AMERICA
and
THE GREEK WAR OF INDEPENDENCE
by
Christopher Stratakis, Esq.
Shortly after Bishop Germanos of Paleon Patron had delivered his stirring blessings
and had entrusted the fate of the fledging nation to the handful of Greek chieftains, the
Messinian Senate addressed an appeal to the citizens of the United States. It was May 15,
1821. The appeal described the United States as the place where “Liberty has fixed her
abode” and Americans as the embodiment of the ancient Greeks! Although Greece and
the United States were separated by “mighty oceans,” the Senators wrote, American
character brought both countries together and the citizens of the distant new Republic
were a lot closer to the hearts of the Greeks than those living in countries nearer the
Greek frontiers.
Written in Greek and French, the appeal was forwarded to Professor Edward Everett of
Harvard University, together with a letter signed by none other than Adamandios Korais
and several leaders of the Greek revolution. It was first published in Boston’s Daily
Advertiser on October 15, 1821 and again in the North American Review, also of Boston,
in 1834. The spirit and substance of this appeal, as well as news about Greeks fighting
for their freedom, created deep feelings of sympathy and support all across the United
States.
***
More than anything else, however, it was the poetry of Byron that provided the major
impetus for American support towards the Greek War of Independence. By 1815, the
Byronic verse had begun to appear in the United States and a few years later Byronism
had thoroughly taken root in the New World. His poems about Greece and Athens were
widely circulated and praised in the American press. He was addressed as “sweetest
bard” and his untimely death in Messologhi not only shocked America, but also served to
increased his popularity and the ideals he stood for.
This was the social and academic background in the United States when the Greek War
of Independence was declared in the first half of 1821. Early news of the fighting
trickled through the press and pro-Greek editorials made their first appearance by June,
1821. American poets were inspired by the struggle of the subjugated Greeks as they
were trying to shake off their Turkish yoke. James Gates Percival led America’s literary
support with his “Ode on the Emancipation of Greece”.
<b>Greeks! arise, be free,
Arm for liberty;
From those mountains where you lurk,
Send the voice of freedom forth,
Spread it through the fetter’d north,
And from Morea tear her funeral pall.p</b>
It was natural for the citizens of the new Republic to identify themselves with the
Greek revolution. As Edward Mead Erle wrote in The American Historical Review (Vol.
XXXIII - October, 1927 to July, 1928) “With their own revolution fresh in mind,
Americans were not indifferent to the fate of another people struggling for emancipation
from an oppressive imperialism.”
The news of the massacre of Chios in April, 1822 horrified American public opinion.
A story sent directly from the island, which described the Turkish atrocities, was
published in the Baltimore American on October 11, 1823. “The conflagration of towns
and villages, the general and indiscriminate massacre of the men, the violation of the
women and the transportation of them and their children to distant places as slaves - in
fact, every misery that could be inflicted was called into practise...(simply) to check, if
possible, the noble spirit of liberty...” the paper thundered.
***
Shortly after the massacre, units of America’s Mediterranean Squadron passed within
sight of the Island of Chios. At that time, the American fleet was on a summer tour of
observation and one of the warships, the “Fanny”, was passing close to the Island when
Constantinos Kanaris had set fire to the Turkish flagship in the harbor of Chios. Vivid
accounts of the Chian events as related by American navymen were published in several
papers, among them, the Albany Argus, the Commercial Advertiser and the Daily
Advertiser of New York. “Greek Fever” was beginning to spread all along the United
States and the Philhellenes were popularly known as the “Grecians.”
***
In October, 1822 Boston’s Patriot sounded a trumpet call to “Save the Greeks”; its
articles were widely reprinted with approval by New York’s Statesman and Daily
Advertiser. There was popular responce from Maine to Georgia. Town meetings were
held in Albany, Washington, New York, Boston, Philadelphia, Baltimore and New
Haven. Greek Committees were established in several cities to collect funds for the
Greek cause. Balls were organized and their proceeds sent to Greece. In one of them
held in Baltimore, Albert Gallatin as well as Mr. Carroll, one of the three surviving
signers of the Declaration of Independence, and the Mayor of the city were present.
***
Such were the scenes of popular support in America during the early years of the
revolution. Subscriptions were established to aid the suffering Greeks and sermons and
collections were made in Protestant churches in New York, Rochester, Utica, Whitehall
and other cities. Among the nation’s Colleges and Universities, students at Yale led the
way in collecting money for the Greek cause. They were quickly followed by Dickinson
College, the University of Georgia, the U.S. Military Academy at West Point, Hamilton
College, the Andover Theological Seminary and many others.
The clamor to aid the Greeks, however, was not limited to the Atlantic seaboard.
Indeed, “Greek Fever” had crossed over the mountains and reached the western and
southern frontiers of the country, including Ohio, Michigan Territory, Kentucky,
Tenessee, Arkansas Territory and Mississippi. In Cincinnati, a bustling new town on the
banks of the Ohio River, a company of firemen passed a strong pro-Greek resolution and
prepared to raise funds for the revolution. The city’s six newspapers frequently published
detailed accounts of the battles, political analyses, letters, pro-Greek poetry, manifestoes
and official statements of the Greek government. The war was always presented as an
epic struggle between a small freedom-loving nation and the tyrants of a powerful
empire.
***
By the summer of 1823, Cabinet meetings were held in Washington to consider the
Government’s position in the Greek struggle. Although Secretary of the Treasury,
William H. Crawford, and Secretary of War, John C. Calhoun, favored Gallatin’s view of
sending American warships to the scene, Secretary of State, John Quincy Adams,
opposed the idea. America’s official position at the time was one of neutrality, although
few were unaware that “unofficially”, the government was sympathetic to the Greek
cause. At the same time, President James Monroe was pre-occupied with the
machinations of the Holy Alliance in Europe and its designs to restore Spanish
domination on the South American republics. The Secretary of State, on the other hand,
was anxious to preserve the lucrative opium trade with Turkey and China and
accordingly, American support for the Greek revolution could complicate his efforts for
good relations with the Ottoman Empire.
This was the political background in October, 1823, as President Monroe began to
slowly forge his now famous “Monroe Doctrine”, enunciating American foreign policy in
Europe and the Western Hemisphere. With Adams away from Washington, Monroe
sought the advice of his surviving predecessors, Jefferson and Madison.
In his response, Jefferson advocated a bilateral pronouncement with England, a policy
of non-interference in the “broils of Europe” and a strong declaration of America’s
commitment to the defense of South America. Madison who, by then, was infected with
“Greek Fever”, was also prepared to accept co-operation with England, but he also
wanted a bold declaration in behalf of the Greek revolutionaries. Thus, in the first draft
of the “Monroe Doctrine”, which was to be expressed in the President’s annual message
to Congress, Monroe adopted Madison’s suggestion and made a ringing recognition of
Greek independence, recommending that Congress appropriate funds to send an
American minister to Greece.
This draft was presented to the Cabinet for criticism. The usualy aggressive Adams
applied the soft pedal and in Cabinet, as well as private meetings, expressed his
opposition to end, he persuaded the President to subdue the vigor of his statement about
Greece. The final draft of the message, which was delivered to Congress on December 2,
1823, only expressed sympathy for the Greek cause and a “strong hope...that these people
will recover their independence”.
Six days after the delivery of the “Monroe Doctrine”, Cong. Daniel Webster, a close
friend of Prof. Everett and a fervent and thoughtful supporter of the Greek struggle,
introduced a resolution in the House of Representatives providing for the enactment of a
law to pay for the appointment of an American commissioner to Greece “whenever the
President shall deem it expedient to make such appointment”. The Webster resolution
led to the famous “Greek Debate” in January 1824 which resulted in the finest display of
Congressional oratory in American history. Speaking in support of his resolution,
Webster branded the Holy Alliance a step backward, since its character and motives were
designed to place the source of all constitutional rights on “crowned heads” rather than
the will of the people. In the meantime, Greece had made great strides in her commercial
and political character during the past forty years, he argued. Her sailors were “the best
of any which navigate the Mediterranean”. Rapid progress was made in the moral
condition of seven million Christian Greeks, printing presses were introduced and works
have been translated. All of these were accomplished in the face of a cruel military
tyrany and a despotic oppression, Webster claimed.
He then turned to the catastrophy of Chios. Speaking with obvious emotion, he gave a
succint narration of the awful slaughter which depopulated that “favored isle, the seat of
Grecian liberty, where the wealth and the learning and chief population of Greece were
concetrated”. If the Turks took offence against this resolution, he reasoned, then they are
taking offense against law and we could not prevent them from doing so.
The “Greek Debate” continued on the following days as many congressmen, speaking
with rare eloquence, argued in favor and against the Webster resolution which, in
essence, contained language similar to the first draft of the “Monroe Doctrine”. The
American press gave extensive coverage to the debate. Speeches and orations by
Congressmen were published in the Baltimore, New York and Connecticut press.
Monroe was reported in favor of the resolution and expected Prof. Everett to be the first
representative to Greece. Yet, despite the introduction of an amendment by Congressman
Poinsett watering down Webster’s initial draft, the House never voted on the resolution or
the amendment and both of them were simply tabled.
***
One must not forget that, despite their government’s neutral posture, several young
Americans were to fight on the side of the Greeks. The first one was George Jarvis, son
of an American merchant who had settled in Denmark years before the Greek resolution.
Together with his British friend and fellow Philhellene, Frank A. Hastings, Jarvis landed
on the Island of Hydra in April, 1822 and fought with the Greek Navy and land forces for
six years. He was received warmly by the Greeks since America was regarded as the
natural friend and supporter of revolutions.
Jarvis learned to speak Greek without a trace of accent, dressed as a Greek, adopted the
Greek habits and their folk customs and wrote that his desire was to pass as a Greek and
“take all their good qualities”. The Greeks adopted him as one of their own and called
him ? ï
ÆÝñâéò!
Jarvis fought under various Greek commanders, including Admiral Miaoulis, on
the “Themistocles” and “Leonidas”. He was later transferred into the land forces of
Western Greece and became Adjutant General of Byron’s Brigade. In May, 1825, Jarvis
was captured by the Turks who, aware of his power and reputation, offered him money
and tried to persuade him to join the Turkish forces. He remained loyal to the Greek
cause and steadfastly refused all Turkish overtures. Following an exchange of prisoners,
this first American Philhellene returned to Nafplion and fought in 1826 and 1827 with
Karaiskakis in Roumeli. He died in Argos in August, 1828 and according to another
American Philhellene, he had “seen more fighting and undergone more hardship that any
foreigner”. His name was placed next to Washington, Lafayette and Bolivar on the
Grecian Cross of the patriot Grecian Ladies of New York which was eventually taken to
the grounds of the Military Academy at West Point.
Jonathan P. Miller, a non-commissioned veteran of the war of 1812 and a law student
at the University of Vermont, was the second American to go to Greece. A man
possessed with “an iron constitution, a cultivated mind and a thorough knowledge of
military tactics”, Miller arrived in Messolonghi in November, 1824 and intially served as
the aid-de-camp to Jarvis.
He met with Mavrocordatos, to whom he delivered a letter of introduction from the
Hellenic Committee of Boston, and the Greek leaders informed him of the “high sense of
honor they entertained for the American character”. He fought with bravery and brazen
abandon and the tactics of the rugged Vermonter in the war for Messolonghi and Western
Greece earned him the reputation of the “Yankee Daredevil”. He was a committed
Philhellene and believed in their cause. “I have fared like a Greek and with the Greeks”,
he wrote. “I am willing to suffer for the cause of religion and freedom... God is on the
side of the Greeks”.
In November, 1826 he returned to the United States and devoted himself to the
campaigns for Greek war relief. In newspaper statements he sought to arouse popular
interest in support of the struggle for freedom. The following year he was back in Greece
to help in the war effort and the distribution of American relief supplies. When he
returned to the United States for good, he brought with him the three year old son of a
Greek comrade-in-arms who was killed in battle. His name was Lucas Miltiades who
grew up as Lucas M. Miller and became the first Greek-American Congressman in
Washington.
The third American Philhellene, Dr. Samuel D. Howe, went to Greece mostly because
of his passionate devotion to liberty and the poetry of Byron. Following his graduation
from Harvard, he proceeded to Nafplion where he met Jarvis and Miller in January, 1825.
He served as a military surgeon, staying close to the scene of the action. In October,
1826, he was appointed Director to the Medical Department of the Greek Navy. Dr.
Howe’s reputation as a top physician who was totally dedicated to the treatment of the
sick and wounded became legendary. He personally organized the first American
hospital in Greece and after the fall of Athens in June, 1827 he decided to return to the
United States to collect medical supplies for the military hospitals and provisions for the
refugees. Dr. John D. Russ of Yale College, who had arrived on the “Statesman” in
September, 1827 with relief supplies from the United States, took over the hospital while
Dr. Howe was away.
When he left Greece, Dr. Howe took with him four Greek youngsters who were
ravaged by the war - Christophoros Kastanis, John K. Zachos, John Anastakis and a girl
named Sappho from Thebes. Upon his return to the United States, he embarked on a
lecture tour in 1828 to generate popular interest for the Greek cause and the relief
movement. In Philadelphia and several other cities, new committees for Greek relief
were formed and the old ones renewed their efforts. All in all, eight shiploads of food,
clothing and medical supplies worth thousands of dollars, were collected, sent and
distributed in Greece during an eighteen month period from 1827 to 1828.
Following Jarvis, Miller and Dr. Howe, the fourth American volunteer was John M.
Allen. “Feeling a strong impulse to join the Greeks”, he applied to the New York Greek
Committee for a letter of recommendation and in December, 1824 he arrived in Nafplion.
Allen joined the Greek fleet and fought in several naval battles on board the “Navarino”
(Capt. Anastasios Tsamados) and the “Miltiades” (Capt. Sachinis). He was a favorite of
Admiral Miaoulis. The bravery of the Greek sailors impressed him and he gave vivid
accounts of naval operations in the Aegean. “None...but he who fights in company with
Greeks, and shares their difficulties and privations, can or ought to judge of their
character and bravery... The bravery of the sailors and the intrepid enthusiasm of the
burlotiers (fire ship sailors), in particular, has inspired me with the utmost love and
esteem for them” he wrote in an American newspaper. “The Greek sailors” he told Dr.
Howe, “are absolutely the best sailors I have ever seen, not even excepting our own
gallant tars”.
In May, 1826 he left for England to become a vocal and effective supporter for the
revolution. From there, he went to Paris and met Lafayette to whom he gave a glowing
account of Greek affairs. The Philhellenic French nobleman was quite pleased. In a
letter to Daniel Webster on July 26, 1826, he stated that “I want the people of the United
States to have as much credit as possible in this so very interesting cause of Greece”.
Meanwhile, Allen returned to Greece and served in the closing phases of the war in 1827
and 1828.
A flamboyant graduate of West Point (Class of 1823), Lt. Wm. T. Washington, who
went to Greece in the summer of 1825 with illusions of being the country’s savior, did
not fare as well as the other American Philhellenes. Sponsored by the Hellenic
Committee of Boston and carrying letters of recommendation from the Secretaries of
State, Treasury and War, he caused considerable controversy and was disliked by both,
his American compatriots fighting in Greece and the local Greek leaders.
Another American, Merrett Bolles from Ohio, did better and was respected by the
Greeks for his commitment to the cause. Bolles joined the brigade of General Fabvier, a
leading Philhellene, and participated in several battles in 1825 and the early part of 1826.
When he returned to the United States later that year, he launched a campaign to collect
money in order to send a monthly allowance of $1.33 to each Greek soldier. His appeal
through a New York newspaper was reprinted in several papers around the country.
Three more Americans who joined the Greek revolution and served with Lord
Cochrane, an English adventurer engaged in naval operations, were George Brown, an
officer, George Wilson of Providence Rhode Island and James Williams, an AfricanAmerican from Baltimore. Other Americans who went to fight on the side of the Greeks
were Dr. Gutto, an eccentric physician from Kentucky, Capt. George H. Richards, John J.
Getty, Alexander Ross, John Villem and Capt. Bosco. It has also been stated that Edgar
Allan Poe, the famous American author and essayist and a fervid admirer of Byron, had
considered going to Greece, together with several students from the University of
Virginia in 1826 and 1827.
***
Based on strong historical evidence it is apparent that large segments of the American
people, as well as the media, responded to the news of the Greek revolution of 1821 with
an outpouring of emotional as well as material support. This was manifested by the
establishment of Hellenic Committees, a profusion of balls, fund raisers, sermons and
campaigns to arouse the popular sentiment. In addition, several young Americans
volunteered to fight in Greece, and news reports with favorable editorials appeared in
several newspapers around the country. Official Washington, on the other hand, was
more restrained. Although there was unmistakable sympathy for the Greek cause among
government functionaries, including the President of the United States and his surviving
predecessors, (Jefferson and particularly Madison), calls for concrete diplomatic and
military aid were either ignored or otherwise refused. The usual considerations of
geopolitical expediency present at that moment in history (in this case fears of hostility
from the powers of the Holy Alliance, and the risk of losing profitable trade with
Turkey), ruled out any official support for the struggling Greek revolutionaries.
There is no doubt, nevertheless, that America, still in the early stages of its own social,
political and military development, responded with significant sensitivity to the Greek
efforts for emancipation. Such reaction was not surprising since Americans, more than
anyone else, could draw parallels between their own recent revolutionary experience and
the events taking place in Greece. Hence, it was natural as a matter of moral choice and
intellectual preference for Americans to identify themselves with the Greek revolution.
Furthermore, the academic establishment, led by Prof. Everett at Harvard and Daniel
Webster in Washington, was also on the side of the Greeks and became instrumental in
developing popular support. In this group the commanding presence of Adamandios
Korais, an acknowledged scholar of unimpeachable dimensions, was decisive in
providing inspiration and a sense of direction among the intelligentsia. Although
somewhat aloof and cautious (known traits of his Chian ancestry), he nonetheless left no
doubt as to where his heart was and how he expected his brethren, in the academic and
political world, to apply themselves. His correspondence with Jefferson and Everett
constituted important memorials of his discreet efforts to marshall the political and
intellectual forces of the new world and provide support to the freedom fighters in
Greece.