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The Sexual Socialization of Asian American Women
Summary of Preliminary Dissertation Ideas
During adolescence and young adulthood, individuals are faced with new
developmental tasks and challenges. A foremost task, which has received increasing
empirical and theoretical attention, is adolescents’ need to deal with their emerging
sexuality. Although the sexual socialization literature has grown in recent years, there are
still striking gaps in the research. A prominent limitation in the literature is the paucity of
culturally sensitive research on the sexual socialization processes in ethnic minority
populations (Bing & Reid, 2000). Although this limitation has been addressed by some
researchers in the past two decades, its newfound attention has been quite selective,
focusing almost entirely on Black and Latino populations, groups considered at “highrisk” for teenage pregnancies and the transmission of sexually transmitted diseases
(Baumeister, Flores, & Marin, 1995; Dilorio, Hockenberry-Eaton, Maibach, Rivero, &
Miller,1996; Fox & Inazu, 1980; Lackey & Moberg, 1998; O’Sullivan,Meyer-Bahlburg,
& Watkins, 2001.). Very few studies have considered the sexual socialization of Asian
American youth (McLaughlin, Chen, Greenberger, & Biermeier, 1997; Okazaki, 2002;
Schuster, et al., 2002).
Furthermore, research that does exist on Asian American sexual socialization is
marked by its own set of limitations. First, almost none of these studies have placed
culture at the center of the model and examined culture-specific processes in their own
right. Indeed, research on Asian Americans is almost always comparative in nature
(McLaughlin, et al., 1997; Meston, Trapnell, & Gorzalka, 1998; Schuster, Bell,
Nakajima, & Kanouse, 1998). Existing studies compare rates of sexual intercourse,
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sexual knowledge, and contraceptive use among an Asian American population with rates
among other ethnic groups, most often those of European Americans (EA). These studies
consistently indicate that Asian American youth experience delayed sexual onset
compared to their EA counterparts, as well as more conservative sexual attitudes and less
sexual knowledge. Although cross-cultural comparisons are certainly informative,
applying models or measures derived in the dominant, EA culture to non-EA groups is
not only misleading, but also adds little to our understanding of the processes actually
occurring within different sociocultural contexts. In other words, cross-cultural research
has emphasized the products, or outcomes, of sexual socialization (i.e., rates of sexual
intercourse) rather than examining the processes by which adolescents and young adults
learn to negotiate sexual encounters.
A second limitation is a lack of attention to how culture, ethnic minority status, and
gender intersect to influence the sexual attitudes and behavior of Asians American
women. Specifically, how might culturally specified conceptions of masculinity and
femininity, as well as stereotypical sexual roles and images of Asian Americans as
transmitted by the media contribute to their sexual socialization processes? A third
limitation is what Trimble (1990) has called “ethnic glossing,” or the homogenization of
various Asian subgroups. Clearly, Asian Americans comprise a large and heterogeneous
group of individuals, with estimates, for example, of over 30 different subgroups falling
under this broad and unspecific label, "Asian Americans." Although these different
subgroups certainly share some characteristics in common (i.e., an interdependent
orientation and an emphasis on ties between intergenerational family relationships), there
are also clear within-group differences due to such factors as language, immigration
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history, desire for acculturation, religion, and general socioeconomic status in the United
States. Accordingly, a fourth limitation is an inadequate consideration of acculturation
factors, ethnic self-identification, and immigration status when studying sexuality in
Asian American populations. Indeed, the extent to which a behavior or psychological
process is affected by ethnicity depends in part on the degree to which a particular
individual both identifies with that ethnicity, and has that ethnicity made salient to him or
her by others.
There are a number of ways in which Asian cultures may uniquely contribute to the
sexual socialization processes of youth. For example, speaking about sex is strictly taboo
(Okazaki, 2002). Not only is premarital intercourse frowned upon, but these cultures are
also strongly interdependent, place high value on respect for elders and intergenerational
ties, and have a cultural emphasis on shame (Okazaki, 2002). In this context, engagement
in nonmarital sex can bring disgrace to the entire family. Supporting this view, in a recent
qualitative analysis of women's heterosexual relationships, a 21-year-old Asian American
woman said, “For a Korean woman, to lose your virginity before marriage meant you
would shame yourself and shame your family. You would be an outcast from the
community for the rest of your life. No man would ever want you and your family
wouldn’t have you either.” (Phillips, 2002, p. 63). In general, Asian cultures tend to be
highly patriarchal, and male dominance frequently goes unchallenged. Additionally,
research on family communication patterns and parenting styles suggest that Asian
American parents are more authoritarian in their interactions with children (Chao, 1994).
Some research also suggests that Asian Americans are have greater concerns with
modesty—they are less likely to use gynecological services or conduct breast exams—
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and that gay and lesbian Asian Americans report being more fearful of coming out than
Whites (Lippa & Tan, 2001).
Together, these factors suggest that traditional Asian cultures and mainstream
American culture are very much at odds with each other. Because of these unique cultural
factors, I believe Asian Americans may struggle between conflicting sexual scripts. Asian
American youth may experience a conflict between “being traditional Asian” and “being
American.” The proposed dissertation will address previously mentioned shortcomings
by providing a comprehensive picture of the sexual socialization processes among Asian
American emerging adults. In doing so, this study takes a cultural psychology approach,
based on the assumption that a process-oriented approach, rather than a differenceseeking approach, will be most fruitful in helping developmental psychologists
understand the normative processes of sexual socialization in an Asian American
population.
Traditional EA measures may not tap important constructs in non-EA cultures and are
likely to conceal important developmental processes at work in ethnic minority families.
For example, sexuality research linking parental communication and adolescents’ rates of
sexual intercourse in EA populations may be less meaningful if parenting constructs or
family characteristics indigenous to Asian American ethnic groups (e.g., family structure,
vertical filial relationships, multigenerational households) are neglected. Although open
and frequent communication between mothers and children about sexuality is valued in
mainstream American culture and has been associated with a delay in children’s sexual
debut, less is known about the importance of these communication patterns in Asian
American families.
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Using a multi-step process, and employing both qualitative and quantitative research
designs, as well as etic and emic measures, this project will examine how being Asian
American uniquely contributes to the sexual socialization process during adolescence and
young adulthood. Through focus groups, interviews, and survey research, I will explore
how culture, ethnicity, and gender forge unique experiences for Asian American college
students. The project seeks to answer the following questions: (1) What are the different
sources of sexual scripts for Asian American youth? For example, Do they rely on
sources not typically considered in the current sexual socialization literature (e.g.,
grandparents)?; (2) What kinds of messages about sexuality do Asian Americans receive
from these sources? For example, (How) Do families convey information about sex to
their children? Are Asian American youth cognizant of sexual stereotypes about Asian
men and women, and if so, how does that affect their own sexual attitudes and
behaviors?; (3) What factors play a role in determining how Asian Americans negotiate
between conflicting messages?
Because there is so little existing research on this topic, it is important that I start
with a broad, all-encompassing approach. Consistent with a cultural psychology
approach, qualitative methods, which allow for the rich, in-depth exploration of research
topics, will precede the use of quantitative research methods. Qualitative analyses may
serve to illuminate the presence of unique variables or socialization processes operating
within an understudied population, which can subsequently be operationally defined and
examined in a large-scale quantitative study.
Participants will be Chinese American, Japanese American, and Korean American
women between the ages of 18-22 years. Because much of the sexual socialization
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research suggests that the sexual beliefs and expectations held during emergent adulthood
stem from earlier sexual socialization experiences, participation in this study will be
limited to Asian Americans who have lived in the United States for the majority of their
formative years (since age 8). The first step of this project will involve conducting focus
group interviews with Asian American college students, in order to meet the following
four objectives: (1) to gain insight into unique socialization processes contributing to Asian
Americans’ sexual attitudes and experiences, thereby highlighting variables not previously
considered in previous studies, (2) to give Asian Americans the chance to express what they
believe are important issues pertaining to sexuality and ethnic group membership, (3) to
examine through participants’ interactions with each other how membership in particular
subgroups OR level of acculturation affects the sexual socialization process, and (4) to gauge
how questions about sex and dating can be asked in appropriate and non-offensive ways to
this group.
Approximately 30 female participants, prescreened for identifying as Asian
American (of Chinese, Japanese, or Korean origin) and being between the ages of 18-22,
Participants will be recruited using several techniques, including snowball sampling
wherein friends and acquaintances referred by the original focus group participants are
contacted and encouraged to participate, and the use of fliers and ads placed strategically
around campus or distributed to University-affiliated clubs and groups with
predominantly Asian American students (e.g., Asian American Association of University
of Michigan). Efforts will be made to include approximately equal proportions of
individuals of Chinese American, Japanese American, and Korean American origin. Each
focus group will consist of 6-8 participants, conducted and will be led by a trained, Asian
American moderator of the same sex. Focus group interviews will be semi-structured and
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will last approximately 2 hours, with 40 minutes of this time devoted to the completion of
a written survey packet. Surveys will be administered to participants before starting the
group interview to obtain important demographic information and as a way of giving
participants some time to think about the various discussion topics and formulate their
answers and ideas before the discussion begins. By including this written component, I
hope to structure the activity in a way that allows individuals who may otherwise be
unlikely to speak spontaneously to participate more comfortably in the discussion. The
interview will loosely follow a set of questions, but the moderator will let the dialogue
flow naturally to topics of particular interest to the participants. Questions will cover
topics both broad in nature, such as, “What are the major issues facing Asian American
teenagers and young adults today?” and more specific in nature about general family
communication patterns, family communication about dating and sexuality, and
perceptions of peer norms regarding dating and sexual behavior. Throughout the
interviews, participants will be reminded to consider the ways in which they think being
Asian American poses unique challenges for the socialization process. Additionally,
focus group participants will be asked whether or not they would be willing to participate
in later steps of this project and to leave the names and phone numbers of their same-age,
Asian American friends in the area.
In the second step, a survey will be administered to 300 Asian American women.
The purpose of this step is to examine the demographic and psychosocial predictors of
Asian Americans’ sexual attitudes and behaviors on a larger scale, using constructs and
measures indigenous to this unique cultural group. Based on qualitative findings from the
previous interviews, quantitative measures will be selected, revised, or created to capture
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the sexual socialization processes occurring within an Asian American population. In
some cases, the inclusion of existing, standardized measures may be the appropriate and
satisfactory choice, and these measures will be used whenever possible. Some anticipated
variables of interest are students’ acculturation level, immigration status, academic
achievement, religion, family communication style, endorsement of an interdependent or
collectivistic orientation, and gender stereotyping.
Only by identifying the processes occurring within an Asian American population
do we work toward understanding what might be accounting for the sexual outcome
differences reported in previous studies, such as delayed sexual onset, fewer sexual
partners, and more conservative gender and sexual attitudes generally reported by Asian
Americans in other studies? Are Asian Americans indeed a “low-risk” group?