TRANS_Biloa 2

Loans from European Languages in African Languages: Intercultural
Relationships and Necessity
Edmond Biloa
University of Yaounde I, Cameroon
Ever since Europeans came to Africa, the cultures of the two continents have
been in permanent contact. This contact is evidenced, among other things,
through loans from European languages in African languages. More precisely,
over the course of history, African languages have heavily borrowed from
European languages. A descriptive and analytic explanation of this fact is
attempted by looking at the sociolinguistic situation of Cameroon (Africa), the
consequences of multiculturalism and multilingualism, the intralinguistic study
of loans, the thematic distribution of loans, and their linguistic explanation.
Sociolinguistic Situation of Cameroon
Cameroon is generally looked at as the microcosm of Africa. From a
variety of perspectives, it is Africa in miniature. Historically, it is a zone of
confluence and convergence of the civilizations that have impacted on Africa.
Linguistically, three of the four linguistic phyla attested in Africa are
represented therein. To say the least, it is a linguistic melting pot or patchwork.
Apart from the local languages, there arc two languages of European
importation: French and English. On top of that, two hybrid languages are
spoken in Cameroon: Pidgin English and Camfranglais.
The Languages of Cameroon
According to the 1983 preliminary inventory of the Atlas linguistique du
Cameroun (the Linguistic Atlas of Cameroon), 237 languages are spoken in
Cameroon. In 1993, after more investigations, it was found that there were
instead 248 languages. Research, lately conducted by Bitjaa Kody (2003), shows
that 285 languages are attested in Cameroon, of which:
- 3 languages, according to him, have no native speakers: French, English,
Pidgin English. This statement is questionable, as Onguéné Essono (1999) has
shown that in big cities like Yaounde and Douala, French is sometimes the
native language of some children. Moreover, Pidgin English appears to be the
native language of some children in the English-speaking provinces of
Cameroon (the South-West and the North-West).
- 20 languages are dead or their native speakers passed away between 1983 and
2003: Bikya, Bishuo, Bung, Busuv, Dama, Dek, Dull, La’bi, Lwo, Mbonga,
Mano, Mumuye, Nagumi, Ndai, Ngong, Oblo, Pam, To, Yeni, Zumaya.
- 262 living languages
Bitjaa’s publication (2003), Annuaire des langues du Cameroun, is an up
date of the data provided in Michel Dieu, Patrick Renaud and al. (1983), in
Roland Breton and Bikia Fohtung (1991) and in Barbara F.Grimes (1996), on
the basis of recent investigations conducted by a team of sociolinguists from the
Summer Institute of Linguistics (SIL) between 1998 and 2002.
All African languages belong to the following four phyla:
a. The Afro-Asiatic phylum which comprises the languages of Cameroon, of
Niger, of Sudan and of Chad;
b. The Nilo-Saharan phylum that covers the languages of Ethiopia and
Ancient Egypt, Arab, Berber;
c. The Niger-Kordofanian phylum that covers the languages of the biggest
part of black Africa;
d. The khoisan phylum that gathers the languages of Southern Africa.
Of these four linguistic phyla, three are represented in Cameroon, the Khoisan
phylum excepted. Thus, the Afro-Asiatic, Nilo-Saharan and Niger-Kordofanian
phyla are attested in Cameroon. Following Boum Ndongo-Semengue and
Sadembouo (1999: 67-95), let us talk about these phyla in detail (see also Biloa,
The Afro-Asiatic phylum
It is also called the Mito-Semitic phylum. It has two families concretised
by 58 languages. These two families are the following:
The Semitic family, solely represented by Arab Choa language.
- the Chadic family is manifested through 57 languages that are subdivided
in the following 5 branches:
a. the West branch
b. the West central branch
c. the South-east branch
d. the South branch
e. the East branch
Here are the subgroups and the groups of the 5 branches of the Chadic family:
a. the West branch, of which Hausa is the sole representative;
b. the West central branch contains five subgroups:
- the Gbwata subgroup, of which the languages are Jimjïmen, Gude,
Ziziliveken, Sharwa, Tsuvan, Njanyi, Gbwata;
- the Daba subgroup represented by the Buwal, Gavar, Besleri,
Daba,Mbondam languages;
- theWandala subgroup illustrated by the Wandala,Gelvax-dexa, Parakwa,
Xedi, Guvoko, Mabas languages;
- the Mafa subgroup that covers the Matal, Pelasla, Mbuko, Wuzlam,
Muyang, Mada, Melekwo, Zelgwa, Merey, Dugwor, North-Giziga, SouthGiziga, North-Mofu, Baldamu, Cuvok, Mefele, Mafa languages.
c. the East central branch is made up of the following 5 groups:
- the Yedina group represented by the Yedina language;
- the Mandage group which counts the Mpade, Malgbe, Maslam, Afada,
Mser, Langwan languages;
- the Mida’a group which counts the Jira and Majera languages;
- the Munjuk group whose sole language is Munjuk;
- the Kada group illustrated by the Kada language.
d. the South branch attested by the Masana, group which comprises the
Masana, Zumaya, Museyna, Zime languages;
e. the East branch of which Kwang is the group and Kera the language.
The Nilo-Saharan phylum
In Cameroon, two languages that belong to two different families
represent this phylum. These two languages are:
a. Kanuri of the Saharan family
b. Sara-ngambay of the Chari-Nil family.
The Niger-Kordofanian phylum
The Niger-Kordofanian phylum is the mostly represented phylum in
Cameroon. It is attested by three families, which comprise 188 languages.
a. the West Atlantic family:
It has one language, which is Fulfulde;
b. the Adamawa Ubangi family: It contains 40 languages distributed in two
- the Ubangi subfamily
- the Adamawa subfamily
The Ubangi subfamily contains three languages: Gbaya, Baka, Bangandu.
The Adamawa subfamily counts 37 languages divided in 8 groups:
1. the Samba group of which the language is Samba-leeko;
2. the Daka group which has one language: Dega-Mumi;
3. the Kobo-Dii or Vere-Duru which has ten languages: Kobo, Komandera,
Gimnime, Gimne, Dooyaayo, Lonto , Perre, Duupa, Pa’no and Dii;
4. the Mumuye group whose unique language is Mome;
5. the Mbum group with 12 languages: Tupuri, Mundang, Mambay, Dama,
Moro, Pam, Ndai, Mbum-west, Mbum-east, Kali, Kwo, and Gbete;
6. the Fali group that is made up of 6 languages: Fali-doumbeye, Fali-bossum,
Bveri, Koang, Fali-bélé, Fali-tinguelin;
7. the Nimbari group of which the sole language gave its name to the Nimbari
8. the languages which make up this group are dying out: Gey, Duli, Obolo,
La’bi, To;
c. The Benue-Congo family: 146 languages that are divided in 4 subfamilies
make up this family.
- the Jukunoid subfamily of which the 9 languages are: Juken, Mbembe,
Kutep, Uhuum, Beezen, Busuu, Kum, Nsaa, Bishma;
- the Cross-River subfamily has two languages: Efik and Korop;
- the Bendi subfamily with one language: Boki;
- the Bantoïd subfamily with 134 languages divided in 2 branches (details
are provided below).
The two branches of the Bantoïd subfamily are the following:
1. The Mambiloïd branch which comprises 5 languages:
Mambila, vute, konja, Suga, Njonyama.
2. The Bantu branch with 129 languages divided in 8 sub branches:
- the Jarawan sub branch of which the three languages are Mbonga,
Nagumi and Ngong;
- the Tivoïd sub branch counts 13 languages: Tiv, Esimbi, Njwande, Iyive,
Iceve, Evand, Ugara, Batomo, Ipulo, Eman, Ihatum, Caka, Manta;
- the Ekoid sub branch with one language (Ejagham);
- the Nyang sub branch with three languages (Kenyang, Denya, Kendem);
- the Beboid subbranch that counts 9 languages: Bebe, Naki, Nonne,
Koshin, Kemezung, Ncane, Nsari, Bu, Misong;
- the Grassfield sub branch which comprises 50 languages, 26 of which
belong to East grassfield (Bafut, Mundum, Mankon, Ngombale, Megaka,
Ngomba, Ngyemboong, Yemba, Ewe, Ghomala, Féfé, Nda Nda, Kwa,
Mungaka, Shupamem, Medumba, Mamenyam, Limbum, Dzodinka,
Mfumte, Yamba, Mbe) and 24 belong to West grassfield (Ngwo, Ngishe,
Ngie, Meta, Moghamo, Busam, Menka, Atoh, Ambele, Mundani,
Ngamambo, Modele, Befang, Aghem, Mem, Kom, Bum, Babanki, Kuo,
Lamnso, Veng, Kensweinsei, Bamunka, Wushi);
- the Mbam sub branch which has 14 languages: Tikar, Ndemli, Tunen,
Tuki, Leti, Nyo’o Tuotomp, Numand, Nigi, Bati, Central Yambasa,
Nugunu, Nubaca, Dumbule;
- the Equatorial sub branch with 36 langauges: Lefa, Rikpa, Ripey, Tibea,
Dimbong, Hiyuk, Oroko-West, Oroko-East, Balong, Mbo, Nho, Nsose,
Akoose, Bekoe, Wumboko, Mokpwe, Isu, Bubia, Duala, Batanga, Yasa,
Lombe, Basaa, Bakoko, Beti-fang, Meka, So, Kwasio, Bagyeli, Koozime,
Mpo, Baki, Pori, Kwakum, Asong, Kako.
Hybrid languages
Pidgin English
Apart from the aforementioned local languages, two hybrid languages are
spoken in Cameroon: Pidgin English and Camfranglais.
The origins of Pidgin English are Indo-European, and therefore, it does
not fit in one of the phyla discussed above. It is not genetically related to one of
the Cameroonian local languages. It was born out of the efforts of illiterate
Africans along the Coast of West Africa to speak English. In Cameroon, it is
mainly spoken in the English-speaking provinces of the country, notably the
South-West and the North-West, as well as in the Western and Littoral
provinces. It is a language of wider communication in those places. And since
most of its speakers are believed to have native languages of their own, the
question could conceivably be asked of whether there are native speakers of
Pidgin English. The team of researchers teachers who wrote Atlas Linguistique
du Cameroun nevertheless, considered Pidgin English as one of the
Cameroonian languages since the variety spoken in Cameroon is different, in
many ways, from the Pidgin English that is spoken in neighbouring countries
like Nigeria.
The contact in Cameroon between the local languages, Pidgin English and
the two official languages that are English and French has given birth, among
hawkers, blue collar workers, unemployed Cameroonians, pupils and students,
to a hybrid slang, lexically constituted of words from the local Cameroonian
languages, Pidgin English, French, English, that is called Camfranglais. Various
studies by Zé Amvela (1982), Tiayon Lekoubou (1985), Chia (1990), Mendo Zé
(1990), Labatut Mbah Onana and Marie Mbah Onana (1999), Essono (1997),
Efoua Zengue (1999), Fosso (1999), Biloa (1999, 2003), Echu (2001) and
Kouega (2003) have shown that the structure of this slang either scrupulously
respects the grammatical rules of the French language or distorts them.
The official languages of Cameroon: English and French
Zé Amvela (1989) distinguishes four periods in the introduction, the
implementation and the evolution of foreign languages in Cameroon: i. From the
abolition of slavery to the end of the First World War; ii. From 1919 to 1960:
British Cameroon and French Cameroon; iii. From 1960 to 1972: Independence
and Reunification; and iv. From 1972 to this date: Unification and the Republic
of Cameroon.
i. From the abolition of slavery to the end of the First World War
When slave trade was abolished, English missionaries and businessmen
signed several treaties with the local dignitaries between 1840 and 1852 (see
Imbert (1952) who is cited by Zé Amvela (1989)). Thus, English became the
first foreign language to be more or less spoken by the local people of this
territory. This was favoured by the fact that the Baptist Mission opened schools
in which both English and local languages were taught.
In July 1884, the German explorer Nightingale signed a treaty with local
chiefs. By so doing, Cameroon became a German protectorate. Germans thus
occupied the territory from 1884 to 1918 and called it “Kamerun”. During the
period of German occupation, the German language was used in the
administration as well as in the educative circles; whereas in the so-called
missionary schools, local languages are still taught. When Germany lost World
War I and was forced to leave “Kamerun”, the influence of the German
language diminished.
ii. From 1919 to 1960: British Cameroon and French Cameroon
After the Versailles treaty of July I, 1919, the League of Nations granted
France and Great Britain the trusteeship of Cameroon which became at the same
time a French mandate and a British mandate. 4/5 of the territory was under
French influence and France called this territory “Cameroun”; and one fifth of
the territory was under British protectorate and Great Britain called it “the
Cameroons”. The British and French mandate ended in 1940, but the two
European powers continued to administer their respective colonies thanks to an
agreement with the League of Nations after World War II. In the territory under
French domination, French was the language of administration and education; in
the territory under English protectorate, English enjoyed a similar status. The
two Cameroons lived, side by side as separate States until 1960.
iii. From 1960 to 1972: Independence and Reunification
On the first of January 1960, East Cameroon, the one administered by
France and in which French was spoken, became independent. In October 1961,
the two Cameroons were united and adopted one flag and one anthem. The
Federal Republic of Cameroon was thus born, the unique State in Africa in
which two foreign languages were spoken: English and French. In fact, the
federal constitution of 1961 assigned to these two languages the same status:
English was the language of the administration and of education in West
Cameroon, while French fulfilled the same function in East Cameroon.
In 1963, the federal government decided to promote bilingualism by
opening a bilingual federal secondary school in Man O War Bay, a school later
transferred to Buea. This school, in which pupils from the two linguistic
communities were admitted, is the sine qua non proof that the two cultures can
coexist. Following the Man O War Bay experience, other bilingual secondary
schools will be opened in Cameroon.
iv. From 1972 to this date: Unification and the Republic of Cameroon
The Referendum of May 20, 1972, that was called the “Pacific
Revolution” united East Cameroon and West Cameroon and gave birth to the
United Republic of Cameroon. The constitution of the United Republic of
Cameroon confirmed French and English in their roles/statuses as official
languages and chose to promote bilingualism.
On the 4th of February 1984, by law N°84-1, the United Republic of
Cameroon became the Republic of Cameroon, a unitary state in which French
and English remained the official languages of the country. The Republic of
Cameroon was divided into ten provinces, eight of them being French-speaking
(Francophone) and two being English-speaking (Anglophone). Thus, 80% of
Cameroon’s population has French as its first official language, whereas English
is the first official language of 20% of the population. However, in spite of the
fact that English and French are the languages of State institutions and are used
in administration and in education, they are mostly used by a minority of the
population, the bulk of linguistic communication being carried out in local
From the linguistic picture painted above, it can be inferred that
Cameroon is a multicultural and multilingual State. This state of affairs has
consequences which will be examined in the following lines.
Consequences of Multiculturalism and Multilingualism
The presence of many cultures and languages makes Cameroon a cultural
and linguistic melting pot. However, the many languages existing within the
territory do not enjoy the same social status. It is known that there are 9
languages of wider communication in Cameroon, although only 5 are spoken by
an important number of speakers. The major languages are the following:
a. Fulfulde in the three northern provinces (Adamawa, North, Far North);
b. Beti-fang in the Centre, South and East provinces;
c. Pidgin English in the North-West, South-West and Littoral provinces;
d. Basaa in the areas where Bakoko and Tunen are spoken and in the
Littoral, Centre and South provinces;
e. Duala in the Littoral and South-West provinces: More and more, Duala is
being replaced by Pidgin English.
Minor Languages of Wider Communication
Mungaka used to be a language of wider communication in the NorthWest province, but it is loosing grounds to the benefit of Pidgin English;
b. Wandala is competing with Fulfulde in the Mandara Mountains;
c. Kanuri, which is mostly spoken in Nigeria, has speakers in the Mora
d. Arab Choa is a language of wider communication in urban centres in the
North of the Logone and Chari division;
e. Hausa, which is a language of wider communication in Nigeria, is also
spoken in Cameroon in a few villages along the border.
A few other languages are becoming languages of wider communication: Fefe in
the Mungo division and Ghomala in the Noun division.
The so-called major languages that are French and English are the two
official languages of Cameroon. They are the languages of the State that is of
the Official Gazette and of administrative documents; business; public and
private education; the print media; audiovisual media (National radio and
television); administration; and international communication.
It is well known that despite the official equality between French and
English, public space is more occupied by the French language than by the
English language. Thus for example, in the media, 90% of the print media is
francophone. Cameroon Radio and Television programmes are broadcasted at
the rate of 65% in French and 35% in English.
While French (under its many forms) is a language of wider
communication in urban centres in Cameroon, English tends to be overwhelmed
in this wider communication function by Pidgin English and is used mostly by
intellectuals and in formal situations.
Loans in Contact Situations
When many languages are in contact, like in Cameroon, they influence
each other to the extent that there is unavoidably a bi-directional transfer of
adstrates from dominant languages, and vice versa.
Essentially, a superstrate is a language that overshadows another language
in its area of influence. It may happen that the superstrate language disappears in
the long run and still leaves behind traces of its existence.
All the same, the substrate language, that is the socially and institutionally
dominated language, may die out as well in the long run. In Cameroon, it
appears that French and English are superstrates.
Bitjaa Kody (1999) shows that English is a historical superstrate. Before
colonization, in the eighteenth century, Englishmen who fought for the abolition
of slavery established commercial ties with inhabitants of the coastal region of
the present South-West province. In schools opened by the first English
missionaries who lived in Bimbia and in the Wouri Bay, teaching was done in
local languages. Commercial exchanges between the natives and the newcomers
introduced new objects that local languages had to designate one way or
another. These languages will therefore appeal to all word formation processes
or neology processes in order to qualify new concepts that designate the realities
born out of contact between Africa and Europe. Apart from the invention of new
words, the attribution of new meanings to existing words, derivation,
compounding, loan is a process that is overused in order to accommodate the
new realities. In many languages of Cameroon, the existence of many words of
English origin is attested. Even though the morphology of these words is slightly
different from the morphology of the English words, their origin is obvious. In
Tuki, an A60 Bantu language of Cameroon spoken in the Mbam and Kim
division (cf. Biloa, 1992, 1995), English loans are frequently encountered:
This data shows that English has had considerable influence on the local
languages of Cameroon. This influence has greatly decreased due undoubtedly
to the presence of French.
Tuki has equally borrowed from French, as the following paradigm
Tomate “tomato”
Cacao “cacao”
Mission “church service”
Messe “Church service”
Pâques “Easter”
Prêtre “priest”
Chaîne “chain”
Ciment “cement”
Cuisine “kitchen”
Matelas “mattress”
Litre “litre ”
In the following section, we will undertake an intralinguistic study of
loans from European languages in African languages.
Intralinguistic Study of Loans
When foreign words are inserted into a language, the latter must look for
ways of accommodating them, of integrating them phonetically and
phonologically, morphosyntactically and semantically.
Phonetic and Phonological Integration of Loans
It is usually postulated in lexicography that loans be totally integrated into
the borrowing language. This phonetic and phonological integration constitutes
one of the criteria by which naturalized words are differentiated from simple
citations. The phonic form of naturalized words would respect the system of the
target language, whereas simple citations would phonetically preserve the
features of the lending language. When Taber (1964) studied French loans in
Sango (a language of the Central African Republic, Africa), one of the main
criteria for selecting these loans was their degree of integration into the
phonological system of this national and official language (for details, see
Queffelec, 1998: 245-256).
A close look at English and French loans in the above-cited Tuki language
spoken in Cameroon (Africa) reveals that they are phonetically and
phonologically integrated into the system of the language. For lack of space and
time, it is impossible to pay tribute to the whole range of phonological rules
accounting for the integration of English and French words into the Tuki
language. However, it suffice here to mention a few rules:
a. Substitution of accents and stress for tones. When English and French
words leave their native languages, they acquire tones which are a
distinctive feature of Bantu languages.
b. Substitution of /e/ for /r/
c. Substitution of /f/ for / p/:
d. Resyllabification: Once words are adopted by the new language, they are
resyllabified and consonant clusters are simplified:
Milk [milk]
Christmas [krismƏs]
e. Substitution of /∫/ for /s/:
Shirt [∫Ə:t]
f- Substitution of /t∫/ for /s/
Kitchen [ kit∫in]
g- Adjunction of a final vowel that takes the factures of a preceding vowel
(thanks to vowel harmony):
Satan [satan]
Cup [kup]
Kitchen [kit∫in]
Laine [lεn]
Lampe [lãp]
Mattress [matrεs]
Table [tεbl]
Vote [vƆt]
h- Adjunction of the infinitive maker /Ɔ- / to form infinitives
summon [snƏn]
punish [pni∫]
sign [ sain]
Morphosyntactic Integration
English and French words are well integration into the syntax of Tuki, to
the extent that they scrupulously respect the agreement rules of the language.
In Tuki, as in many Bantu languages, each noun belongs to a noun class.
When a given noun is used in a sentence, the class prefix of the noun shows up
on the verb as part of subject verb agreement. A noun like [matarasa] which is a
loan from English mattress is no exception to the rule:
Matarasa ma-
mu na tsumba
mattress class prefix is in room
“the mattress is in the bedroom”
The above Tuki sentence shows that the loan from English is well
accommodated and syntactically behaves as expected. This is in agreement with
what is usually the case. Loans generally conform to the rules of the borrowing
language (Queffelec, 1998: 253).
Semantic Integration
Semantically, loans tend to preserve in the borrowing language traces of
the meaning they had in the source language. Thus, loans from English in Tuki
keep a good deal of the polysemy they had in English. A Tuki term like tasa
from English tax keeps in this Bantu language the different acceptations it has in
1. “money, i.e. a percentage of a person’s income or of the price of goods taken
by the government to help pay for the running of the state”
2. “obligation”
3. “ a strain or burden”
Surprising though it may be, the third meaning is attested in Tuki as
sentences like the following are commonly heard:
Tasa I-
mwenam vatu
na nutu
Tax subject marker weights people on body
“taxes put a weight on people’s body”.
Similarly, the Tuki word kutu combines the various meanings of its
English source coat:
1. “an item of outdoor clothing, with sleeves, that covers from the shoulders
usually to the knees”.
2. “a jacket”.
However in this last case there are two meanings that the Tuki word kutu
cannot account for:
3. “the hair or wool of an animal”.
4. “a covering (e.g. of paint)”.
So, it appears that the whole or parts of the meaning(s) of the source
language word(s) can be transmitted to the target language naturalized word.
Nevertheless, it so happens that loans in the borrowing language develop
connotative values of their own. For example, Tuki kuka from English cook
(somebody who does the cooking, as an occupation) may carry some pejorative,
ironic or insulting overtones.
In sum, the semantic integration of loans may involve semantic
restriction, shift or extension over the course of time.
Thematic Distribution of Loans
An issue that is closely related to the meaning of loans is the attempt to
find out what are the domains in which loans always occur. A study undertaken
by a team of researchers at the University of Montreal in Canada, working
within the framework of GRESLET (Groupe de recherche en sémantique,
lexicologie et terminologie = research group in semantics, lexicology and
terminology) found out that new items in the lexicon of African languages were
predominant in the following areas (Bitjaa Kody, 2000: 268):
administration, business and professions
A preliminary study of loans in Tuki, patterned after the GRESLET
methodology, reveals the following results:
1. Food
Tomato (or French ‘tomate’)
2. Religion
Pape (French)
Messe “church service”
Pâques “Easter”
3. Clothing
[sitƆkƆ ]
4. House/household
5. Administration, commerce, professions
(to) summon
(to) punish
(to) judge
(to) sign
Vote (noun)
Why loans?
It has been said above that whenever languages are in contact, loans are
bound to appear. Whatever the social and institutional status of the languages
involved in situations of contact, one language is going to borrow words from
another and vice versa.
The sociolinguistic context talked about in this paper is the complex
situation of Cameroon where English and French coexist with many local
languages. As a result, diglossia is usually the rule of thumb in most
communicative cases.
It so happens that the official languages of Cameroon, that is English and
French, are the dominant languages that people have to learn one way or
another, formally or informally, if they want to climb the social ladder or
achieve socioeconomic mobility.
For the most part, local languages have no official status and play no
important social function, despite public political rhetoric or what the State
constitution says about integrating the teaching and learning of local languages
into the school curricula. Moreover, apart from being the languages of
international communication, English and French in Cameroon are the
languages of administration, education, justice, and the media (print and
audiovisual, books, advertising). And although local languages are used on the
radio, they are not used for TV broadcast, nor are they used in newspapers.
As a result of this situation, English and French are (becoming) the
majority languages spoken by the majority of the Cameroonian population.
More explicitly, it is difficult to find one Cameroonian local language that has
more speakers than the French language, for instance.
The weight of English and French in the Cameroonian context can be
measured by the important volume of loans that local African languages borrow
from these European languages, as opposed to the scanty number of loans in the
latter languages from African languages (cf. Dictionnaire universel, 1995;
Dictionnaire universel francophone, 1997).
In sum, everything being equal, in contact situations where dominant
/majority languages/cultures coexist with dominated/minority languages/
cultures, the latter would tend to borrow heavily from the former. Borrowing is
thus justified by the fact that new/dominant cultures would introduce into the
local/dominated cultures realities that the latter are not linguistically equipped to
handle. Borrowing therefore becomes a necessity if local languages want to
adequately designate or describe these new realities.
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Bitjaa Kody, Z. D. (1999) “Problématique de la cohabitation des langues au
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