ethical DecisionMaking: An application of Hofstede’s typology. Journal of Business Ethics, 12(10), 753-76. (K4) About the study/citationThis paper provides a conceptual framework as to how culture influences one’s perceptions and ethical decision making in business. To do this, the authors adopted the cultural typology by Hofstede (1979, 1980, 1983, 1984) regarding the differences between countries based on certain cultural dimensions. Hofstede argues that societies differ along four major cultural dimensions: power distance, individualism, masculinity, and uncertainty avoidance. All four of these dimensions relate to ethics in the sense that they influence the individual’s perceptions of ethical situations, norms for behavior and ethical judgments, among other things. Findings/content In their general theory of marketing ethics, Hunt and Vitell proposed that “cultural norms affect perceived ethical situations, perceived alternatives, perceived consequences, deontological norms, probabilities of consequences, desirability of consequences and importance of stakeholders.” The revised Hunt-Vitell (1992) general theory of ethics does not specify how cultural norms influence ethical decision-making. Nor have empirical tests of study examined the influence of cultural norms on ethical decision-making. Based on Hofstede’s conceptualization of the individualism/collectivism construct, it is suggested that business practitioners from countries that are low on individualism would tend to be more susceptible to group and intraorganizational influence than their counterparts from countries that are high on this construct. Persons from more “individualist” societies, who are more concerned with their own self-interest, will tend to be influenced less by group norms. Robin and Reidenbach (1987) noted that the myriad code of ethics developed by organizations in the U.S. do not seem to have an effect on behavior. Societies that are strong in uncertainty avoidance, and therefore, intolerant of deviants, can be expected to have a high degree of accuracy in predicting the actions of individuals who share the membership of any social unit. Implications for CWSThe worker needs to be aware of the influence of one’s own culture on perceptions of others in the workplace, perceptions of families and how these cultural influences can impact the relationship with the families on one’s caseload. The understanding of the different cultural norms that exist within different societies is needed when working with different families in the child welfare system.