Ritual and the Qur’ān
Following a brief discussion of ritual in modern academic discourse which proposes a
functional typology of rituals both within and involving the Qur’ān, and taking into
account the context in which certain rituals occur and are performed, this article will then
explore the treatment of qur’ānic rituals in works of Islamic jurisprudence (see law and
the qur’ān ). Those rituals which employ verses of the Qur’ān — written or spoken,
individually or collectively — in various ceremonial, talismanic and therapeutic contexts
will also be examined. This article does not deal extensively with those rituals
specifically mentioned in the Qur’ān, as they are more fully explained under the relevant
entries in this encyclopedia (see e.g. the articles witness to faith; pilgrimage; prayer;
ramaḍān; fasting ; and ritual purity, in addition to the other entries which are crossreferenced below).
Ritual is the cornerstone of the Islamic faith and, as such, assumes a primary role in the
Qur’ān by making manifest a tangible, sacramental expression of God's design for
humankind. In comparing Islam to other religions, the Dutch scholar D.C. Mulder
(Recitation) observed that Islam “is not very rich in ritual.” But Mulder identified only
three primary forms of ritual: prayer ( ṣalāt), pilgrimage (ḥajj) and recitation of the
Qur’ān (q.v.; tilāwa). Those ritual forms found in the Qur’ān and in the ḥadīth (see ḥadīth
and the qur’ān ) are not as numerous as those found in the Talmud, a cornerstone of
rabbinical Jewish law which includes archaic rituals no longer practiced by Jews after the
destruction of the second temple in 70 c.e. It might be argued, however, that the number
and diversity of ritual forms, practices and observances within Islam are as prolific,
variegated and complex as those in ¶ Judaism and Christianity. Furthermore, those rituals
which observant Muslims perform — from simply invoking the divine name (see god and
his attributes; remembrance ) to more elaborate ritual forms such as supererogatory
prayer, supplication and recitation of verses from the Qur’ān — emphasize the richness
and diversity of rituals and ritual practice in Islam (see prayer formulas; piety ).
Ritual (from Latin ritualis) is a religiously defined and prescribed set of actions whose
enactment symbolizes humankind's encounter with and reverence for the divine.
Anthropologists and scholars of religion have defined it in various ways, including as “a
universal category of human experience” (Bell, Ritual theory, 14) or “those conscious
and voluntary, repetitious and stylized symbolic bodily actions that are centered on
cosmic structures and/or sacred presences” (Zuesse, Ritual, 405; see profane and sacred ).
Jonathan Z. Smith (Bare facts, 125) defines ritual as “a means of performing the way
things ought to be in conscious tension to the way things are in such a way that this
ritualized perfection is recollected in the ordinary, uncontrolled, course of things.” In
other words, ritual consists of structures of formalized and sometimes spontaneous
behavior which emerge from a setting of reverence for and engagement with the divine in
its diverse manifestations. The definition of ritual may be broadened to include rites of
passage at which scripture is invoked or displayed such as at births and funerals (see
birth; burial ), indeed in virtually all aspects of daily life.
The following is a typology of the rituals in Islamic societies that are associated with the
Qur’ān. (Most of these rituals — as seen in the overlap among the ten categories — are
not mutually exclusive.)
¶ (1) Transformative rituals (see also Rituals of purification, below): the performance of
these has the effect of transforming one's spiritual, physical and mental state.
Transformative rituals may be prescriptive, as in the five pillars, or may be pious
practices (mu`āmalāt) or rules of etiquette (adab). A transformative ritual may also have
the effect of transforming the state of a sacred or venerable object. Often such rituals are
performed in fulfillment of a religious precept, as in the case of prayer, but also in
anticipation of receiving “blessing” (baraka). In this category may be included: the
testament of faith ( shahāda); ritual prayer ( ṣalāt); pilgrimage (ḥajj); entering (dukhūl)
and sitting (qu`ūd) in a mosque (Ibn al-Ḥājj, al-Madkhal, i, 13); fasting ( ṣiyām, q 2:1835, 187, 196); almsgiving (zakāt); loyalty (q.v.) to the imām (q.v.; walāya);
reading/reciting the Qur’ān (dhikr, tilāwa); seeking baraka from a qur’ānic codex (
tabarruk; see muṣḥaf; codices of the qur’ān ); kissing (taqbīl) the qur’ānic codex;
weeping (q.v.; bukā’ ) when the Qur’ān is read; ritual purification ( ṭahāra; as a category
it often includes wuḍū’, ghusl, tayammum; see cleanliness and ablution ); vows ( nadhr,
naḥb; q 76:7; see vow ); vigils (q.v.; tahajjud — spending the night in prayer, praying the
night prayer, reciting the Qur’ān nightly); and humbling oneself before God (taḍarru`).
(2) Rituals of purification, which are performed prior to prayer or coming into contact
with the sacred. They employ the use of water and other substances (sand, dust). Included
in this category is ṭahāra (ritual purity; q 5:6), which includes wuḍū’ (ritual ablutions),
ghusl (ritual immersion; q 4:43, 5:6), tayammum (ritual ablutions with fine sand or dust; q
4:43; 5:6), ṭahāra (ritual purity; i.e. as in Abraham's purification and re-consecration of
the house of God; cf. q 2:125; see abraham; house, domestic and divine; ka`ba ).
¶ (3) Rituals which mark the fulfillment of religious obligation ( mu`āmalāt; see good
deeds; ethics and the qur’ān ; see also Obligatory rituals, below), such as marriage (
nikāḥ; see Rites of passage, below; see marriage and divorce ) and the ritual slaughtering
of animals for food ( taḥlīl, cf. q 5:2; see consecration of animals; slaughter ).
(4) Rites of passage, such as birth (mīlād), including the naming ceremony; death ( mawt,
cf. q 3:185, 193; 4:78; 21:35; 33:19, 23; 44:56; 47:27; 56:60, 84-87; 63:10; 75:29; see
death and the dead ); marriage (nikāḥ, cf. q 2:187; 25:54, etc.); and the pilgrimage (ḥajj).
(5) Obligatory rituals in the Qur’ān, namely: prayer ( ṣalāt), including prostration (sujūd)
and bowing ( rukū`; see bowing and prostration ); testament of faith (shahāda);
almsgiving (zakāt); pilgrimage (ḥajj); and fasting (ṣiyām).
(6) Rituals of abstinence (q.v.), which include fasting (ṣiyām) and vows ( nadhr or
nudhūr, naḥb; q 33:23: man qaḍā naḥbahu). The vow involves making a dedication to
God, usually in the form of a sacrifice (q.v.). In a historical context, Muslims, like
adherents to other faiths, make vows to engage in or refrain from particular actions.
Abstinence from certain practices and ḥajj rites, such as eating food and shortening one's
hair are valid forms of nadhr. In the qur’ānic context, God fulfills vows (cf. Pedersen,
Nad̲h̲r, for a discussion of the pre-Islamic and Islamic context of nadhr; see also
contracts and alliances; covenant; oaths ).
(7) Rituals of sustenance (q.v.), health (see illness and health ), longevity (see also
Protective rituals, below), which include consuming food and drink from plates and cups
inscribed with qur’ānic verses; consuming food on which qur’ānic verses are inscribed;
and seeking baraka from the ¶ Qur’ān ( tabarruk; see popular and talismanic uses of the
qur’ān; everyday life, the qur’ān in ).
(8) Protective rituals, among which are counted a number of activities. The mere act of
bringing out a codex at a public gathering is a means to invoke the protection (q.v.) of
God through his words (see word of god ). Other rituals include reciting the basmala
(q.v.; i.e. invoking the name of God) orally or silently over somebody or before
undertaking an activity; reading/reciting the Qur’ān; seeking baraka (tabarruk) from the
qur’ānic codex by physically touching it or reciting verses from it; carrying a qur’ānic
codex to ward off disease, illness, plague, bodily harm, evil, etc.; wearing a garment with
qur’ānic verses inscribed on it (usually a tunic or talismanic shirt on which the ninetynine names of God and verses from the Qur’ān are inscribed); wearing a necklace, amulet
(see amulets ) or talisman with qur’ānic verses and related expressions or a miniature
Qur’ān in a muṣḥaf pendant of a precious metal, usually gold (children or adults may
engage in this practice; a popular practice is for women and girls to wear amulets); eating
or drinking from a vessel with verses of the Qur’ān inscribed; and in Turkey there is the
practice of writing the word mashallah, literally “what God wants,” on an amulet and
placing it on the person of a newborn child (see the illustrations of popular and talismanic
uses of the qur’ān for some examples of the rich variety of material objects employed in
protective rituals that involve the Qur’ān).
(9) Rituals acts meant to inflict harm or spread evil. Such rituals appear in a limited
historical context. The only known instance in the Qur’ān is the “blowing on knots” (alnaffāthāt fī l-`uqad, q 113:4; see magic ), but this appears in a negative sense in that the
verse alludes to women who ¶ failed in their objective to cause harm to Muḥammad by
blowing on knots (see opposition to muḥammad ).
(10) Rituals that promote social cohesion and group solidarity, such as prayer ( ṣalāt),
Friday prayer (q.v.; q 62:9), or prayer in a mosque (q.v.); pilgrimage (ḥajj); collectively
carrying scriptures in hand while walking in procession at times of crisis, drought and
epidemics. This last named function exemplifies the human need to repel imminent
danger and disease. Such historical episodes underscore the social function of the Qur’ān
in a group environment (see community and society in the qur’ān; politics and the qur’ān
).
As seen from this typology, the word “ritual” in the Islamic context cannot be expressed
by a single word found either in the Qur’ān, the prophetic traditions, or in works of
jurisprudence. The closest approximation to “ritual” is `ibādāt (sing. `ibāda, lit.
“obedience, submission, humility, devout worship”; see worship ) which is also related to
ṭā`a (lit. “obedience, submission”; see obedience ). In the first instance, `ibādāt refers to
religious practice and devotion to God ( q 2:21; 51:56) and is commonly applied to the
five pillars (arkān) of Islam: shahāda (testament of faith; q 3:19-20; 6:19; 63:1), ṣalāt
(prayer; e.g. q 2:45; 9:103; 51:18; 70:22-3; 75:31; 96:10; 108:2), zakāt (almsgiving; e.g. q
2:43, 83, 277), ṣiyām (fasting; q 2:183-4), and ḥajj (pilgrimage; e.g. q 2:189, 196). The
Semitic root `-b-d from which `ibādāt derives captures the relationship between the
devotee as the slave of God whose inner and outer natures surrender to God, the
exclusive object of worship (e.g. q 1:5; see servants; slaves and slavery ). “Ritual” also
may be applied to modes of religious behavior and experience, and physical and mental
states not classified as `ibādāt by jurispru-¶ dents and theologians, such as taḍarru` ( q
6:42, 43), through which believers are urged to reflect upon the lessons of the past and
humble themselves before God as did those before them (see oppressed on earth, the;
trust and patience; trial; punishment stories; generations; history and the qur’ān ). During
the fifth/eleventh and sixth/twelfth centuries, the very act of remembrance of God ( dhikr,
q 2:152, 200; 3:41; 7:205; 18:24; 33:41; 72:25) became enshrined in elaborate Ṣūfī rituals
and ceremonies that became widespread throughout the Islamic world (see ṣūfism and the
qur’ān ).
All devotional acts (`ibādāt) require of those who undertake them to declare clearly their
intention (q.v.; niyya). In Kitāb al-Arba`īn fī uṣūl al-dīn, al-Ghazālī (d. 505/1111)
provides a succinct discussion of `ibadāt, which when performed properly, lead to the
perfection of both the outer and inner self in fulfillment of one's religious duties. In his
elucidation of the ten primary principles of religion (ritual prayer; almsgiving and charity;
fasting; pilgrimage; recitation of the Qur’ān; dhikr, remembrance of God; seeking what is
permitted, i.e. ḥalāl; upholding the rights of other Muslims and maintaining proper
companionship with them; enjoining right and forbidding wrong; following the sunna of
the Prophet), al-Ghazālī states that he does not mean undertaking only the etiquette
(ādāb) of the ritual acts, but everything associated with them (p. 68). The object in
performing ritual acts is human certitude in the remembrance of God in order to attain the
hereafter and withdraw from the worldly life (p. 76). Invoking this work, the north
African Mālikī theologian Ibn al-Ḥājj (d. 737/1336) regards niyya and `amal (i.e. the
actual performance of the act) as complete ritual devotion (bi-himā tamām al-`ibāda) and
niyya as the best of the ¶ two parts (al-Madkhal, i, 13). For without the intention, the
believer's ritual is deemed invalid and the threat of divine punishment becomes implicit
(see reward and punishment; chastisement and punishment ). According to Eliade
(Patterns, 370-1), the division between the realms of the sacred and the profane “serves
the purpose of preserving profane man from the danger to which he would expose
himself by entering it without due care. The sacred is always dangerous to anyone who
comes into contact with it unprepared, without having gone through ‘gestures of
approach’ that every religious act demands.”
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Rituals in the Qur’ān
Rituals in the Qur’ān can be classified according to four primary categories: (1)
Prescriptive rituals include prayer ( ṣalāt), almsgiving (zakāt), testament of faith (
shahāda), fasting during the month of Ramaḍān (ṣiyām), undertaking the pilgrimage
(ḥajj) and ritual purity ( ṭahāra, q 5:6); (2) rituals of devotion and remembrance, such as
dhikr and tahajjud (night vigil spent in prayer); (3) rites of passage, including birth,
marriage and death; (4) rituals that are time and place specific and that refer to a
particular historical event or incident or are otherwise related to the prophets before
Muḥammad (see prophets and prophethood ), like Abraham and Ishmael (q.v.) ritually
purifying the house of God ( q 2:125), women's use of black magic against the Prophet by
blowing on knots ( q 113:4) and the allusions to the — proscribed — prostration
(bowing) of the Israelites to the sun (q.v.) and moon (q.v.; e.g. q 41:37).
Ritual prayer (ṣalāt) represents the ritual enactment and re-enactment of the Qur’ān par
excellence. Several prophetic traditions indicate this, including “The difference between
kufr (infidelity; see belief and unbelief ) and Islam is ṣalāt,” ¶ and “Only those who pray
have my protection” (cf. Muslim, Ṣaḥīḥ, bk. 1, chap. 35, no. 134).
Sunnī and Shī`ī (see shī`ism and the qur’ān ) works of jurisprudence (fiqh) differentiate
between `ibādāt and a closely related word — mu`āmalāt, which refers to the rules
governing human behavior —, and almost invariably discuss the former before the latter.
Bousquet recognizes that fiqh is a deontology for `ibādāt, the statements of the whole
corpus of duties or acts whether obligatory, forbidden or recommended, etc., which is
imposed upon people (Bousquet, `Ibādāt; cf. id., Les grandes pratiques, 9). Apart from
the five pillars, the question of which rituals are to be classified under `ibādāt is not
always clearly delineated in the organization of jurisprudential works. In the Qur’ān one
finds mention of such rituals as marriage ( nikāḥ; e.g. q 2:220; 33:49) which Bousquet
properly indicates should be classified as a pious practice rather than placed among the
`ibādāt. The same might be said of other practices, not specifically mentioned as an
obligation in the Qur’ān, such as circumcision (q.v.; khitān), or qur’ānic recitation
(tilāwa). Unlike circumcision, however, which is not a qur’ānic prescription but a
socially and religiously prescribed ritual and rite of passage, recitation is usually
considered among the `ibādāt.
In the ḥadīth collections and in legal and theological discussions of the sunna (q.v.) of the
Prophet (see theology and the qur’ān ), qur’ānic and extra-qur’ānic rituals are further
elaborated. Various ḥadīth collections do not categorically separate `ibādāt from other
ritual forms, though `ibādāt generally are grouped at the beginning of such works. In alBukhārī's (d. 256/870) Ṣaḥīḥ, for instance, one finds wuḍū’ (ritual ablution), ghusl (ritual
immersion), tayammum (ritual ablution with fine dust or sand), ṣalāt (prayer), janā’iz
(funer-¶ als), zakāt (almsgiving), and ḥajj (pilgimage). The Ṣaḥīḥ of Muslim (d. ca.
261/875) follows a different order and includes ṭahāra (ritual purity), ṣalāt (prayer),
zakāt (almsgiving) and ṣawm (fasting).
The Shī`ī theologian Sallār b. `Abd al-`Azīz al-Daylamī (d. 448/1056), the author of alMarāsīm fī l-fiqh al-imāmī, essentially divides his work into `ibādāt and mu`āmalāt, the
latter of which he subdivides into `uqūd (contracts, the performance of which does not
necessitate the declaration of intention; see contracts and alliances; breaking trusts and
contracts ) and aḥkām (rules governing conduct within society, e.g. inheritance laws; see
inheritance; social interactions ). Al-Muḥaqqiq al-Ḥillī (d. 676/1277) delineates in his
Sharā’i` al-Islām fī l-fiqh al-islāmī l-Ja`farī four primary categories of ritual which
formed the basis for the categories found in later Shī`ī works of jurisprudence: `ibādāt,
aḥkām, `uqūd, and īqā`āt (legally valid pronouncements which require only one party to
transact).
One of the most detailed expositions of `ibādāt can be found in the Shāfi`ī jurist alNawawī's (d. 676/1277) al-Tibyān fī ādāb ḥamalat al-Qur’ān. Al-Nawawī's work is
unique for its discussion of those rituals in which the Qur’ān is invoked, the times at
which it is efficacious to recite certain verses or chapters of the Qur’ān, when it is
necessary to prostrate oneself upon hearing particular verses, and the proper etiquette for
carrying and displaying a codex and according it reverence. Al-Nawawī was particularly
concerned that Muslims display proper etiquette and reverence for the Qur’ān. For
instance, he observes that such practices as putting the codex under the head as a pillow
are to be forbidden (Nawawī, Tibyān, 190-1). Perhaps some believed that it would
facilitate the acquisition of knowledge or protect them from harm as they slept. Such
beliefs are at-¶ tested to in late nineteenth century Iran: Serena (Hommes, 333; cf. Massé,
Popular beliefs, 21) observed that the qur’ānic codex was placed beneath the head of the
newborn as a pillow.
The Ḥanbalī theologian Ibn Taymiyya (d. 728/1328) defines `ibāda — more broadly than
the traditional delineation of jurisprudential works — as “a collective term [which
encompasses] all that God loves and [that] pleases him (kull mā yuḥibbuhu wa-yarḍāhu)
from the words and inner and external actions, like prayer, alms, fasting, ḥajj, veracious
speech, keeping a trust, and reverence for one's parents (q.v.) and close relatives (see
kinship ).” In a treatise on `ibādāt the modern Shī`ī scholar Ja`far al-Sijānī (`Ibāda, 20)
argues that Ibn Taymiyya has confused `ibādāt with acts of nearness to God (taqarrub)
by regarding them as synonymous. In Sijānī's view, acts such as giving alms, respecting
one's parents, and the khums (a tax among the Shī`a which was originally applied to the
fifth of the spoils of war belonging to the ruler; see booty ) necessitate qurbā to God but
are not `ibādāt.
The modern-day scholar and theologian Aḥmad al-Ḥuṣarī (Mina l-fiqh, 142) defines
`ibāda as “the obedience (ṭā`a) which the [divine] law-giver (shāri`) has required his
slaves to carry out.” Al-Ḥuṣarī distinguishes between three categories of `ibādāt: (1)
Purely physical rituals (`ibādāt badaniyya) for which one person is not permitted to
substitute for another, like prayer, fasting; (2) rituals for which one person is permitted to
substitute for another, like almsgiving (zakāt); and (3) physical rituals which require the
expenditure of property (q.v.; with the stipulation that, in the case of another's
substituting, one must be incapable of undertaking them on one's own), like the ḥajj
(ibid., 144).
The Shī`ī scholar Muḥammad Sa`īd al-Ṭabāṭabā’ī (d. 1982) includes in his Minhāj ¶ alṣāliḥīn the following categories among the `ibādāt: ṭahāra (ritual purity), ṣalāt (prayer),
ṣawm (fasting), i`tikāf (pious retreat in a mosque which is generally associated with the
month of Ramaḍān; see festivals and commemorative days ), zakāt (almsgiving), khums,
and al- amr bi-l-ma`rūf wa-l-nahy `an al-munkar (enjoining others to do what is
commendable and to refrain from what is reprehensible; cf. q 3:104, 110; 22:41; see
virtues and vices, commanding and forbidding ).
The most important Ṭayyibī-Musta`lī Ismā`īlī work of jurisprudence which serves as the
basis for `Ismā`īlī law and which contains a detailed exposition of `ibādāt is al-Qāḍī lNu`mān's (d. 363/974) Da`ā’im al-Islām, “Pillars of Islam.” Al-Nu`mān, the chief qāḍī
under the Fāṭimid caliph al-Mu`izz li-Dīn Allāh (r. 344-65/952-75), includes the
following seven `ibādāt: walāya (devotion to the imām), ṭahāra (ritual purity), ṣalāt
(ritual prayer), janā’iz (funerals), zakāt (alms tax), ṣawm (fasting), ḥajj (pilgrimage), and
jihād (q.v.; holy war). Immediately following ṣawm, al-Nu`mān discusses i`tikāf.
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Esoteric interpretations of `ibādāt
In Ta’wīl al-da`ā’im, al-Qāḍī l-Nu`mān stresses the importance for the Ismā`īlī believer
of not only performing the `ibādāt, but also of understanding their esoteric meaning
(bāṭin). After providing an esoteric interpretation of walāya (affirming the doctrine of
belief in and devotion to the imāms), al-Qāḍī l-Nu`mān explains the `ibādāt as follows:
Ritual purity (ṭahāra) refers to “purifying oneself through knowledge (al-taṭahhur bi-l`ilm) and what it necessitates with respect to the impurities of the soul (bi-mā yūjibuhu l`ilm min aḥdāth al-nufūs)” (Ta’wīl, i, 72). In addition to knowledge, wisdom facilitates
purification of the soul. Declaring one's intention (niyya) in performing `ibādāt is like
walāya ¶ (ibid., i, 85). Al-Qāḍī l-Nu`mān states that the performance of the ritual prayer (
ṣalāt) is symbolic of the Prophet's action in making these particular prayers and postures
obligatory (ibid., i, 86). The inner meaning of zakāt is that the act of giving purifies
(taṭhīr) one's personal wealth (q.v.; ibid., ii, 87). Zakāt is not only associated with ritual
purity, but also with righteousness (ṣalāḥ) and growth ( numuww; ibid., ii, 87-8). AlNu`mān quotes several verses to support his interpretations (including q 9:34, 103; 73:20;
87:14, 15; 91:9, 10). A deeper meaning of zakāt is that it represents the one who purifies
(muzakkī) the people (al-nās) — in this case, the foundations (usus) and the proofs
(ḥujaj) who are the vicegerents of the prophets (ibid., ii, 88).
The Ismā`īlī scholar Abū Ya`qūb al-Sijistānī (fl. fourth/tenth century) expounds the
`ibādāt as follows: Water which represents knowledge purifies the soul from doubt and
uncertainty (q.v.). Walāya signifies devotion to the imāms. Ṣalāt (ritual prayer) signifies
devotion to the awliyā’ (the friends of God, i.e. the imāms; see clients and clientage;
friends and friendship ). Zakāt signifies that those who possess knowledge (i.e. the
imāms) should send forth guides to the people (see knowledge and learning; kings and
rulers ). The lower ranks become zakāt for the higher ranks. Fasting (ṣawm) means
observing silence and not revealing any secrets (q.v.) to the uninitiated (see also hidden
and the hidden ). Ḥajj represents the believer having an audience with the imām, who
symbolizes the house wherein knowledge of God resides (Sijistānī, Iftikhār, chaps. 13-7;
especially useful is Poonawala's commentary: see Poonawala/Husayn, Biobibliography,
417-29; cf. Poonawala, Ismā`īlī ta’wīl, 219). Today, Nizārī Ismā`īlī prayer consists of
supplications, but unlike Sunnī and Ithnā `Asharī ṣalāt, does not include the same
sequence of bowing (rukū`) and ¶ prostration (sujūd). Usually prayer is performed in a
sitting position.
Ṣūfī works like al-Hujwīrī's Kashf al-maḥjūb place importance on understanding and
implementing the esoteric and exoteric interpretations in the practice of `ibādāt. In the
chapter on ritual purity, al-Hujwīrī emphasizes that while prayer requires purification of
the body, gnosis requires purification of the heart (Hujwīrī, Kashf, 291). In the chapter on
prayer, he stresses the importance of humility, awe, abasement and the annihilation of
one's attributes. The chapter on alms links the giving of zakāt to poverty in this world, but
the giver should also aim to give for the blessings of health, mind and body and infinite
blessings should be rendered with infinite thanks to God (see blessing; grace; gratitude
and ingratitude ). In the chapter on fasting, al-Hujwīrī mentions that fasting is abstinence
which includes the whole method of Ṣūfism. In the chapter on the pilgrimage, the true
meaning of ḥajj involves the casting off of the worldly life, sensual desires, the attributes
of one's humanity, and the complete submission of the believer to God.
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Ritual purity
The Qur’ān itself is described as being contained “in books held greatly in honor, exalted,
and pure” ( muṭahhara, q 80:13-4; see book; scrolls; preserved tablet ). Ritual purity
(ṭahāra) is the foundation of the `ibādāt upon which the performance of other rituals
depends. The north African Mālikī theologian Ibn al-Ḥājj interprets ṭahāra as interior
ritual purification (al-ṭahāra al-bāṭina). He invokes a tradition of the Prophet (alMadkhal, i, 30): “Supplication (du`ā’) is the essence of ritual devotion (`ibāda)” and
refers to q 2:222, which mentions ritual purity. Likewise, Ibn al-Ḥājj interprets other
ritual acts such as wuḍū’ and zakāt as purifying humans from sin, ¶ base elements and
negative attributes associated with the worldly life. Ritual purity ( q 5:6) and the pure
water (q.v.; q 25:48; cf. 8:11) with which it is associated are referred to in the Qur’ān.
The acts of ritual purity practiced by the pre-Islamic Arabs included iḥrām (ritual
consecration) before entering Mecca (q.v.) and forbidding menstruating women (see
menstruation; pre-islamic arabia and the qur’ān ) from undertaking the pre-Islamic
pilgrimage there. In Islamic times menstruating women were allowed to perform the ḥajj,
although they were allowed to circumambulate the Ka`ba and undertake the running
between Ṣafā and Marwa only when they had achieved a ritually pure state (cf. Howard,
Some aspects, 41).
A person in a ritual state is described as ṭahūr or ṭāhir (Ḥillī, Tadhkirat, 7). Bousquet
(Les grandes pratiques, 16) divides his discussion of the state of ritual impurity into two
major categories, which are further elaborated: (1) Minor ritual impurity such as ḥadath,
which refers to minor emissions from the openings of the body or contact with an impure
substance, and which invalidates prayer, circumambulation around the Ka`ba, and
touching the Qur’ān; (2) Major ritual impurity (janāba) from sexual intercourse (see sex
and sexuality ) and menstruation (ḥayḍ), as a result of which it is generally forbidden to
perform prayer, to recite the Qur’ān, to enter a mosque, or to perform the ḥajj.
Sunnī and Shī`ī legal sources usually divide the category “ritual purity” (ṭahāra) into
three sub-categories: wuḍū’ (ablutions), ghusl (ritual immersion), and tayammum
(making ablutions with pure sand or dust; e.g. Ḥillī, Tadhkirat, 7, defines ṭuhūr as water).
Sources usually distinguish between these three forms of ritual purity and discuss the
various states of ritual impurity and the conditions under which it is necessary or
permitted to undertake ritual ¶ purification. They also elaborate upon the physical
movements and gestures of the body, as well as the oral formulae which are to be
performed.
Wuḍū’ is necessary for prayer, making ṭawāf (circumambulation around the Ka`ba),
touching the text of the Qur’ān and for other rituals (cf. Ḥillī, Tadhkirat, 8). Similarly,
ghusl may be made for any one of these three categories in addition to residing in
mosques, for producing amulets or talismans for the curing of diseases (`azā’im) and for
obligatory fasting, etc. Tayammum is required for prayer or for the ritually impure person
( junub, literally “precluded from ritual practice”), and in order to set out for a mosque
(ibid.). For a ritually impure person (junub, muḥdith, ḥā’iḍ) to carry a qur’ānic codex or
to touch its pages or its writing is a reprehensible act ( makrūh; Ḥillī, Tadhkirat, 241).
Being in a state of ritual purity is required for anybody who touches, reads or recites the
Qur’ān. On the basis of q 56:79, “none shall touch it [the Qur’ān] save for those who are
ritually pure (al-muṭahharūn),” al-Ḥillī deems it reprehensible for a ritually impure
person to touch the Qur’ān. Abū l-Qāsim al-Khū’ī (d. 1992) mentions that the one who is
in a state of ritual impurity is not permitted to touch the writing of the codex or the
vocalization signs (see recitation of the qur’ān; ornamentation and illumination; grammar
and the qur’ān ), nor the name of God or the ninety-nine “beautiful names.” According to
al-Nawawī, other books which contain verses from the Qur’ān are to be treated in the
same manner if the qur’ānic text they contain is significantly greater in length than the
rest of the text, e.g. a brief gloss or commentary. Thus, it is forbidden for the ritually
impure person to touch and carry them (Nawawī, Tibyān, 194).
Theological and legal discussions focus ¶ on the etiquette (adab) of what is permitted and
forbidden (q.v.; see also lawful and unlawful ). For instance, the Qur’ān should be treated
with reverence as should, more generally, books which contain the name of God and
Qur’ān writing boards used by schoolboys (see teaching and preaching the qur’ān ). In a
related cultural practice, a scribe does not leave a book he is consulting on the ground for
fear an animal or person would walk over it, thus divesting the writing of efficacy
(Westermarck, Pagan survivals, 134). A state of ritual purity is also required when one
writes a talisman which includes verses from the Qur’ān or the ninety-nine beautiful
names of God, for it is as if a scribe were copying a codex.
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Oaths
Oaths (sing. qasam, ḥalf ) that are sworn on the qur’ānic codex are seldom attested to in
pre-modern sources. Unlike in Christianity or Judaism, where the oath upon a physical
copy of scripture is presently a requirement, there is no legal requirement that the Qur’ān
need be present or that one place one's right hand on a codex in order to validate an oath.
Legal sources discourage the taking of oaths by anything apart from God or his ninetynine beautiful names (cf. Nawawī, Tibyān). The eighth/fourteenth century traveler Ibn
Baṭṭūṭa mentions that Damascenes made debtors and those against whom they had a
claim swear (yuḥlif) on the `Uthmānic codex of the Qur’ān at the congregational mosque
(Ibn Baṭṭūṭa, Riḥla, i, 105).
In Ibn Taghrībirdī's al-Nujūm al-zāhira, a chronicle of the Mamlūk dynasty of Egypt, two
references are made to emirs taking oaths. In the first, an emir takes an oath on a muṣhaf (
ḥalafa `alā l-musḥaf, Ibn Taghrībirdī, Nujūm, ed. Cairo, x, 32, for 742/1341). In the
second instance, an emir holds the codex in his hand and takes an ¶ oath (fa-tanāwala lmuṣḥaf al-sharīf bi-yadihi wa-ḥalafa lahum yamīnan, trans. Popper, History of Egypt,
xxiii, 80, for 871/1466). A type of oath is the oath of allegiance (bay`a) which the
Quraysh (q.v.) swore when they pledged their fealty to the prophet Muḥammad and
which also became the standard for the election of a new caliph (q.v.; q 48:10, 18).
Today certain courts and administrative bodies in western countries have required that
when Muslims swear oaths, they place their right hand on the codex. Some consider
placing the right hand on the Qurān to be forbidden (ḥarām), especially when one is not
in a ritually pure state. During the early twentieth century c.e., Tewfik Canaan observed
that oaths by the Qur’ān (wa-l-muṣḥaf) were quite common throughout Palestine
(Canaan, Modern Palestinian beliefs, 77). Modern day legal opinions commonly regard
swearing by the Qur’ān (al-ḥalf bi-l-muṣḥaf) as tantamount to swearing by God since the
Qur’ān is God's words. The Azharī `Abdul `Azeem al-Mat`ani has issued a legal ruling
that taking an oath on the Qur’ān is not valid unless one clearly states one's intention
(niyya) that in doing so one is swearing by God (Fatwā, IslamOnline.net, Fatwa
id=77191: “Swearing by the Qur’ān”). Certain court rulings discuss the expiation (see
forgiveness; repentance and penance ) of one who has not carried out an oath sworn by
placing the right hand on the muṣḥaf.
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Rituals and the Qur’ān
Among the rituals that are discussed at length in legal sources are rituals of purification
which are required in order to pray and also those ritual practices which are required
before touching or reciting the Qur’ān (see above). Beyond such rituals, there are those
which require physical contact with the Qur’ān or particular verses.
¶ Certain highly commendable practices include reciting particular qur’ānic verses at
different times. Before going to sleep each night, the Prophet would cup his hands
together, blow into them and recite over them q 112 (“Sincerity,” Sūrat al-Ikhlāṣ), q 113
(“Daybreak,” Sūrat al-Falaq) and q 114 (“People,” Sūrat al-Nās), and would rub his
hands three times over the “permitted” parts of his body (cf. Bukhārī, Ṣaḥīḥ, vi, book 61,
no. 35).
Kissing the Qur’ān
Upon holding the Qur’ān in the right hand, Muslims often kiss its cover and raise the
Qur’ān above their heads in order to derive baraka. Although this devotional act is not
generally deemed controversial, the Ḥanbalī position as expounded by the
eighth/fourteenth century theologian Ibn Taymiyya maintains that there is no basis for
this practice in the sunna of the Prophet or in the deeds of the righteous ancestors (alsalaf). Ibn Taymiyya discusses this practice in conjunction with other practices, such as
standing up (qiyām) for, or in the presence of the muṣḥaf, though he does quote a
tradition of `Ikrima b. Abī Jahl in which he used to put his face to the qur’ānic codex and
say: “[These are] the words of my lord (kalām rabbī); [These are] the words of my lord”
(Ibn Taymiyya, Fatāwā, i, 49). Elsewhere, Ibn Taymiyya (Jāmi`, 109) argues that it is
only permissible to touch and kiss the two “Yemeni” stones (i.e. the black stone in the
eastern corner of the Ka`ba and that in the southwest corner of the Ka`ba; lā yushra`u liaḥad an yastalima wa-yuqabbila ghayr al-ruknayn al-yamāniyyayn).
Although no early traditions attest to kissing the qur’ānic codex or kissing it and wiping it
over the eyes and face, Wahhābīs consider this a heretical innovation (bid`a) which,
based upon a legal ruling of the Permanent Committee on Scientific ¶ Research and
Religious Rulings, Saudi Arabia (Bid`a, 549: question 12 of fatwā no. 1472), they
discourage.
Weeping
Weeping at the recitation of the Qur’ān is commended by God ( q 17:109). Al-Ghazālī
states: “Read the Qur’ān and cry; if you do not cry, force yourselves to weep. Weeping is
the sixth rule.” A Muslim should also weep upon hearing the words ṣubḥān Allāh, “Glory
be to God” (see glorification of god ) and q 17:107-9 (Quasem, Recitation, 34).
Resolving conflict
A number of historical incidents are recorded in which verses from the Qur’ān were
invoked for the purpose of arbitration (q.v.). The words of the sacred text were used to
bring about a desired result or resolution to war (q.v.), conflict (see fighting ) or
oppression (q.v.; see also justice and injustice ). But — apart from the famous battles of
Ṣiffīn (see ṣiffīn, battle of ), wherein Mu`āwiya and his partisans reportedly raised a copy
of the Qur’ān upon spears as a stratagem, and of the Camel, where `Ā’isha asked that the
Qur’ān be brought for the purpose of arbitration (see `ā’isha bint abī bakr ) — only a
single incident involves the qur’ānic codex itself in a particular historical event: in
851/1447, presumably after failing to pay a 1/10 levy on their merchandise, the Kārimī
merchants were deemed renegades by the Mamlūk sultan Juqmuq. The Kārimīs took the
extraordinary measure of holding hostage the preacher of the mosque in Mecca and
raised the qur’ānic codices above their heads and requested a fatwā concerning the
legality of the 1/10 tax (`ushr; `Abbās, Ta’rīkh, 127).
Recitation of the Qur’ān
The general, though by no means universal, consensus among Sunnī and Shī`ī theo-¶
logians is that qur’ānic recitation (tilāwa) is not included among the `ibādāt. Al-Nawawī
does not specifically classify recitation (tilāwa) under `ibādāt. But, unlike al-Nawawī, the
mystic al-Ghazālī in the eighth chapter of Iḥyā’ `ulūm al-dīn, “Revivification of the
religious sciences,” cites a prophetic tradition on the basis of which he justifies the
inclusion of the recitation of the Qur’ān among devotional acts (`ibādāt; Quasem,
Recitation, 22). In the second chapter of the eighth book of Iḥyā’ `ulūm al-dīn, al-Ghazālī
mentions rules for the oral recitation of the Qur’ān, and in the third chapter he enumerates
the associated mental or esoteric tasks (al-a`māl al-bāṭina; ibid., 21).
According to a prophetic tradition narrated by al-Ghazālī, “[One of] the best devotional
acts (`ibādāt) of my community is the recitation of the Qur’ān” (ibid., 22; this tradition is
also mentioned in al-Bāqillānī's Inṣāf). The mere act of looking at a codex while reciting
the Qur’ān is also an act of devotion to God ( `ibāda; Quasem, Recitation, 52-3).
There is no consensus about reciting the Qur’ān over the deceased. Al-Nawawī mentions
q 36 (Sūrat Yā Sīn) or q 2 (“The Cow,” Sūrat al-Baqara) as chapters of the Qur’ān to be
recited. For up to three days after the funeral, the male and female mourners would gather
to mourn separately at the house of the deceased (Massé, Persian beliefs, 91-3). There
they would engage in the ceremonial recitation of the entire Qur’ān (khatm al-Qur’ān).
The qur’ānic codex, which would be written in thirty or sixty separate notebooks and
which was part of a waqf legacy, would be distributed to mourners. Near the Qur’ān, a
repository ( raḥl, i.e. for storing the various parts of the codex read by the mourners)
would be placed.
A practice found among some mendicant Ṣūfīs (sing. faqīr) elicited the rebuke of Ibn
Taymiyya (Fatāwā, i, 53). Ibn Taymiyya ¶ observed that a group of faqīrs who met
regularly to ritually remember God and to recite a portion of the Qur’ān, would bare their
heads and humble themselves (yataḍarra`ūna) for the sake of getting near to God (`alā
wajh al-taqarrub). Ibn Taymiyya labels this practice as reprehensible (makrūh),
especially if it is regarded as a devotional practice (`ibāda).
Healing and curing
The healing properties associated with the Qur’ān and the efficacy of reciting specific
verses for particular ailments are widely recognized among Muslims; its curative power
lies in the belief in God's words (cf. Nawawī, Tibyān, 183). Among the most widely
recounted prophetic traditions in this regard is that whenever the Prophet became ill, he
would recite q 113 (“Daybreak,” Sūrat al-Falaq) and q 114 (“People,” Sūrat al-Nās), then
blow his breath over his body. When he was unable to do so, `Ā’isha would take and rub
his hands over his body hoping for their blessings (Bukhārī, Ṣaḥīḥ, vi, book 61, no. 535;
see medicine and the qur’ān ).
Donning a garment with verses from the Qur’ān and reciting certain verses and chapters
or other segments of the Qur’ān, such as the mu`awwadhatayn (“the two chapters against
evil”), are efficacious for protecting its wearer from harm and curing illness. According
to al-Nawawī, the Qur’ān is more effective than the ḥadīth when one is ailing (Nawawī,
Tibyān, 183).
Talismanic and amuletic uses of the Qur’ān and talismanic objects
Talismanic uses of the Qur’ān fall under the heading of mujarrabāt; practices, methods,
objects and rituals employed in humankind's encounter with their fellows and with the
divine that are tried and proven through personal experience or the experience of others.
Such practices may include the recitation of the Qur’ān in order to ¶ cure an illness.
According to Ibn Taymiyya (Fatāwā, i, 49-52), however, the practice of predicting the
future with the qur’ānic codex (fatḥ al-fa’l) is reprehensible (makrūh) and should be
forbidden as it did not exist among the pious ancestors (salaf).
When admiring a child, Egyptians would invoke q 113 (Lane, Manners, 259). In Iran
when naming a child, the father or the eldest member of the family randomly places slips
with names between the pages of the Qur’ān. Those present recite the opening chapter of
the Qur’ān, the Fātiḥa (q.v.) and the father or eldest male present chooses a name (Massé,
Persian beliefs, 25-6).
Verses from the Qur’ān such as from q 106 were also engraved on the surface of cups
and bowls. Those who utilized them were protected from harm (Lane, Manners, 263-4),
and these vessels were also employed by magicians to reveal the unseen ( q 21, 50; cf.
Lane, Manners, 279). Amulets containing certain verses from the Qur’ān ( q 6, 18, 36,
44, 55, 67, 78) were placed under articles of clothing such as caps in order to protect the
wearer from the devil (q.v.) and all evil jinn (q.v.).
Among the popular Shī`ī beliefs and practices which have parallels among Sunnīs is the
inscription of certain passages from the Qur’ān with a variety of writing substances (e.g.
saffron, water, kohl) in a number of media. Verses are pronounced over or dissolved in
natural substances such as earth, water, or sand. They are employed to realize certain
objectives, such as to affect a cure and alter the physical and mental states of the initiator
or other persons. Among the innumerable examples of talismanic verses are the
following: q 11:41, which is inscribed on an Indian oak board blackened at its beginning
(Maghniyya, Mujarrabāt, 18). Concerning q 12 (Sūrat Yūsuf): “Whoever records it and
buries it in his house and after three days takes it out of the house from its exterior, will
experience that the ¶ sultan's messenger is calling out to grant him victory and he will
become important. Whoever writes a verse and drinks it (i.e. its ink) it will ensure
prosperity.” Other chapters and verses are inscribed on strips of silken white cloth which
are affixed to the upper arm of an infant to protect it from harm and evil. Writing certain
verses in saffron and giving them as a drink for a woman who has difficulty lactating,
will make her lactate. Whoever writes a certain verse from q 15 and puts it in his pocket
or chest pocket will prosper in his transactions and in his livelihood. If q 16 is written on
the wall of an orchard, trees that do not bear fruit will produce an abundance of ripe fruit.
Its invocation also ensures prosperity (Maghniyya, Mujarrabāt, 19). Certain verses are
efficacious for relieving poverty, such as q 104:1 which is to be recited at the time of the
obligatory prayer.
q 21 is often recited for the protection of an unborn infant. The verses are to be written on
an animal skin and then hung up during the first forty days of pregnancy. During the
month in which the mother is due to give birth, she carries it on her person to ensure a
successful birth. Marriage will be facilitated for the unmarried person who, every month,
reads verses from q 21 twenty-one times, fasts for three days and supplicates God
(Maghniyya, Mujarrabāt, 20). When written on a green silken cloth which is hung up,
other chapters (like q 23) prevent individuals from drinking wine. When placed on one's
bed, q 24 prevents one from dreaming. q 24 is also believed to be efficacious in treating
animal ailments: if written in a copper basin from which a sick beast of burden is given to
drink, and also if water from the basin is sprinkled on the animal, it will be healed. When
q 26:1 is read over a handful of soil, which is thrown in the enemy's face, God will defeat
and forsake the enemy (ibid., 20; see enemies ). Other verses constitute forms of ¶
sympathetic magic which are intended to alter the physical state of individuals or groups.
q 22 (“The Pilgrimage,” Sūrat al-Ḥajj) is employed to defeat one's political rivals,
leaders, judges, etc. Other verses are efficacious for the prevention of infidelity and
adultery (e.g. ibid., 20-1; see adultery and fornication ). q 36 is efficacious against jinn
and the evil eye (ibid., 21), q 38 enables one who wears (a strip of cloth with it) on his
forearm to become popular among the people (ibid., 22), and q 41 is efficacious for
ailments of the eye: it is written with rainwater and erased, and kohl is then ground into
the water and applied to the eye (ibid., 22).
Women in modern day Morocco and elsewhere carry miniature copies of the Qur’ān or
select verses of it on their persons. Amulets are also prescribed for various illnesses.
Prescriptions may include dissolving a piece of paper with verses from the Qur’ān into
water which the patient is instructed to drink (Buitelaar, Between oral traditions, 235-6).
Among the popular Shī`ī customs attested to in the modern era is the raising of the
Qur’ān over travelers or soldiers going to war in order to protect them from harm.
When visiting the Prophet's tomb in Medina, Shī`ī pilgrims — and, previously, Sunnī
pilgrims — would make gifts in charity (ṣadaqa) referred to as najwā. Such gifts are
based on q 58:12: “O you who believe! When you consult the apostle in private, spend
something in charity before your private consultation. That will be best for you and most
conducive to purity [of conduct]. But if you find not [the wherewithal], God is oftforgiving, most merciful.” According to al-Ṭabarī (d. 310/923) and al-Nasafī (d.
710/1310) the first person to institute this practice was `Alī b. Abī Ṭālib (q.v.; Ṭabarī,
Tafsīr, xxviii, 19-20; Nasafī, Tafsīr, iii, 434). In Fāṭimid Egypt, najwā was a gift which
was collected by ¶ Ismā`īlīs attending doctrinal teaching sessions (Maqrīzī, Musawwada,
92-4).
Rituals of group cohesion and solidarity
Among the qur’ānic rituals which promote group cohesion is the Friday prayer ( ṣalāt aljum`a; cf. q 62:9) and more generally, congregational prayer at mosques where believers
are urged to come together to remember God. The qur’ānic codex also plays an important
role in promoting group solidarity. In times of crisis Muslims, Jews and Christians turned
to scriptures which they publicly displayed as they walked in procession (Meri, Cult of
saints, 115). In Damascus in 543-4/1148, the `Uthmānic codex was brought out in order
to ward off an imminent Crusader attack. Men, women and children gathered around it in
supplication and the attack was averted. In 680/1282, the `Uthmānic codex and other
venerable copies of the Qur’ān were once again invoked in several Syrian cities in order
to ward off a Mongol invasion (ibid., 115-6). The Qur’ān was again used as a weapon
against oppression in 711/1312 when the people of Damascus marching in procession
with the `Uthmānic codex and the sandal of the Prophet and the caliphal standards
confronted the governor of Damascus about oppressive taxes (ibid., 116).
Josef W. Meri
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Citation:
Meri, Josef W. "Ritual and the Qur’ān ." Encyclopaedia of the Qur’ān. General Editor:
Jane Dammen McAuliffe, Georgetown University, Washington DC. Brill, 2008. Brill
Online. DUKE UNIVERSITY. 11 February 2008
<http://www.brillonline.nl/subscriber/entry?entry=q3_COM-00177>