John Rawls: Theory of Justice 1971 “Justice as Fairness” 1958 Social contract theory in which parties contract to establish the principles of justice They are the principles that free and rational persons in an initial position o fequality as defining the fundamental terms of their association. These principles are to regulate all further agreements; they specify the kinds of social cooperation that can be entered into and the forms of government that can be established.” TJ section 3 Justice 1. Justice is Distributive “Is everyone getting their fair share of the pie?” “Am I and are you getting a fair share of the pie?” 2. Justice is Social Applies to the “basic structure of society”. “Justice is the first virtue of social institutions as truth is of systems of thought.” TJ p. 3 3. Justice is normative If laws and institutions are unjust they should be changed! Good In TJ JR makes use of two concepts of good 1. The ‘thin’ concept or ‘formal’ concept of primary social good. 2. A rich or thick concept of the good – good life for man. Moral conception of the good – way of life. PSG is defined as the things person wants whatever else they want. They are the things a rational social agent must want, in order to be able to pursue their conception of the good, whatever that may be. 1 For example: “liberty and opportunity, income and wealth and the bases of self-respect”. PSG’s are not controversial, can be specifed by philosopher. Principles of Justice (the Right) First Principle of Justice – the Principle of Liberty 1. Each person is to have an equal right to the most extensive basic liberty compatible with similar liberty for others. Second principle of Justice – The Difference Principle 2. Social and economic inequalities are to be arranged so that they are both a) to the greatest benefit of the least advantaged b) attached to offices and positions open to all under conditions of fair equality of opportunity First and second principals are lexically or serially ordered. The upshot: “ All social values…[primary social goods] are to be distributed equally unless an unequal distribution of any or all of these values is to everyone’s advantage.” TJ62 Distributions: 1-1-1 4-0-4 1-1-2 5-5-5 5.1-5.1-1,999,999. Justification of the Principles of Justice A: The Original Position OP is an hypothesis of a contractual situation of initial equality, in which social agents come to decide which principles of justice to accept. 2 Assumptions a) persons are rational choosers b) persons stand behind a veil of ignorance c) persons are risk averse Under such conditions persons will choose the two principles of justice. “The idea of the original position is to set up a fair procedure so that any principles agreed to will be just.” ? Is the Original Position ‘rigged’? “We want to define the original position so that we get the desired solution” JR TJ 141. B: Reflective Equilibrium Narrow Reflective Equilibrium Principles of Justice checked against our considered moral intuitions, and our considered moral intuitions are checked back against PJ’s. TJ. 20 Objections 1. Conservatism. 2. Does not deal with the charge that it has been rigged. Justification of the principles might have been rigged i.e. the principles constructed with the help of to the very same values against which they are subsequently checked and confirmed. The whole process might be self-validating The Communitarian Critique of Rawls: Taylor and Sandel: RL has a misplaced evaluation of freedom (negative freedom of individuals). Rawlsian subjects value freedom (the capacity to choose) above all and they value nothing but freedom. 3 M& R claim that Rawls implies radical voluntarist picture about peoples end. That they only value ends they pursue because and insofar as they are the ends they have chosen. a) There can be no meaningful choices, since there is no basis for choosing one life-project over another. b) Gets things the wrong way round. The ends must be valuable in themselves and valued by those who pursue them. Are the communitarians attacking a straw man? Must a good Rawlsian liberal must value freedom above all? Must a good Rawlsian liberal must only value freedom? 2. The Unencumbered Self. Rawl’s liberalism gives a wrong picture of the self. Rawls argues that teleological theories (theories that say there is some end that human beings should strive to realise or maximise) gets things the wrong way round. They are “radically misconceived” since they relate the right and the good in the wrong way. “We should not attempt to give form to our lives by first looking to the good independently defined [GF e.g. the pursuit of happiness, pleasure or philosophy]. It is not our aims that primarily reveal our nature, but rather the principles that we would acknowledge to govern the background conditions under which these aims are to be formed and the manner in which they are to be pursued. For the self is prior to the ends which are affirmed by it.” TJ 560. Rawls maintains that individual persons reserve the right to refine and revise their life projects even their deepest ends and attachments. Sandel : This implies an unencumbered self’ prior, and at a distance to, its aims or ends. This “rules out the possibility of …constitutive ends”. “For the unencumbered self, what matters above all, what is most essential to our personhood are not the ends we choose but our capacity to choose them.” 4 “Only if the self is prior to its ends can the right be prior to the good. Only if my identity is never tied to the aims and interests I may have at any moment can I think of myself as a free and independent agent.” The self is a kind of radically unattached, individual chooser, with no substance, constituted antecedently to society. MacIntyre: After Virtue ‘…we all approach our own circumstances as the bearers of a particular social identity. I am soneone’s son or daughter, someone elses cousin or uncle.: I am a citizen of this or that city, a member fo this or that guild or profession; I belong to this clan, that tribe, this nation.’ MacIntyre contrasts this with the liberal individualism of Rawlsians (and Kantians!!) who claim: ‘I am what I myself choose to be. I can always, if I wish to, put in question what are taken to be the merely contingent social features of my existence.’ p. 204 Maybe the communitarians are making the assumption that the original position is an implicit social ontology, a picture of what society is, and a picture of what selves are supposed to be? For there does seem to be a much bigger gap between the self and its ends. Is the original position a model of society? Are the selves behind the veil of ignorance real people? Kymlicka’s Defence of Rawls: The Reply to Sandel Anyway the claim that the self is prior to its ends is only that, in a liberal society, no life-project or attachment or end, however deep, is beyond re-examination and revision. This seems largely true – as a matter of fact. One might argue that if I am encumbered with anything it is with parents and siblings. I cannot choose them. But I can, in a liberal society, choose whether or not I incorporate them into my lifeproject and to what degree. 5 So the communtarians should not want to deny this claim about the revisability of aims. Sandel might allow that a self can have constitutive attachments/ends, but that these can change. So the encumbered self can constitute and reconstitute itself anew. And on his part the liberal need not deny that there are social preconditions of everyone’s being able to exercise this choice. Now the two pictures begin to converge. Rawls says there is a small gap between the self and its ends, and that the latter is prior in order to ground the revisability claim. The communitarian claims that there is no gap, my ends or attachments constitute my self, and that the priority goes the other way. What is the real issue between the liberals individualist and the communitarian? Rawls is making normative claims: that each person should be free to interpret and re-interprets his or her own life as he or she sees fit; Philosophical claim: second, that the principles of justice provide a framework within which this freedom is assured, Political claim that establishing the framework of a just wellordered society is the central task of politics and political theory. 2. Second communitarian objection. Rawls paints wrong picture of society – no “constitutive attachments” – no conception of belonging or membership in a community. Objections to Communitarianism: 1. Communitarian Charge that Rawls give a Rationalist Defence of Justice OP justifies principle of justice are the product of rational deliberation by agents in 6 OP makes these agents so bare that they are incapable of choice. Rawls resolves this by tacitly supposing a kind of community where everyone’s assets (even those inherited by birth) are jointly held in common and then distributed equally 2. Kymlicka: No difference between Rawls’s view that the self is prior to its ends and Sandel’s view that selves have constitutive end and attachments: Sandel allow that a self can have constitutive attachments/ends, but that these can change. So the encumbered self can constitute and reconstitute itself anew. Once he allows that, no only are identities not fixed, but that the subject can have some input in the reconstitution of his or her identity, then the distinction between the two positions begins to disappear. And on his part the liberal need not deny that there are social preconditions of everyone’s being able to exercise this choice. The theses below, thus understood are not inconsistent. ‘The self is prior to its ends.’ (Rawls) ‘The self has constitutive ends.’ (Sandel) MacIntyre: What is the good life? “The good life for man is the life spent in seeking for the good life for man, and the virtues necessary for the seeking are those which will enable us to understand what more and what else the good life for man is.” (After Virtue 204) 3. The encumbered self may be constituted by antecedent attachments and substantive ends but these are local. They give rise to one of the problems to which a well-ordered political community is the answer. MacIntyre: After Virtue ‘…we all approach our own circumstances as the bearers of a particular social identity. I am soneone’s son or daughter, someone else’s cousin or 7 uncle.: I am a citizen of this or that city, a member of this or that guild or profession; I belong to this clan, that tribe, this nation.’ Insofar as this is true, we are not shaped (constituted is just too strong!) or influenced by our membership in a political community. It is family, locality, and the immediate environment that shape our ends. Communitarians overestimate the shaping and socialising effect of membership in a political community. They mistakenly assume that a political community will have a largely homogenous set of substantive values, and have no answer to the problem of pluralism and diversity. 4. What is the actual substantive difference between communitarians and liberals. How do communitarians theorize about politics and conceive of the political community? Almost nothing. What is the real issue between the liberals individualist and the communitarian? Rawls is making normative claims: that each person should be free to interpret and re-interprets his or her own life as he or she sees fit; Political claim that establishing the framework of a just wellordered society is the central task of politics and political theory. Philosophical claim: second, that the principles of justice provide a framework within which this freedom is assured. 5. My objection to Communitarianism Sandel and MacIntyre appear to make two separate sets of objections. A Rawls (and liberalism) has the wrong social ontology – wrong picture of the self and its relation to society. 1. Rawls and liberals in general (including Kant!) give the wrong picture of the self and society. The liberal self has no “constitutive attachments” it is a ‘ghost’ or a ‘cipher’. 8 2. Society and membership in a political community has no preeminent or inherent value. Wrong conception of belonging Rawlsian selves have a purely instrumental or prudential relation to the political community. Community is evacuated of meaning – because all selves are purged of anything specific and particular in the OP, and are thus made the same by a device of the philosopher. Of course they agree on the principles because, having been made the same, it is just as if there is only one of them.) B. Liberalism (and liberal ideas) has given rise to a wrong social ontology in a different sense: it has produced a bad society, fragmented communities, destroyed the shared understandings and formative attachments of communities and emptied our lives of shared meaning. Sandel deplores what he calls “the shift in our practices and institutions, from a public philosophy of common purposes to one of fair procedures, from a politics of the good to a politics of right, from the national republic to the procedural republic.” Communitarinaism and Liberalism p. 27 (Avinieri and de-Shalit) He blames Rawls conception of liberalism as a kind of simple reflection of this wretched state of man’s and women’s alienation from themselves sand their community A. and B. when conceived as criticisms of Rawls pull in entirely opposite directions. If A. is true, then surely B. cannot be. Does Rawls give an accurate picture of a ‘wrong’ ‘false’ or bad liberal society (bad because emptied of shared social meaning and populated by beings alienated from themselves and each other)? Or does he give an inaccurate report of a society that has not been so damaged and emptied of meaning and in which people are actually shaped by communities, constitutive ends and value their membership in communities and so forth. This problem arises because Sandel attempts to get a one-size fits all critique of liberalism (as an historical force) and as Rawlsian theory. And 9 its not clear that when he is railing against liberalism he’s not actually railing against modernisation and social forces, and a tide of history that cannot be turned back, certainly not by a change of philosophy. 10