ΙΡΙΣ
Studies in Aegean Prehistory in Memory of
Prof. Ageliki Pilali-Papasreriou,
offered by her students
Edited by Nikos Merousis, Marianna Nikolaidou, and Evangelia Stefani
THESSALONIKI 2010
KORNELIA SFAKIANAKI EDITIONS WITH THE ASSISTANCE OF THE
INSTITUTE FOR AEGEAN PREHISTORY
Abstracts
PART I : MACEDONIA
LΑΤΕ NEOLITHIC ‘BLACK ON RED’ PAINTED POTTERY PRODUCTION
IN EASTERN MACEDONIA, GREECE
Dimitria Malamidou
The production of richly decorated pottery characterizes the second phase of
Late Neolithic (4800/4700-3900/3800 B.C.) in Macedonia and Thrace. The painted
pottery with black decoration on red ground, known in the literature as «black on
red», represents one of the most characteristic ceramic traditions of the Late Neolithic
II in Northern Greece. This pottery is remarkable for the fineness of the fabric, the
uniformity of the surface colours, the regularity of shapes, the hardness of the vessels’
walls. This paper focuses on the manufacturing techniques and the production
organisation of these ceramics through typological and analytical study. Questions
about the location of production centres, scale of production, ceramic recipes and
micro-traditions are addressed to the archaeological record, while matters of
provenance and diffusion are also discussed.
The first part of our study concerning macroscopic examination of ceramics
from more than one hundred Neolithic settlements of Macedonia and Thrace resulted
in the distinction of several macroscopic groups apparently representing distinctive
pottery traditions which correspond to different geographical distributions. Among
them, the group of Eastern Macedonia seems to correspond to the most dynamic
pottery tradition.
The second part of the study concerns the group of Eastern Macedonia. The
morphological examination of these ceramics combined with analytical methods
(Neutron Activation Analysis, Scanning Electron Microscopy) reveals a standardised
concept of pottery technology with common technical features, such as the use of
iron-rich clays with further treatment, firing to high temperatures under oxidising
conditions, and the use of manganese-based paints. Despite extensive geological
survey and analyses of some 50 samples of natural clays, none of them matched the
composition of the ceramics found in the same area. Nevertheless, after the chemical
patterning with NAA of some 172 ceramic samples from 14 settlements, four
different chemical groups were identified, each corresponding to a different area of
production. This distribution pattern suggests that this pottery was produced in at least
four separate production zones including more than one workshop, exploiting
respectively specific clay sources. Further examination of all phases of the chaîne
opératoire for this pottery production suggested a widely spread and sheared knowhow in the Neolithic pottery-making societies of eastern Macedonia, together with a
certain degree of distinction between techno-stylistic micro-traditions.
THE LATE BRONZE IN EASTERN MACEDONIA : OLD AND NEW DATA
Stratis Papadopoulos
The evidence for the Late Bronze Age in Eastern Macedonia is not earlier than
the 14th century B.C. The pottery characterizing this period is incised with spirals,
triangles and stripes. Spherical kantharoid vases, bowls with conical foot and jars with
two or four handles are the most popular shapes. The LBA sites are almost twice as
much as the EBA ones, half of which don’t cover large areas, do not show a long
lifespan and are mainly situated on slopes and hilltops. In Aggista, rectangular
buildings with mud brick masonry set on clay terraces have been excavated. At Dikili
Tash, excavation brought to light an apsidal building with two ‘altars’, to which a
ritual function has been assigned. The settlement of Kastri in Thassos is being reoccupied, initially with apsidal post-hole buildings and with stone-built rectangular
structures in later phases. Excavations in Aghios Antonios brought to light large
rectangular buildings underneath the apsidal ones of the Iron Age. In Ai Lias the
hilltop played the role of a ‘citadel’ with a tower and high fortification enclosure. For
the region of Theologos the emergence of a potential intra-communal hierarchy has
been suggested, with fortified sites, peripheral settlements, monumental burial
architecture and sites with rock carvings. The tombs in Potamoi and Exochi contain
pot burials placed in rock cavities. In Faia Petra, inhumations in rectangular stone
built enclosures are the common burial custom. Among the grave artifacts there are
bronze daggers, gold jewelry, bronze bracelets and incised pots along with
Mycenaean pottery. In South Thassos, the built burial chamber is a dominant feature,
often with considerable height and vaulted roofing. There is no sufficient evidence for
social stratification.
A METHODOLOGICAL APPROACH TO PREHISTORIC YARN
PRODUCTION : A TECHNOLOGICAL ANALYSIS OF SPINDLE WHORLS
FROM ARCHONTIKO, PREF. OF PELLA, W. MACEDONIA, GREECE
Evi Papadopoulou
From prehistoric times until today fibers served multiple human needs as basic
component of ropes, nets, sacs, textiles, coverings, and different types of cloths.
Critical to the manufacture of those rarely-recovered artefacts is the production of
threads. Spinning is the craft that bonds fibers together and thus enables the formation
of a coherent thread. Although there are different spinning techniques, the use of the
spindle that is often supplied with a whorl, represents a very effective method of yarn
production worldwide and it additionally leaves archaeological traces behind, as
spindle whorls usually survive in archaeological contexts. In this paper a group of 92
whorls retrieved from the Early Bronze Age (2135-1890 B.C.) settlement of
Archontiko in northwestern Greece will serve as a case study in order to explore
ancient spinning technology.
In view of that, a methodological scheme has been developed that treats
spindle whorls as tools implicated in technical acts and, consequently, as bearers of
certain technological features. In order to reveal their technological properties, first
we propose to integrate them in spinning techniques and gestures and then we try to
reconstruct
their
performance
characteristics
by
analyzing
critical
technomorphological features, such as their diameter, weight, height and perforation
diameter.
According to morphological traits, seven principal types of spindle whorls
have been identified in Archontiko: truncated cones (I), cones (II), conical or
truncated conical with a scoop out of the largest end (III), biconical (IV), discoid (V),
cylindrical (VI), spool-shaped (VII) and certain idiosyncratic shapes (VIII) (fig 1).
Despite the variability of types, type I and IV are clearly prevalent (fig. 2).
Indistinctively
of
morphological
types,
the
statistical
analysis
of
the
technomorphological properties showed the existence of three different groups: a) a
relatively heavy one that weights over 60gr and has a diameter of 4-5cm, b) a medium
one, whose weight ranges from 20 to 60gr and its diameter from 3 to 4cm and finally
c) a light one, showing a weight between 10-20gr and a diameter from 2.5 to 3.5cm
(fig. 3).
The combination of certain morphological and technical features (whorl shape,
perforation form and decoration preferences) together with the systematic study of use
wear traces, a rare type of analysis applied to whorls, has led to the identification of at
least one type of spinning tradition at EBA Archontiko, that of the low-whorl spindle
technique. Overall, the Archontiko assemblage is characterized by a morphological
variability, a lack of standardization at the level of manufacture and a technological
differentiation that implies variable performance potentials and to a further extent
diversification at the level of thread production.
FOOD CONSUMPTION PRACTICES AT ARCHONTIKO, PREF. OF PELLA,
W. MACEDONIA, GREECE: PRELIMINARY RESULTS FROM THE
EARLY BRONZE AGE SHELL ASSEMBLAGE
Rena Veropoulidou
This paper discusses the shell assemblage from the Early Bronze Age (21351980 BCE) settlement at Archontiko, Giannitsa. Quantitative and detailed contextual
analysis of the material offered the opportunity to examine the consumption of
molluscs as food and to address the issue of shellfish consumption practices, from the
act of procurement, to preparation and discard. The analysis also attempted to
compare the shell assemblage to other food remains from Archontiko, as well as to
other shell assemblages from Aegean EBA settlements.
According to the evidence, molluscs were gathered from the nearby estuarine
environment with simple equipment. They were consumed cooked (steamed, roasted)
at the household level. The consumption of food, at least of molluscs, seems to have
been a private matter, since there is no evidence for outdoors mollusc consumption at
Archontiko. According to the spatial analysis of findings, it did not differ significantly
between the six domestic units. Even though roads and open spaces between buildings
were used for the disposal of food remains, each domestic unit seems to have
followed different practices as regards the disposition of food remnants inside the
building.
The quantity of shells retrieved from Archontiko shows that molluscs must have been
integral parts in the diet of this farming community. The comparison of Archontiko's
shell assemblage to
the other EBA shell assemblages shows that the
archaeomalacological evidence is characterized by variety. Instead of proposing a
general rule for dietary practices in EBA, the evidence of shells suggests that mollusc
exploitation, as part of human experience, is not homogeneous and in each site is
constructed both by the natural and the cultural setting.
INCISED POTTERY FROM LATE BRONZE AGE SETTLEMENT AT
ARCHONTIKO, W. MACEDONIA, GREECE
Giorgos Deliopoulos
The incised pottery of Phase A from Archontiko amounts to only a small
percentage (around 1%) of the whole ceramic assemblage of Phase A. It is
characterized by carefully executed geometric incised motifs (triangles, lozenges,
vertical and horizontal lines, strokes, spirals, vertical zigzag lines, circles) filled with
white paste. Twelve incising methods are distinguishable according to the form of the
tool and the way it was used. The incised vessels (smaller closed vessels, amphoras
with conical neck, jars, bowls with wish-bone handles) have as a rule fine fabric,
well-treated surfaces (burnished or slipped) and were fired under reducing conditions
followed by cooling in air. The presence of firing clouds on their surfaces indicates
open firing rather than kiln firing.
Smaller closed vessel (small kantharoid amphora - κανθαρόσχημος
αμφορίσκος) is the only vessel type in the ceramic assemblage which has as a rule
incised decoration. These closed vessels are smaller than amphoras, have thin walls,
spherical body, short conical neck and two opposite vertical handles. They are
distinguished from other vessels by their standardized morphological and
technological characteristics, as well as by their quite standard motifs on each part of
the vessel, although minor decorative differences individualize each vessel. They
were probably used in specific circumstances, where they were of significant
symbolic value to their owners.
Only small number of amphoras, bowls and jars bears incised decoration.
Their motifs and incising methods are quite similar to smaller closed vessels’,
although the arrangement of the motifs differs. We can’t be sure whether all incised
vessels had complementary functions in the same circumstances
The characteristics of the incised pottery of Archontiko have also been
observed on incised pottery from early LBA phases of other sites in central
Macedonia, dated to 15th century BC (e.g. Kastanas, Axiochori, Perivolaki, Kalindria,
Limnotopos, and Toumba Thessalonikis). Consequently, the incised pottery and the
Phase A of Archontiko could be dated to the early LBA (i.e. 15th century BC).
BURIALS IN VESSELS OF EARLY AND MIDDLE BRONZE AGE IN THE
AREA OF KOZANI
Christina Ziota
This paper focuses on one of the burial practices which were used in the area
of Kozani in organized cemeteries outside settlements as well as in independent
burials within the community area, from mid 3000 to mid 2000 B.C. The burial
practice in question consists of inhumations, and more rarely burials of burned bones,
in storage vessels (mostly in pithos and pithos-like vessels). In some cases only sherds
or large pieces of vessels were used: they were placed under the dead or directly on
top in order to cover the body. Two cemeteries with such burials are presented in this
paper. The Xeropigado Koiladas burial ground, located in the Kitrini Limni basin and
dated to the late phases of the Early Bronze Age and the Middle Bronze Age and the
cemetery of Tourla Goulon, located in the valley of Aliakmon and dated to the Middle
Bronze Age.
The paper focuses on systematic analysis of the following parameters of
mortuary behavior: the frequency in which this particular practice took place in these
two burial grounds, the sex and age of the dead, the presence, the number and types of
grave goods, the orientation of the graves, the position of the body inside the vessel
and the spatial distribution of the burials in each cemetery area. Also, the method of
grave construction and the use of stones in it, the way they were covered, their depth
and dimensions and consequently the time and energy their construction took. In
Xeropigado, the relative energy investment in the construction of the graves and the
complexity of the overall burial process vary greatly.
The results of this study can be summarized as follows. In Xeropigado
Koiladas the vessels were intended for the sub-adult individuals, however, this is not
so in Tourla Goulon were the under-age dead were distributed in different types of
graves. In Xeropigado the males were not buried in large vessels. In Tourla, on the
other hand, men are not excluded but there seems to be a clear tendency to use burial
vessels for women. In both cemeteries cremation of the dead was applied, but only in
Xeropigado were vessels used for cremation burials. It is obvious that many different
social groups may have used the same burial practices without sharing the same ideas,
traditions and beliefs regarding death and the proper treatment of the deceased.
CREMATIONS AT THE NEOLITHIC SETTLEMENT
“TOUMBA KREMASTIS KOILADAS” IN THE KITRINI LIMNI KOZANIS
Areti Chondrogianni - Metoki
The rescue excavation during the years 1998-99 at the northeast limit of a low tell, known
as ‘Toumba Kremastis Koiladas’, in the area of Kitrini Limni of Kozani, has uncovered
findings that testify the non domestic use of excavated space: 462 pits, 5 ditches, 23
cremation burials and two inhumations in pits, dating in the Late Neolithic period (53404930 B.C.). The excavated area is flat, comprising of 1m deep deposits, while the
stratigraphy reveals long-lasting but occasional use with small horizontal shifting. Four
stratigraphic/time phases (A,B,C,D-D being the newest) were distinguished. The
cremation, as burial practice, is known from the second phase of use of space (1 cremation,
layer C), characterizes however final (22 cremations, layer A). The dispersion of cremation
burials in all the excavated space and the lack of contemporary buildings, that could be
interpreted with certainty as houses, imply that it is for an extensive, organized cemetery of
cremation, of the end of prediminish phases of Late Neolithic period (layer A, end 6th -
beginnings 5th e.g. millennium), that is situated in the northeast limit of settlement. The
cremations are individually presented but also in groups (15 burials in three unequal
concentrations and 7 scattered), element that perhaps implies proportional social
organization. The places of contemporary houses have not been found. It is in all the cases
for secondary burials. A very small part of remains of burning, the places of which have
not been found, is selected accidentally and is transported on base or wrapped in
“buckram”, in order to it is interred in this space. Are presented two categories of burials,
taken care of and not. The burials of first group have one or two urns (implying and double
cremation burials) and are covered with the fragments of one or more vessels. In the second
category are included the burials where fragments of vessels shape a small pile with the
burned bones of dead and the ash.The vessels (47) that they are used are mainly common
types (bowls, small closed or open vessels, basins, “plateaux”, table of offers). A few of
them were used and perhaps belonged to dead. Important role in burial ceremonies played
the bowl (31), which exists in all almost the burials. With base the total amound of data, it
is likely to constitute symbol of rebirth. The traces of burning and the very bad situation of
maintenance of vessels, certify that they were placed in fire, some of these as offerings, and
were burned with the dead. Similarly, burned are also the jewels (214 beads and 1 fragment
of ring from spondylus, 4 beads and 1 jewel from stone) that found in certain cremation (1:
3 beads, 16: 2 beads, 18: 3 beads and 1 ring, 19: 44 beads, 20: 2 beads, 21: 164 beads, most
on table of offers, 22: jewel from stone). Their presence implies that the jewels were
personal objects and accompanied their holder in his last residence. Remarkable is also the
presence of a mattock (cremation 6), since it implies the personal use of this tools, which
apart from utilitarian they had also symbolic value.The cremation as burial practice, at the
Late Neolithic appears to be particularly widespread in the region of Western Macedonia,
since it is presented in the adjacent settlements Klitos and Goules, in Dispilio and the Avgi
of Kastoria, and in settlements of region of Florina. It connects also the settlement with the
Thessalian space (cemeteries of Platia Magoula Zarkou and Soufli Magoula), with which
however are observed serious differentiations as for the ritual process but also the ideology.
Cremations burials were found also in Stavroupoli and Alepotripa. On the contrary, in the
Balkans this burial practice is infrequent.
HUMAN TEETH, “HUMAN” ORNAMENTS: A NOTE ON A HUMAN
TOOTH-PENDANT FROM NEOLITHIC DISPILIO, W. MACEDONIA,
GREECE
Fotis Ifantidis
Things can be mixed up during an excavation. Consequently, objects can be
easily misplaced throughout our archaeological taxonomies. This was the case with
the human-tooth pendant found inside a bone-bag at the excavation of the lakeside
Neolithic settlement of Dispilio, Greece.This article revises all the available published
data on human teeth transformed (via perforations) into ornaments dated from the
Upper Paleolithic to Chalcolithic periods in Europe, while a first draft is attempted on
the possible interpretations of the use of a ‘human’ matter in the production of a
‘personal’ ornament.
PELOPONNESE-CYCLADES-CRETE
THE PREHISTORIC ACROPOLIS AT TEICHOS DYMAION. IN SEARCH
OF IDENTITY
Michalis Gazis
The prehistoric citadel of Teichos Dymaion occupies an imposing rocky
hilltop at the southernmost tip of the so-called “Mavra Vouna” (black mountains), in
western Achaia. This is the only fortified mycenaean acropolis in western Greece.
The site has been identified with Teichos Dymaion by Polybius and Strabo
and the name has been confirmed by the finding of roof tile fragments bearing the
stamp of neighboring Dyme, the dominant ancient city of the region. The strategic
location, along with the abundant natural resources within its catchment area,
characterized by the combination of the terrestrial and the marine element are the
site’s advantages that explain the long-term human presence here.
Human occupation at Teichos Dymaion has been verified for phases prior to
the fortification’s construction, as early as the Final Neolithic period (ca. 3500 B.C.)
and more intensively during the Early and Middle Helladic periods (ca. 3000-1680
B.C.). The cyclopean wall was built during the LH IIIB period in order to protect the
hill on its three sides, the fourth being naturally protected by the cliff and the lagoon.
House ruins belonging to successive habitation phases both within as well as outside
the acropolis prove the intensive use of the site during the mycenaean period, LH IIIC
in particular. Pottery dating to all periods (from the geometric to the late byzantine)
confirms that the site remained in continuous use throughout historical times, until
World War II, when it was used as a military camp by the Italian and German
occupation troops.
The aim of this paper is to review the existing archaeological evidence in an
attempt to shed light to the nature of the site’s use during the late mycenaean period
(LH IIIB and LH IIIC). A brief outline of the data points to the direction not of an
administrative center, but rather of a defensive stronghold. The main questions raised
then are why and who. In other words, why was such a large-scale defensive work
constructed and who were the ones that had the reasons the ability and the resources
to embark into such an ambitious project.
The construction of the fortification comes at a period (LH IIIB) of general
unrest and as a response to an oncoming threat. This response comprises a practical
and a symbolic element: the former i.e. strengthening the defensive capabilities is
rather obvious, while the latter works in a more subtle but probably more effective
way: the construction of the fortification is asserting the political power and authority
of the local ruling elite.
A series of finds from sites on both sides of the Ionian Sea, including Teichos
Dymaion itself, has shown that western Achaia was holding a key position in the trade
routes to and from the west. The intensification of contacts with the Italian peninsula,
during the LH IIIC, reflects a thriving society and economy that had overcome the
destruction of the LH IIIB. The reorganized ruling elite of western Achaia’s basileis
would be able to exert their control of the sea trade routes from Teichos Dymaion that
can be ultimately be regarded as the guardian of the sea routes.
CYCLADIC FIGURINES AT THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL MUSEUM OF
THESSALONIKI
Liana Stefani
In the late 1960s, five fragmentary Cycladic figurines arrived at the
Archaeological Museum of Thessaloniki. They were part of one of the richest
confiscations, now owned by the Museum, found on the hands of the German
archaeologist and illicit dealer, Stefan Gericke. This presentation’s initial goal is to
ascertain the figurines’ authenticity, given that doubts are inherent with this category
of finds. In the process, other matters arose concerning the wider frame of the study of
Cycladic figurines and it is considered useful to comment on them, through the
examination the five figurines of the Archaeological Museum of Thessaloniki.
Publications of Cycladic figurines are plenty, either as monographs and special
studies, or within Museum and Collections’ catalogues, so the presentation of five
more figurines of unknown provenance would have little to offer to the long
discussion around typology, development, technical characteristics and use of these
items. Nevertheless, apart from the topic of authenticity, which is examined, we
believe that the presentation of the Gericke confiscation figurines can add one more
piece to the jigsaw puzzle of these items’ dispersal, away from their place of origin
and also offer the possibility to read excerpts of their “cultural biography”.
The first part of this study contains a catalogue with the detailed description of
the items and their parallels. Their types are presented and the matter of authenticity is
discussed. The figurines of the Gericke confiscation belong to the Folded Arm
Figurine type (F.A.F.) or Canonical type, the most characteristic and recognizable
creation of Cycladic sculpture and possibly of all Cycladic art. According to their
characteristics, the figurines are considered authentic, with doubts on figurine MΘ
10662.
A discussion follows, which incorporates the Thessaloniki Museum figurines
to the wider frame of speculations around the study of Cycladic figurines. The most
crucial of all matters concerning the study of figurines deals with the fact that most
come from illegal excavations or accidental finds and were illegally traded, reaching
private collections and museums. The decade of 1960s, when Gericke was active in
his illegal dealing of antiquities, is, as are the directly previous ones, a period of
extensive looting of archaeological sites throughout Greece. The Cyclades in specific
have been the centre of one of the most destructive plunders in the history of Greek
archaeology. Thus, we face a serious problem in verifying the authenticity of items
and also in their documentation and study due to their lack of context and secure
provenance details. This topic became the core of speculation that developed during
the 1990s and highlighted matters of ethics on collectors, who are a part, perhaps the
most important one, in illicit trade networks as well as on archaeologists who offer the
scientific cover of this “shadowy” activity. Cycladic figurines especially, have been
overrated in the art market, thus encouraging not only their illicit trade but also the
creation of fake items in order to deceive collectors. Another problem in the study of
Cycladic figurines, which is directly connected with the previous one, concerns the
aesthetic-morphological approach on the items, in the absence of context. This led to
an asymmetry: we are abundant in studies dealing with the figurines’ morphology and
evaluating their aesthetic value and on the other hand, our knowledge on their
connection to burial practices, the prehistoric household, their gender roles and other
topics on the society that created these figurines is extremely limited.
Returning to the figurines of the A.M.Th. we would say that the definite loss of
the initial stages of their existence, i.e. the first pages of their biography, is critical:
not knowing their excavation context we cannot conclude on their primary or
secondary usage. Their morphological description and classification is thus our only
available tool. We suppose that the final pages on the figurine’s biography, since they
reached the Archaeological Museum of Thessaloniki, would have been brighter had
their journey continued and ended at a private collection. Now, all that is left is the
epilogue: the “Gericke figurines” can be renamed to the “Thessaloniki Museum
Cycladic figurines”.
TΗΕ ROLE OF SEAL IMAGERY IN THE ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF
NEOPALATIAL CRETE : BULL-LEAPING SCENES AS A CASE
Evangelia Tsangaraki
Bull-leaping scenes are one of the most famous subjects in the iconographic
repertoire of the Aegean Bronze Age. These scenes have been approached not only by
the scientific community, but by literature and popular imagery as well. The
appearance of the motif on Neopalatial sealings, i.e. on minuscule clay artefacts with
a strictly utilitarian dimension within an administrative context, poses important
questions to the contemporary researcher. The aim of this paper is to combine a
thorough investigation of the sealings under discussion both as archaeological
artefacts (placing emphasis on their geographical and spatial distribution, their
contexts, their typology and other morphological features, their function as well as the
types of seals that left their impressions on them) and as bearers of a meaningful,
manifold and multisense iconography. Such an approach can provide a deeper insight
into the role of this imagery in the sealing practices of the Neopalatial administrative
system as well as in the manipulation of power ideology.
SCRIBES AND SCRIBING POSTS: RECORDING THE PRODUCTION
OF PERFUMED OILS IN MYCENAEAN KNOSSOS
Ioannis Fappas
Important information on the Mycenaean palatial perfumed oil industry comes
from the palace of Knossos. Linear B tablets of the palace refer to persons relating to
the production of perfumed oils, to materials destined for use in this industry, as well
as to a variety of different kinds of perfumed oils and unguents. By using the evidence
deriving from the tablet records and combining them with the results of the
paleographic work, which has attributed them to specific scribes, as well as with their
findspots, we can approach with relative accuracy the way in which the bureaucratic
sector of this industry was organized within the palace complex. The conclusions of
the study, although the relevant epigraphic material is poorly preserved, show a clear
division of duties for each scribe separately, a fact that leads us to the conclusion that
the current picture would not be dramatically changed even if all the relevant tablets
were preserved.
The vast majority of the Linear B tablets of the Cretan palace recording plain
or perfumed oil, honey and aromatics, come from its west wing, from the area east
and west of the central corridor that gives access to the west magazines. Based on this
evidence, research up to now has come to the conclusion that the bureaucratic sector
of Knossos’ perfumed oil industry was based in the west wing of the palace. Its duty
was to control the production and management of perfumed oils as well as to oversee
most of the religious offerings made by the palace. Namely, these rooms held on the
one hand records about the quantities of raw materials that were delivered to the
palace and given afterwards to the perfumers, and on the other hand “receipts” for the
fulfillment of the palace’s obligation to send specific quantities of the manufactured
perfumed oils to specific recipients.
However, the precise identification of the findspots of all these tablets, thanks
to the works of R.J. Firth, allows us to proceed to further conclusions as far as the
inner-bureaucratic organization of this industry is concerned. The analysis of the
findspots of the tablets leads to the conclusion that this bureaucratic sector was
possibly divided into two subsectors: one that specialized in oil and was located in the
ground-floor rooms of this wing and a second one that was exclusively responsible for
the aromatics and honey and was based on the first floor, exactly above the first
subsector. This second subsector also had connections with the east wing of the
palace, where some of its activities were taking place. This proposed division is also
strengthened by the paleographic analysis of the tablets, since it is appears that on the
ground floor there were different scribes working from those on the first floor of this
part of the palace complex. Moreover, at least 11 scribes worked in these two
subsectors of the Knossian perfumed oil industry, each one having specific duties,
their own workplace, a special place for keeping their tablets, whereas sometimes
tablets written by different scribes, but having the same content, were kept together.
USES OF RESINS IN PREHISTORIV AEGEAN
Nikos Merousis
Pines, firs, cypresses, cedars and trees or shrubs of the Pistacia genus are the
main sources of natural resins in the Aegean world. The uses of resins in the ancient
Greek world are known through written testimonies, as well as through archaeological
and archaeometric investigations. Research on this topic in the Aegean is somewhat
limited, although it started in the mid-80s, when approximately 150 Canaanite jars
were raised from the shipwreck of Ulu Burun off the NW coast of Anatolia, most of
which contained traces of resins. Archaeometric studies confirmed that the jars were
filled with resins from trees and shrubs of the Pistacia genus.
Resins from pines and trees or shrubs of the Pistacia genus were mixed with
wine throughout the Bronze Age in the Aegean. Apparently, this practice was
associated with wine storage, as well as taste. Resin acted as a preservative substance
in wine, a strong shield against bacteria (e.g. acetobacter) that could, among other
things, turn it to vinegar. Additionally, the resin’s strong scent reduced the acidic taste
and smell, so common in prehistoric wines. Resins were probably used to seal the
interior walls of the vessels, by reducing the permeability. Archaeometric studies have
shown that in Early Minoan Crete resinated wine was produced. Furthermore, during
the LM/LH III period, other fermented beverages were also produced, such as wine
scented with herbs (laurel, lavender, sage) or a cocktail with resin wine, ‘beer’ and
honey or mead. It is worth noting that several of the above mentioned data come from
areas and contexts connected with ritual practices, an indication that such drinks,
produced with the mixing and fermentation of various substances, were consumed in
collective ritual feasts.
The Linear B archives are another source of information on the uses of resin in
the prehistoric Aegean. It has been proposed that the term ko-no or ko-i-no (σχίνος?)
might stand for a tree or shrub of the Pistacia genus that was used for the extraction
of resin. Moreover, the term is found in the tablets together with the terms of herbs
and spices, denoting its relation to the oil and ointments of the Mycenaean perfume
industry.
Furthermore, the ideogram *23 with the phonetic value of MU has been
considered the abbreviation of the word μύρρα, the aromatic resin extracted from
shrubs of the Commifora genus and used from antiquity to this day, in perfumes and
incense. If this identification is correct then this was probably a valuable, imported
resin used in perfume production.
The mycenaean term ki-ta-no has been associated with the words κρίτανος –
τέρμινθος-τερέβινθος, the tree known today as tsikoudia ( Pistacia terebinthus ),
growing today across the whole of the Aegean coast. Turpentine is extracted from this
tree or the shrub of the Pistacia genus, which was widely used in antiquity. The
opinion that the term ki-ta-no signified this type of resin prevailed in the relevant
literature for the past two decades. I have recently proposed though, that this term
probably signifies the tsikouda, the small globular grapes of turpentine (or tsikoudia),
which is the source of a tasteful, strong and particularly aromatic oil.
The use of resins as incense in the prehistoric Aegean can be considered
definite. The scanty archaeological and archaeometric evidence indicate that, while
resins were also used as adhesive material (e.g. the adhesion of tin and gold leaves on
the clay surface of a vessel at Asine and the gold and ivory statue of Kouros at
Palaeokastro respectively).
Only through the intergration of archaeology and archaeometry can research
advance on resins and their trade in the prehistoric Aegean. Future progress on this
field with shed light on aspects that deal not merely with the technology of the
prehistoric societies of the Aegean but also their connection to ritual events, dietary
practices and exchange networks at the Archipelagos in prehistory.
COOKING CEREALS IN PREHISTORIC CREECE
Soultana-Maria Valamoti
Archaeobotanical remains of ground cereals from prehistoric sites in south-eastern
Europe have recently been studied with the aid of scanning electron microscopy,
macroscopic observations and experimentation. Concentrations of ground cereals
have been retrieved from Archondiko and Mesimeriani Toumba in central Macedonia,
northern Greece, among destruction layers dated to the end of the 3rd millennium B.C.
Charring experiments carried out on modern einkorn grain, broken prior and after
charring have shown that it is possible to distinguish in the archaeobotanical record
grain that was originally broken in prehistoric times from grain that was broken postdepositionally. Moreover, when einkorn grain had been soaked in hot water and
ground, the breakage surface demonstrated a shiny surface. These preliminary
observations were further explored by a series of experimental specimens consisting
of ground einkorn and barley, untreated and boiled, which when then examined by
scanning electron microscopy. The pilot study indicated that under low charring
regimes it might be possible to recognise boiling of grain prior to charring. In light of
these studies, the archaeological finds from Mesimeriani Toumba were interpreted as
the remains of boiled and subsequently ground cereal grains, probably of einkorn. The
remains from Archondiko, found both loose and as conglomerations of fragments, did
not demonstrate any characteristic features that could be matched by the experimental
specimens. The archaeobotanical finds, nevertheless, indicate the practice of
processing of cereals a) by grinding and possibly boiling and b) by grinding and
possibly kneading into lumps. Furthermore, these ground cereals were stored for later
consumption. This practice identified in the prehistoric material is similar to various
forms of processing cereals still widely encountered in rural areas of modern Greece
known under the names of pligouri (bulgur) and trachanas. Similar preparations are
also known from other circum-mediterranean countries and countries of the Middle
East. Pligouri involves careful cleaning, boiling of wheat grain, drying, debranning
and subsequent coarse grinding. This is consumed as rice or as ingredient to other
dishes. Trachanas, also known as tarhana (Turkey) and kishk (Jordan) involves the
mixing of ground wheat with milk, sour milk or yogurt, mixing that may range from
boiling the ingredients together to letting them ferment together. Trahanas provides a
highly nutritious food as it combines animal protein, cereal starch, iron and other
minerals, has a long shelf life and is easily converted into a filling meal. The
relevance of the ethnographic information to the archaeobotanical finds is discussed
together with the possible contexts of consumption in prehistoric times (daily meals,
feasting.
THEORETICAL APPROACHES
MEMORY INTERACTIONS IN THE MUSEUM
Andromache Gazi
The last decades have witnessed a “memory boom” which has manifested
itself in a variety of activities such as commemoration ceremonies, the foundation of
statues, monuments and museums, the publication of countless articles, books, films,
etc. What is the role of museums within this frame? What kind of memory do they
host? Who gives shape to it? To whom is it addressed?
Starting with the assumption that the museum is one of the sites of memory
par excellence, a site of inscription and reproduction of collective memory in
particular, this chapter sets out to examine how museums address the various aspects
of memory. In the centre of discussion lies the subtle distinction between personal and
collective memory, as I am particularly interested in detecting the ways in which these
two forms of memory interact within the museum.
The discussion begins with a synoptic outline of the growing body of
interdisciplinary literature on memory, with emphasis on the various dimensions of
collective memory. From a sociological perspective, collective memory is a
representation of the past that is shared by members of a group such as a generation or
a nation-state. From a cultural standpoint, memory is a social contract, a continuous
negotiation among people about what they decide not to forget and how they shape it
for posterity.
Museums have always offered fertile ground for interplays of this kind. As
“public monuments” of memory, museums perform a variety of tasks. They may
enact memory, by presenting a master narrative which is necessary in order to remind
a nation or a community of its origins. They may also validate memory. This is
particularly evident in museums that reproduce deeply embedded myths of
provenance thus leading to the enhancement of a sense of belonging. Not all social
groups share the same memory however. The traditional approach that excluded
counter memories is severely criticised today. The question “whose memory do we
present?” is all-pervading as groups that have traditionally been under-represented
have come to the fore and demand their share in the memory game. On the other
hand, the last ten years or so have witnessed an unparalleled explosion of museums
that are created as an antidote to oblivion. Fear of oblivion may further lead to
nostalgia, which is a way of beautifying and depoliticizing the past. A large number of
open air and folk museums, for example, function as nostalgic places where the past is
seen as much more coherent and idyllic than it really was, and is offered as a tidy
product for consumption. Counter memories or different memories that are usually
excluded from master narratives and official memory parlance have gained significant
attention in recent years. Through the growing acceptance of oral history, the cocuration of programs and exhibitions, and reminiscence work museums aim at
prompting individuals to share their memories and engage in the representation of
collective memory.
Whatever the case may be, the crucial questions refer to the kind of memory
museums want to communicate and the meaning they want to ascribe memory with.
ARCHAEOLOGY, GENDER, FEMINISM
AN OVERVIEW OF INTERNATIONAL TRENDS
Dimitra Kokkinidou
Feminist archaeology developed from the women’s movement in the 1970s1980s to challenge conventional wisdom claims to “truth”, “objectivity”,
“respectability”, and the separation of scientific practice from theory. The concept of
a homogenised (androcentric) material world has been displaced by a concern with
equality and pluralism to reflect diversity of women’s lives and gender power
dynamics in the past and the present.
The last two decades have witnessed a proliferation of related publications, the
incorporation of the subject into academic curricula, and an increase of female
representation at all levels of the profession in many international contexts. Despite
these advances, feminist research in archaeology yet has to develop a solid theoretical
framework for exploring gender, social class, and ethnicity beyond mainstream
academic feminism, that is, the experiences of white, middle class, heterosexual
individuals. In addition, much feminist critique has given way to an emphasis on
gender as an interesting analytical category; this is simply a cosmetic change in
relation to traditional archaeological approaches -another narrow specialty with little
left of its initial critical edge. Bias will be pending as long as gender remains a
“special interest” topic in the margins of “real” archaeology, added or omitted
optionally, as if it were a trendy seasoning touch. Only when gender is recognised as a
major structuring principle of social life, including the very practice of the
archaeological profession, can feminist scholarship have a widely constructive
impact.
The case study of Greek archaeology
It goes without saying that the above statements acquire different validity
across different countries, especially those in the periphery of the Anglo-American
archaeological discourse. Strong preoccupation with indigenous ideological needs,
coupled with the overall slow response of Greek society to innovations, has hardly
allowed space for alternative perspectives in Greek archaeology until very recently. In
such a climate it is hardly surprising that the call by a handful of scholars for a
gender-aware discipline in the 1990s received no real response. Thus, archaeology in
Greece is still characterised by a striking contrast: on the one hand, there is an
overwhelming majority of women in both the Archaeological Service and academia;
on the other hand, feminist or, at least, gender-orientated work has so far been limited
to isolated exceptions, when not used to deconstruct women out of existence through
“fashionable” exercises in theory.
As we stand now, we are faced with the challenge to contextualise research
and take responsibility for its social implications. The answer to the question “What
are the prospects for a Greek feminist archaeology?” must come as an epistemological
and ethical choice: either archaeologists will conveniently prolong their “innocence”
and condone the fabrication of an a-historical past or they will opt for a critical stance
and engage in a respectful dialogue with both the people of the past and the society of
the present. This challenge concerns a new disciplinary ethos, committed to
demonstrating the historicity of gender asymmetry and the contemporary
ramifications of such knowledge.
THE ARCHAEOLOGY OD PREHISTORIC STORAGE : A REVIEW
Kosmas Touloumis
What are the theoretical principles that govern the archaeological approach to
issues such as storage and surplus? In a short review will try to summarize the
research in this field, from culture – historical till post-processual archaeology, with
emphasis on the last decade. These questions may be further specified in a way which
will help us to clarify the objectives of our brief study. What is the meaning of
prehistoric surplus? How it is recognized in the archaeological record? Are there any
short or long – term variations in the Aegean prehistory, especially during Paleolithic,
Neolithic and Early Bronze Age that can be certified regarding the use and meaning
of surplus?
The socio-economic institutions, the values of specific, historically-
defined prehistoric community, and therefore the way the social subjects of this
community perceived surplus, together with the wider conditions under which it was
produced are the key components for the determination of its importance.
It is clear that surplus can be recognizable in the archaeological record. It is
too restrictive, though, to be treated only as a behavior, as a survival strategy which
responds exclusively, to ecological factors associated with a good or a bad harvest.
Storage and storage practices can be related to underlying social knowledge and
human’s perceptions of the world. It is difficult, however, to deny that any relevant
space and practice or their involvement in the formation of the identity of prehistoric
social subject occurs, at least at an early stage, from the food surplus’ economic and
social value. The key to understanding its role and meaning in the prehistoric society
is to consider it not only in the synchronic but also in the diachronic scale focusing on
the changes that occurred from the Paleolithic till the Early Bronze Age. The
“institutionalized” presence of surplus is the final challenge. This transformation,
however, must be connected to a specific prehistoric period or it is the result of
processes within a community associated with the meanings, the ideology and the
social identities of its members; The role of the archaeologist’s theory, is, at this
point, crucial.