SHELL
Algonquian
Blackfoot. meaning, ritual, social category, use.
THE HORSE AND THE FUR TRADE
To encourage the Indians to bring in more and more buffalo robes, the traders offered a
greater variety of wares. The great manufacturing centers of Europe and eastern America
supplied the growing wants of the Indians. There were bells and mirrors from Leipzig,
clay pipes from Cologne, beads from Venice, calico and other cloths from France,
woolen goods and firearms from England, clothing and knives from New York and
vicinity, shell ornaments from the Bahamas and the West Coast, guns from Pennsylvania,
and powder and shot from St. Louis43 (Ewers 1958:69).
Note 43: McDonnell, "Fort Benton Journal," MHSC, Vol. X, 199-205.
The fur trade furnished to the Indians new materials for use in their manufactures, arts,
and crafts. Their use of horses influenced the form and function of many of the items
made from these new materials. Metal knives obtained in trade greatly facilitated the
manufacture of articles of rawhide. But these articles were primarily saddles, harness, and
transport luggage especially designed for use in moving camp with horses. The fur trade
supplied glass beads, cloth, metal, and shell for use in making and decorating articles of
clothing, as well as horse gear. Yet in designing these articles the Indians were mindful of
the enhancement of their appearance on horseback. Generally it was the wealthy family
that possessed the most elaborately decorated costumes and riding and transport gear.
Those who owned no horses had none of them (Ewers 1955:319).
The native pigments were ground to a powder in small stone mortars. Each color was
kept separately in a skin bag closed at the neck by a buckskin drawstring. In use, [page
15] the paints were mixed with hot water in a clam shell cup, or mixed with the glue
extracted from boiling in water the tail of a beaver or the white, clean underscrapings
from a hide (Ewers 1945:14-15).
STORY OF THE BUFFALO ROCK
A small stone, which is usually a fossil shell of some kind, is known by the Blackfeet as
I-nis-kim, the buffalo stone. This object is strong medicine, and, as indicated in some of
these stories, gives its possessor great power with buffalo. The stone is found on the
prairie, and the person who succeeds in obtaining one is regarded as very fortunate.
Sometimes a man, who is riding along on the prairie, will hear a peculiar faint chirp, such
as a little bird might utter. The sound he knows is made by a buffalo rock. He stops and
searches on the ground for the rock, and if he cannot find it, marks the place and very
likely returns next day, either alone or with others from the camp, to look for it again. If it
is found, there is great rejoicing. How the first buffalo rock was obtained, and its power
made known, is told in the following story (Grinnell 1962:125).
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WOLF OLD MAN VISITS
When he was younger he wore his long hair with a third braid hanging down his back in
our traditional warrior style. The ends of his braids were always wrapped with red cloth,
another tradition of our People. He used to wear shell earrings until a few years ago,
when one of them got hooked on something and tore the ear's small hole into a slit.
Enough of his own teeth remained to allow him to chew his favorite food—meatA (A.
Hungry Wolf 1977:16).
Note A: i.e., Wolf Old Man, a nonagenarian [Analyst].
THE BLOOD OKAN IN THE YEAR 1892
While the husbands engaged in the sweat baths, the holy women sat outside the lodge and
prayed. The purifying sweat baths marked the beginning of the holy fast. During this fast,
the holy women and their husbands concentrated completely on their efforts to inspire
their People. The only thing they consumed was a shell full of water each morning and
evening. Only the participants of the Medicine Lodge ceremony were allowed near their
tipis, and they spoke not at all or in whispers (A. Hungry Wolf 1977:25).
These necklaces, O-Koch-Kindt, are still worn by the man and woman during MedicineLodge ceremonies. They consist of a thong with four blue beads strung on each side,
representing the clear sky. A white dentalium shell is strung between the beads to
represent the purity and holiness of the Spirit World. A thin braid of hair hangs down
from the center of the necklace to represent the Power of the People. The holy woman
may make extra necklaces to transfer to anyone requesting such a spiritual Medicine, as
the wearer is believed to possess the spiritual power of the holy ceremony. Our last holy
woman, old Mrs. Rides-at-the-Door, transferred a holy necklace to SikskiAki when we
attended the recent Okan among the Southern Piegans (A. Hungry Wolf 1977:28).
MOTOKIKS: THE WOMEN'S SOCIETY
One unused clam shell and one clam shell used to mix green paint in, along with a
mixing stick, all wrapped in a bladder and kept inside a small bag of cheesecloth (A.
Hungry Wolf 1977:112).
MEDICINE PIPE TRANSFERS 1890s
Sacred pipe holders are easily distinguished by the free use of red paint on their person,
having it rubbed all over their white blanket or coat and also over the leggings and
moccasins, their wives painted the same. A pipe-holder wears upon each wrist a blue
bead tied with a buckskin strand, (the wife also; or, if man does not wear beads upon
wrist, he will have one bead and a shell strung upon a buckskin string on his neck.) [The
Owner and his wife wear both necklaces and wristlets during the ceremony.] Children
who have been painted during [the] ceremony of transfer also wear the beads. It
sometimes happens that an Indian does not keep the pipe the alotted four years [as was
common for some Medicine Pipe Bundles and society memberships in the Old Days]; a
sick person's relatives may ask him for it inside of a few months of his possession of it
(A. Hungry Wolf 1977:126).
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A blue bead and shell is tied on each top knot; the priests again chew sweetgrass, spit on
their hands and rub them over heads of man and boy after they have fixed the hair; head
bands and feathers are now replaced. One priest now gets up with man and boy, man with
fancy stem in his hand; all face South then West then North and dance a minute to slow
time in each direction, at which there is great applause. [In the form of shouts and war
cries. We clap our hands only to accent our talking, not to applaud. The "applause" is to
cheer the new Medicine Pipe Man during his first ceremonial act as Owner.] Women do
same, that is, candidate's wives and two other women. All morning, relations of candidate
have been bringing in household articles such as dishes, fry pans, cups and saucers, pails,
also blankets, guns, and etc. and piling them up at the entrance. These are now distributed
by vendor and his wife to their relations, probably giving those who contributed when
they were buying the pipe years ago (A. Hungry Wolf 1977:131).
BACKSIDE-TO-THE-FIRE PIPE OPENING CEREMONY 1972
To complete our preparations for the ceremony, we took the shell necklaces and bead
bracelets from the rawhide paint-and-accessory bag of our Bundle and put them on.
Medicine Pipe Owners and their families used to wear these symbols all the time. Now
most people wear them only to ceremonies. They serve as a constant reminder of the
main elements of nature: shells to represent water; blue beads to represent the sky; thongs
to represent animals; and a coating of sacred red paint to represent Earth (A. Hungry
Wolf 1977:133).
HOW OUR FAMILY GOT ITS PIPE
During the ceremony that followed, we were all painted in the style of Medicine Pipe
People. My family was given new blankets and shell necklaces and bead wristlets to
wear. White fur head-bands were placed on Wolf Child and me (A. Hungry Wolf 1977:
140).
THE HOLY WOMEN AMONG MY GRANDMOTHERS
Mrs. Rides-at-the-Door gave me a special blessing at that time by calling me in before
her so that she could go through a brief ceremony during which I was initiated to wear a
sacred necklace like those that holy women and their husbands wear. On it are beads, a
shell, and a lock of hair, all with symbolic meanings. I thought how long back my
ancestors have been passing on these meanings and blessings through the same
ceremonial initiation, while the old holy woman painted my face, sang a song, and tied
the necklace around me (B. Hungry Wolf 1980:33).
SOME THOUGHTS FROM THE HOLY WOMAN MRS. RIDES-AT-THE-DOOR
Firemaker's wife told me: "Now, you have received these separately from your bundle, so
you will keep [page 38] them when you are going to transfer the medicine pipe." And that
is what we did, and now I am still wearing my shell necklace every day. It helps me to
grow old (B. Hungry Wolf 1980:37-38).
"In my young days all the kids had their ears pierced for earrings, anyway—boys and
girls. Usually this was done by some old lady, when we were still babies. Round pieces
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of shell were the most popular kind of earring decoration among us Bloods" (B. Hungry
Wolf 1980:199).
THE THUNDER LODGE
To the right of old Dan Bull Plume, and down along the wall opposite the men, the
women sat. Most of the women were dressed in Indian costume, but a few had on plain
dark cotton dresses. None of the men was dressed in a complete Indian outfit, although
most of them had on moccasins and several wore necklaces of claws or beads or shells.
The Chief had on his moccasins, of course—he never wears shoes—and he was wearing
his shell necklace and the copper and abalone shell earrings which have pierced his ears
for at least three-quarters of a century. (In the old days the Blackfoots had their ears
pierced by a hot awl.) In his hand the Chief held a fan made from the wing of an eagle
(Lancaster 1966:153).
WHY THE PIEGANS KILL THE SNAKE PERSONS
The Chief of the Beaver Persons gave Round Scabby Robe a shell formed like a plate.
The shell contained seven berries, and the Chief Beaver said to eat the berries. So Round
Scabby Robe ate the seven berries, and immediately there appeared upon the shell seven
more berries. Each time the seven berries were consumed, seven more appeared
(Lancaster 1966:191).
Then the Chief Beaver gave Round Scabby Robe a drink of water in a large shell shaped
like a drinking horn, but each time that Round Scabby Robe drained the shell of water it
was immediately filled once again to the brim (Lancaster 1966:191).
ORIGIN OF THE BEAVER BUNDLE
The Chief gave me, along with the Pipe, two necklaces. Both are very old, and each is
composed of beads and shells strung on a dull red-colored piece of buckskin. One
necklace has seven blue beads, a dentilium shell, and a queue of human hair; this is the
Sun Dance Necklace, worn by the Holy Woman and the Medicine Man at a Medicine
Lodge celebration. The other necklace is made of three large Indian beads and a different
variety of shell; this one, for which the Chief traded a racehorse, many, many years ago,
is associated with my Medicine (Lancaster 1966:238).
THE SUN LODGE
The symbolic designs painted upon his face and body had been revealed to him by the
Sun in a dream, while sleeping in the medicine booth of a former Sun-dance. The marks
upon his arms represented the rainbow, those upon his cheeks stars. Across his mouth
was a red cross, the sign of fasting. Upon the centre of his forehead was a red disc for the
Sun and upon either temple two yellow streaks for sun dogs. Upon the front of his ottermedicine-hat was fastened a white shell representing the sun, and above it was painted a
crescent for the Moon. At the back of the hat were two spotted eagle feathers, and in his
hair a single red eagle plume (McClintock 1968:313).
The Sun-lodge floor was made of earth taken from the foot of the Centre Pole. It was
hardened by wetting and then covered with white clay. Pine boughs were spread within
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upon which they slept. When the medicine men entered the booth they announced that
they would fast four days, which meant to the tribe that the Sun-dance would continue
four days longer. During this time the medicine men ate but four bites of dried meat
before sunrise and four more after sunset, with an [page 315] allowance of but one small
shell of water. They might eat gooseberries and sweet cottonwood pulp, provided they
were brought to them. They could not gather them, nor leave the booth during their fast
(McClintock 1968:314-315).
CAMP OF "BRINGS-DOWN-THE-SUN"
Following a trail, leading past Brings-down-the-Sun's tipi, and crossing the stream near
the deep pool, where every day the old chief and his entire family took their early
morning plunge, I met Long Hair coming from the stream with a bucket of water. Nitana
sat nearby upon a grassy bank washing Yellow Mink. It was a beautiful spot. In the
mirror-like stillwater were perfect reflections of the arching trees, the tipis close to the
shore, and the blue smoke floating from their tops. The children and young people had
congregated along the banks, to wade and swim and play their primitive games. I saw a
young girl poling a raft. She looked very picturesque in her squaw dress, with hair
hanging in long braids over her shoulders. She wore white shell earrings, a braided
health-charm fastened in her front hair, and a long necklace of dried sarvis berries. When
the craft finally grounded upon a large rock in midstream, I felt like going to her
assistance but, realising that it would only subject her to the gossip of the camp, I
remained at a distance, and contented myself with taking her picture (McClintock
1968:390).
Interesting too was the procedure of an Indian feast. The invitations were extremely
simple and informal, the host merely bidding his prospective guests, in a loud and
sonorous voice, to come and eat. The invitation was always accepted, the guests bringing
with them their own dishes and spoons—the latter a piece of shell. On arrival the visitors
arranged themselves around the interior of the tepee, some squatting on the ground,
others seating themselves on the beds along the walls. At a signal from the host, attending
women filled the bowls and the feast commenced. That a good appetite was quite an
ordinary thing in those days is to be inferred from the fact that feasting was often
prolonged throughout the whole day (Mountain Horse 1979:26).
The period during which the rites are performed in the Sun Dance woman's tepee,
previous to any ceremonies in the main lodge, is approximately four days. The woman
must abstain from food and water during this period of prayer. At intervals she is given
water, colored with white clay, in an oyster shell, to moisten her tongue. If during this
period the woman drinks any further water to quench her thirst, her action will bring on
inclement weather during the remaining period of the Sun Dance (Mountain Horse
1979:58).
BATTLE OF SUN RIVER
As Told by "Three Suns." Came Falling-Leaves Moon and a number of the men of my
father's camp and Calf Looking's camp set out to raid the horses of the Flatheads
(Kalispel tribe), going by way of the pass at the head of Two Medicine Lodges River.
Page: 5
There were four who went from Calf Looking's camp and one of them was Big Snake, he
who had the longest hair of all of our people, men and women. It was gray, and its braids
were so long that they hung down almost to the ground as he walked. To the right front
braid was always tied a white shell in which were seven holes, they representing the
Seven Persons (Ursa Major), to whom he prayed. In a sun-given vision that he had
experienced they had appeared to him and said they would be his sacred, powerful
helpers (Schultz 1980:253).
I moved to the place between two couches, knelt, thrust my hand under the robe and
touched something cold and sticky. It was the half-dried scalp part of the braid. I drew it
out, stood up, held it before me, shoulder high. The long, gray, shell-tied-to-it braid, its
end wrapped in otter fur, touched the ground. The shell was pierced with seven holes.
Without doubt it was the right-side-of-the-head braid of Big Snake. I put it back under the
robe and turned to go, but Spear Woman stopped me (Schultz 1980:260).
Glossary of Geographical Names English and Blackfoot
Musselshell River: Kaíyi Tsisísakto ("Bear River"). The upper part of the river is known
to the Indians by the name of "Shell River" (Otsistsi Tuktai) (Schultz 1980:374).
WHEN MEN AND ANIMALS WERE FRIENDLY
To the north of this starving family, at Shell Butte, on Elk River, were encamped all the
various kinds of meat-eating animals, each kind in a group by itself; the lodges in the
particular part of the camp circle which belonged to each kind. In that long-ago time, it
must be remembered, the various kinds of animals had the power — given to them by
Sun himself — to change themselves into human beings, and back into their right selves,
whenever they chose to do so (Schultz 1930:49).
'Come in, come in,' White Eagle feebly called out, and entered, one by one, four
strangers, each with a pouch of food, which he at once laid upon the women's side of the
lodge. White Eagle told them that they were welcome in his poor lodge. He gave them
seats upon the guest side of the lodge, noticing their dress as they took their places. Each
one wore a robe of the animal which [page 51] he really was, and a headdress, too, and
all had necklaces of shells. It was noticed that their faces were rather long and narrow.
Wolf was their spokesman. He told White Eagle that, learning of the trouble he was in,
the chief of his camp had sent him and his companions to aid him. There in the pouches
was food: dried entrails, dried back fat. He advised that the starving ones should eat
sparingly at first. The camp of his people was at Shell Butte, and the head chief, named
Spotted Wolf, wanted the starving ones to move up there, where they would have plenty
to eat (Schultz 1930:50-51).
WOMEN'S SOCIETIES / MATOKI
As to the transfer ceremony, we have not been informed, but have notes on an interesting
proceeding between the new member and the one she displaces. In the morning each new
member goes to the one she purchased of, her ceremonial mother. She enters the tipi,
throws down her robe, places her hands upon the mother's head, passing them down to
her shoulders and kisses her. By this the mother understands that she is to accompany her
Page: 6
daughter. The mother is conducted to the shelter, walking behind and given a seat facing
the center. The daughter then sits in front facing the mother. Some red paint in a cup and
some blue paint in a shell is provided. The mother then paints the daughter's face1
(Wissler 1913:433).
The shell necklace of which I speak was given to me in a dream at the time of the sun
dance. An old man with white hair and very old clothes came to me in a dream and said,
"This medicine lodge is ours, the weather is ours, and when you wish the weather to be
good you must go to the water and dive. Now, I give you this power and you must give
me what I ask for." Since this time I have kept the shell and have exercised my power
over the weather, and at the time of the sun dance I keep the rain away. Not long ago the
old man appeared to me in a dream and asked me to give him some old clothes. He hinted
that he had an intention not to help me make clear weather any more. So the next day I
took some old clothes and put them upon the top of a small hill. After that the sun helped
me to make clear weather as before (Wissler 1912:73).
The necklace bears a large shell disc representing the sun for which there is a song, "Sun,
look upon me. I want to smoke" (Record 351.) (Wissler 1912:100).
Another bundle was said to contain a medicine-pipe stem, two ordinary pipes, a loon, an
owl, a deerskin, a muskrat, a cap of goatskin, a whistle, a rattle, some ducks, a wildcat,
and many birds. In its ritual there were seven songs for each of the following: the
smudge, undoing the bundle, the pipe, the cap, the buffalo, the owl, the loon, the
antelope, the muskrat, white swan, the ducks, the shell necklace, the horse, and the bear
(Wissler 1912:149).
Natoas, or Sun Dance Bundle. Like the medicine-pipe, the natoas is covered with a shawl
and suspended from a tripod; though it differs in that it is kept in a cylindrical rawhide
case1 (Wissler 1912:211).
Note: 1 A special necklace is used with this ceremony. It is a simple string bearing eight
black beads, two small long cylinders of shell and in the middle a small lock of hair. The
belief is that this necklace was given to Scar-face when he visited the house of the sun
and in recognition of his having killed certain enemies.
Painted-Tipis. The owner of the tipi gave the stranger some water in a small shell. The
young man drank for some time and yet the water did not decrease in the shell. The man
then took the shell from the visitor, drank the water, emptying the shell, and said, "My
son, you were foolish to try to drink all the water in the shell. You were trying to drink all
the rivers and lakes dry." He then gave him four berries in the shell and the stranger tried
to eat all of them but the four berries always remained in the shell. His host took the shell
and ate the four berries and said, "My son, when you were trying to eat all the berries in
the shell you were trying to eat all the berries in the world. I will give you my tipi, the
songs, and my pipe. It will help you very much, but you must give me a white buffalo
robe in [page 231] payment. When you return to the shore tell your companion to come
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here. There is another man who invited him and will give him a yellow buffalo tipi"
(Wissler 1912:230-231).
Iniskim. Grinnell notes the belief that if these stones are not disturbed for a time, they will
have offspring. A man showed us with evident satisfaction, a large fossil bi-valve in the
matrix of which was the protruding end of a small shell as evidence of such birth. On
various occasions we were shown small fossils said to have appeared mysteriously at the
unwrapping of the bundles (Wissler 1912:243).
Hair and Neck Ornaments. We may finally direct our attention to hair ornaments: though
we shall very soon find ourselves led into charms and amulets, a subject not within the
scope of the present work. At present, there are few, if any, native hair ornaments. The
bunches of feathers and other objects tied upon the head are survivals of an immediate
past in which they had a value other than decorative. According to Maximilian1 a small
shell was often suspended over the temple: again, small locks wrapped with brass wire
(evidently a detached ornament) hung from one or both sides of the forehead. The use of
eagle feathers on the head seems much less pronounced than among the Dakota, the
inclination being to use strips of ermine and bunches of owl feathers (Wissler 1910:132)
Note 1:
Maximilian, 247.
Tattooing and Mutilation. While tattooing was not a custom, it was occasionally
performed. The designs were simple, confined to the arms and face. They were pricked
by needles and colored with gun powder. Nose rings, as well as lip, cheek and ear plugs
seem to have been unknown. The ears of children are pierced, but the ear ornaments worn
at present are simple. They are usually rectangular or circular pieces of shell secured in
trade. While perhaps more women than men wear these ear ornaments, there seem to be
few important differences between them. It is said that [page 133] formerly, small rings
of buckskin were worn, though not to the exclusion of shells. The ears of infants are
usually pierced by old women. Formerly, a sharpened twig, usually of service berry, was
thrust through the lobe and broken off close to the surface (Wissler 1910:132-133).
Story of the Old Man makes a Drive and Loses Meat in a Race. Old Man was now busy
butchering the animals that had been killed by falling over the cliff. When he was through
butchering, he went out and found a place to camp. Then he carried his meat there and
hung it up to dry. When he was all alone, a Coyote came to him. This Coyote had a shell
on his neck, and one leg was tied up as if badly hurt. The Coyote said to Old Man, "Give
me something to eat." Old Man said to the Coyote, "You get out of here, or I will take up
my genitals and beat you over the head"2 (Wissler 1908:28).
Note 2: Old Man's genitals are also spoken of as a lariat. The rainbow is often
designated as such, using either term apparently at random. However, the usual idea is,
that his genitals are used as a lariat to rope the clouds.
But Coyote did not go away. Old Man said to him, "Give me that shell on your neck to
skim the soup, and I will give you something to eat." "No," said Coyote, "that shell is my
Page: 8
medicine." Then Old Man noticed that the Coyote had his leg tied up, and said, "Well,
brother, I will run you a race for a meal." "Well," said Coyote, "I am hurt. I cannot run."
"That makes no difference," said Old Man, "run anyway." "Well," said Coyote, "I will
run for a short distance." "No," said Old Man, "you have to run a long distance." Finally
Coyote agreed. They were to run to a distant point, then back again. Coyote started out
very slow, and kept crying for Old Man to wait, to wait. At last Coyote and Old Man
came to the turning-point. Then Coyote took the bandage off his leg, began to run fast,
and soon left Old Man far behind. Hè began to call out to all the coyotes, the animals, and
mice, and they all came rushing up to Old Man's camp and began to eat his meat. It was a
long time before Old Man reached the camp; but he kept calling out, "Leave me some
meat, leave me some meat"3 (Wissler 1908:28).
Note 3: For a similar incident, see Grinnell, op. cit., p. 157. Also Maclean, Journal of
American Folk-Lore, Vol. III, p. 297
Story of the Fixed Star. Now the Sun was the father of the Morning Star and the Moon
was his mother. When they came into the lodge, Morning Star said to his parents, "I have
brought a wife with me." The parents were pleased with what their son had done. Moon
gave the young wife four berries and a few drops of water in a little shell. These were
given to her to eat and to drink. Though the young woman was very hungry, she could
neither eat all of the berries nor drink all of the water, because these berries were all the
food [page 59] there was in the world and the shell contained all the water there was in
the ocean (Wissler 1908:58-59).
Delaware.
meaning, ritual, social category, use.
SEVENTEENTH CENTURY
Culture
Subsistence:
Fish taken included shad, striped bass, sturgeon, eels, and many others. The means used
were large stone-weighted seines, smaller nets set on poles, fish traps, weirs, hooks, and
bows and arrows. Fish and shellfish were commonly sun-dried on racks and preserved,
the shells of the latter being discarded to form huge shell heaps (Van der Donck
1841:209; De Vries 1912:22–23; Lindeström 1925:219–220) (Goddard 1978:217).
Clothing and Adornment:
For dress, a man would wear a richly beaded bandolier pouch, which combined features
of European military uniforms and the traditional manner of wearing wampum in
crossbelts. Wampum belts were also worn or carried draped around the neck. Silver or
German-silver jewelry included single and double crosses, rings, hair-bands, and
women's large semicircular combs. Men also wore shell gorgets, and women favored
circular metal medallions with cut-out designs and shell or bead necklaces (Goddard
1978:228).
CERAMICS
Shell
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At the present time, because of an almost total lack of evidence, (the Bell-Philhower Site
report lists one shell bead found by Mr. Charles A. Philhower in a pit of the historical
period and worked fragments of conch) the writer is not prepared to discuss the possible
incidence of shell artifacts in the prehistoric Minsi Culture. In common with Ritchie
("Bell-Philhower Site", p. 178) he refers the interested reader to the Heye-Pepper report,
"Exploration of a Munsee Cemetery" for a description of numerous shell ornaments, etc.,
from the historic Minsi site adjacent to the Bell-Philhower component (Leslie 1951:11).
Fishing. Tortoises were caught, and shellfish in large quantities must have been taken, if
Skinner was correct in attributing shell mounds of the area to the Delawares.49 Juet stated
that the natives brought out quantities of oysters to trade to the crew of Hudson's Half
Moon50 (Newcomb 1956:16).
Note 49: Holm, 1834, p. 48; Denton, 1845, p. 7; Skinner, 1909, pp. 5-17, 45-46; J. T.
Note 50: Juet, 1909, p. 20.
Material Culture
Besides wampum, necklaces of dyed deer hair, stone, native copper, and shell gorgets
were worn.160 One source depicted men wearing "the thumbs of enemies they have
killed."161 Men carried tobacco pouches, often made from the whole skin of a loon, large
enough to hold a pipe, tobacco, knife, a pair of depilatory shells, and other objects162
(Newcomb 1956:27).
Note 160: Abbott, 1875, p. 327; Heye and Pepper, 1915, pp. 32-42; Holm, 1834, p. 119.
Note 161: Holm, 1834, p. 119; Van der Donck, 1909, p. 301.
Note 162: Zeisberger, 1910, p. 68; Heckewelder, 1881, p. 204.
The Delawares had pottery vessels, and according to archaeological information the paste
varied from fine to medium coarse, grit temper was more common than shell temper, and
sherds are usually gray or brown (Newcomb 1956:28).
The first step was to break off the anterior end of suitable dark-colored valves. Many
fragments were never worked beyond this stage, most generally due to an insufficient
thickness of the purple shell. Then, with some light hammer and perhaps a sort of
percussion flaker, the thin edges of this bit of shell were chipped away leaving a slightly
curving "stick" of purple …. The next step was to grind away the chipped edges, which
could be easily accomplished with the sandstone "abraders" recovered191 (Newcomb
1956:30).
Note 191: Burggraf, 1938, p. 57.
DELAWARE SOCIOLOGY
The friends of the murdered person do revenge upon the murderer unless he purchase his
life with money, which they sometimes do: This money is made of a Periwinkle shell of
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which there is black & white, made much like unto beads and put upon strings162
(Newcomb 1956:53).
Note 162: Senton, 1845, p. 7.
DELAWARE IDEOLOGY
It was possible to divine future events by magical methods. Whether a wounded warrior
was going to die or get well, for example, was foretold by putting a piece of dried liver in
a cup of water. If the resulting bloody solution circled the cup before sinking to the
bottom, the wounded person would recover (J.T.). A magical procedure similar to this
was used for extremely sick persons after all other curing methods had failed. Shavings
from a tooth of an animal were dropped into a shell filled with water. If the shavings
circled the shell before sinking, it was a good omen. This process was repeated four
times; if the shavings circled the shell each time before sinking, the patient would get
well. The water of the fourth trial was given to the patient to drink (Newcomb 1956:63).
SUMMARY OF DELAWARE RITES AND FEASTS
Big House Ceremony (Ga'mwieng)
Table A:
Wooden mask, corn-mortar, bark dishes, mussel-shell spoons, red paint, wampum strings
and beads, prayer-sticks, carved drum sticks, turkey-wing fans, fire-drill, deer meat, corn
foods, cedar incense(Speck 1937:26).
THE BUFFALO DANCE CEREMONY
The procedure in the Buffalo Dance is to emulate the behavior of the buffalo as the
animals are conceived as congregated [page 69] around their wallow, shoving and
pushing the weaker bulls and cows aside as they attempt to feed. The men dancers
personify the bulls, the women performers the cows. The dance is begun by the men, who
have gone off some distance from the dancing space to prepare themselves with
headdress and clay coating. They come charging up to the dance-ring where they form in
line on the south side, opposite the drummers and singers. Throughout the performance
they grunt and snort like bulls. When the men are in the formation to begin, the women to
take part form another line outside that of the men. There is a leader for the men, or bulls,
and one for the women, or cows. When the accompaniment has begun, both lines
commence to move contraclockwise around the posts supporting the hominy pots. The
men gallop and stamp like bulls. Suddenly, while circling the enclosure as they come
near the hominy pots, one of the men will attempt to help himself to a portion of the
hominy, using either his hands or a mussel-shell spoon. This is the moment for one of his
neighboring dancers to charge to his side and using the horns of his headgear as the
buffalo does his horns to thrust and try to push the feeder away from the food, as the
jealous bulls are described as doing when crowding around the feeding place. All the
time they are grunting hun hun hun! This act typifies the attempt of the strongest bull to
ward off the herd while he gets his fill. This action is repeated each time that one of the
bulls attempts to feed. The women, or cows, also try to get a taste of the hominy. At this
moment one of the bulls comes charging up to drive her away from the pot, thrusting at
her with his horns, whereupon another bull to protect her will attack the first and attempt
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to horn him to one side that the cow may feed. Thus the Buffalo Dance progresses amid
great excitement and confusion among the dancers, though all the time some semblance
of order of dance is maintained while the assigned songs are being rendered (Speck
1937:68-69).
EXPLANATION OF THE CEREMONY
In Delaware phraseology "wampum is our heart." In exchanges of vendable property,
even extending to gifts between friends, there lurked a potency for evil that might
develop in who knows what quarter, producing malice or resentment among the parties
concerned. It could even result in bodily poison to one or both. It is strictly correct to
state that in the attitude of the eastern Indians toward such affairs the transfer of shell
money from the hands of the receiver of a gift or a purchase to those of the giver
performed the function of medicine (Speck 1931:64).
Figure of the group are convened for the Big House ceremony the day intervals between
the nightly performances are passed in taking rest and in pastimes of a native character.
The Delawares have various games (li·nal&schwa;'t·i·n) of a non-formal nature. Among
these are horse racing (hcwtaame'laxta eng, "trying out horses"), and the dice and bowl
game (maama'ndi·n, "gathering [dice]") consisting of five dice, cut out of mussel shell
carved into forms of button, horsehead, tortoise, tossed in a wooden bowl, the counters
being kernels of corn or coffee beans. Other amusements, some obviously of European
origin, are checkers, pitching quoits, cards, broad-jumping and jack-straws, it might be
added that the Delawares are addicted to the well known moccasin-game but reserve it
for the funeral ceremony1 (Speck 1931:71).
Note 1: To be dealt with in a later memoir of this series.
Here now, when the last Reciter-Leader has finished, and when they have swept the
House well, then the other male Attendants bring inside the Big House the hominy.1
Everyone eats the hominy in company. Each and all of the women comes bringing a dish
to dip it out with. The Attendant has authority to give out the amount allotted to each, so
it is said. The boys carry mussel-shells2 which are used the same as when spoons are
used. Now when everyone has eaten his share of the hominy, he feels happy for it,
because the Bringer-in always says that this grain-food brings a spiritual blessing of
strength when we set out to appeal to our common Father in the sky above. These
Attendants first set apart a portion for each individual in his dish, because that is strictly
understood to be the rule since long ago in the beginning of the world3 (Speck 1931:136).
Note 1: saa'paŋ, "boiled corn" was a cereal staple in the diet of the eastern
Algonkian wherever they lived. The term is cognate with New England Algonkian stamp
which has passed into English. (For discussion of the term, its history and application see
A. F. Chamberlain, Bull. 30, Bur. Amer. Ethnology, part ii, p. 422).
Note 2: The single shell of the fresh-water mussel (Unio companatus in the east, U.
gibbosus, in the west) employed as a spoon is ees·e'm'h&revc;n.
Note 3: The procedure of the subsequent three nights in the Big House is about the same
as that recorded for the first. The same speakers recite their visions. The rites of sweeping
Page: 12
and feasting are repeated similarly. One might ask what the worshippers do to while
away the day-time between the strenuous night performances besides procuring some
much needed rest. Custom permits them to indulge in native games, mention of which
will be found on page 69.
CURATIVE PRACTICES / USE OF WAMPUM IN HEALING
Shell wampum is used in treating cases of paralysis or similar afflictions believed due to
failure of parents to fulfill certain ceremonial obligations or to breaking certain taboos.
Before receiving treatment the patient presents one yard of wampum10 to the medicine
man. Potency is added to the herbal medicines by the wampum and enables the doctor to
diagnose the case in a brief time11 (Tantaquidgeon 1942:35).
Note 10: Measured from the shoulder to the wrist.
Note 11: The function of wampum in healing and in the ceremony of the Big House is
discussed by Speck, 1931, pp. 52–53.
DELAWARE FOOD RESOURCES/ MAIZE
So far as could be ascertained, the use of corn medicine and fish fertilizer in corn hills, is
the only vestige of the ritualistic complex now associated with maize cultivation.8 My
informant stated that in former times it was customary to use medicine in which corn was
soaked to prevent cut worms. At present, seed corn is soaked in water and hardwood
ashes. Fish bones were burned and combined with wood ashes and put in the corn hills as
an offering to the Maize Spirit. Corn, beans, and squash were planted together, but the
legend of the Three Sisters (corn, beans, and squash)9 so prominent in Iroquois
mythology, is absent (from Tantaquidgeon 1942:147).
Note 8: The Iroquois observed the practice of soaking seed corn in a medicine especially
prepared from certain plants. "In ancient times they enriched the soil with both fish and
shell" (Waugh, op. cit., p. 18.).
Note 9: The corn, bean and squash complex is discussed by Parker, 1910, p. 36, and
Converse, 1910, p. 63.
NANTICOKE FOLK BELIEFS
Snails or slugs are never harmed. A slug is believed to be an immature snail, too young to
have a shell. "It hunts around to find an empty shell and occupy it" (Tantaquidgeon
1942:60).
Ojibwa.
meaning, ritual, social category, use.
The Ojibway Creation Story
Gitchie Manito then took four parts of Mother Earth and blew into them using a Sacred
Shell (Benton-Banai 1979:3).
Today, the Ojibways cherish the Megis Shell as the Sacred Shell through which the
Creator blew his breath. The Megis was to appear and reappear to the Ojibway
throughout their history to show them the Path that the Creator wished them to follow.
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Some Ojibway Indians today wear the Megis or Cowrie shell to remember the origin of
man and the history of their people (Benton-Banai 1979:4).
Waynaboozhoo and His Return to the People
One night as Waynaboozhoo made camp by a stream, he noticed Ay-si-bun' (a raccoon)
sitting on the bank of the water. The raccoon was gathering clams from the sand near the
stream's edge. The raccoon would open the shell of each clam and carefully wash the
meat in the water. In this way Ay-si-bun' would clean his food before he ate it (BentonBanai 1979:56).
The Seven Grandfathers and the Little Boy
Also at each stop, the boy found a strange kind of small shell sprinkled here and there on
the ground. He sensed something special about these shells. He put down Tobacco and
took a few of them at each stop (Benton-Banai 1979:64).
"These are very special shells. They are an important gift and will figure into your life at
a later time. They represent the shell that the Creator used to blow his breath on the four
sacred elements and give life to Original Man. Keep this shell with you always. It is
called the Megis Shell (Benton-Banai 1979:65).
The Old Man and the First Midewiwin Ceremony
All at once the old man remembered the teachings about the Megis Shell that he had
received from the otter. It was the shell that the Creator used in blowing his breath into
the four sacred elements when he created Original Man. His mind went back to the time
long ago when he picked up the Megis Shells at the seven stopping places on his journey
home from the lodge of the Seven Grandfathers. He reached into a leather pouch that
hung by his side and retrieved one of these shells. He placed the shell at the doorway of
the lodge. This Megis Shell has since become an integral part of the Midewiwin religion
(Benton-Banai 1979:71).
The Seven Fires
The first prophet said to the people, "In the time of the First Fire, the Anishinabe nation
will rise up and follow the Sacred Shell of the Midewiwin Lodge. The Midewiwin Lodge
will serve as a rallying point for the people and its traditional ways will be the source of
much strength. The Sacred Megis will lead the way to the chosen ground of the
Anishinabe. You are to look for a turtle-shaped island that is linked to the purification of
the Earth. You will find such an island at the beginning and end of your journey. There
will be seven stopping places along the way. You will know that the chosen ground has
been reached when you come to a land where food grows on water. If you do not move,
you will be destroyed" (Benton-Banai 1979:89).
The second prophet told the people, "You will know the Second Fire because at this time
the nation will be camped by a large body of water. In this time the direction of the
Sacred Shell will be lost. The Midewiwin will diminish in strength. A boy will be born to
point the way back to the traditional ways. He will show the direction to the stepping
stones to the future of the Anishinabe people" (Benton-Banai 1979:89).
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The Migration of the Anishinabe
It is now thought that the people slowly moved down the southern shore of the St.
Lawrence River. Their second major stopping place was at the Ani-mi-kee' wa-bu (the
place of the Thunder Water). This is very likely the place referred to by Waynaboozhoo
on his journey to find his father [page 97-98] and the place the the Ojibway later called
Kichika-be-kong' (Great Falls). The water and thunder came together here and made a
powerful place. When the people stopped here, the Sacred Megis Shell rose up out of the
water and greeted them. The Sacred Fire was moved to this location for some time. This
place is better known today as Niagara Falls (Benton-Banai 1979:96-98).
It was at this second stopping place that the Anishinabe drove back a large group of
Iroquois warriors who were pursuing them. Later, the Iroquois gave the Ojibway a
Wampum Belt made out of a very special kind of shell. The O-pwa'-gun (Pipe) was
shared among these two nations. At last peace was sealed between them (Benton-Banai
1979:98).
For some time the main body of the migration stayed on this island, but it was not until
the people settled at Baw-wa-ting' that the Waterdrum was given a home in which to rest
and sing. Here again, the people found the Megis Shell. There was a small island here
where powerful ceremonies were held. People now call this place Sault Ste. Marie. The
fishing was excellent in the fast water. Skilled fishermen could run the rapids with a
canoe while standing backwards in the bow. They would be carrying an ah-sub-bi' (net)
on the end of a long pole. By the [page 101] time they got to the quiet water of the river,
their canoe would be full of beautiful Mi-ti-goo-ka-maig' (whitefish). There was so much
food in the village that this place came to support many families. Baw-wa-ting' became
the fifth stopping place of the migration. Many years later, in the time of the Fifth Fire,
Baw-wa-ting' would become a big trading center between the Anishinabe and the Lightskinned Race (Benton-Banai 1979:100-101).
The northern group of Anishinabe carved muz-i-nee-bi' ah-sin' (rock markings) and
symbols on the huge rock cliffs that led down to the great water. They marked sacred
places and made records of their journey on the rock walls. They went all the way to the
western end of the water. They named the bay there Wee-kway-doung'. Here they settled
on an island. The Sacred Shell rose up to the people from the sands of its shore. This
island today is referred to as Spirit Island at the west end of Lake Superior. Parts of the
southern group came to this place, too. They also left carvings on the rocks along the
southern shore of Lake Superior. It was near Spirit Island that the words of the prophets
were fulfilled. Here the Anishinabe found "the food that grows on water." Here they
found Ma-no'-min (wild rice) (Benton-Banai 1979:101).
This island in the bay became the sixth major stopping place of the migration. The elders
of the Midewiwin Lodge sensed that the long journey of their people was near its end.
But something was missing. One of the propnets long ago had spoken of a turtle-shaped
island that awaited them at the end of their journey. The southern group had seen an
island fitting this description that lay in the water off of a long point of land. The people
Page: 15
sought out this island and placed tobacco on its shore. The Sacred Shell rose up out of the
water and told the people that this was the place they had been searching for. Here, the
Waterdrum made its seventh and final stop on the migration. The Sacred Fire was carried
here and here it burned brightly. This island was called Mo-ning-wun'-a-kawn-ing (the
place that was dug) by the Ojibway. It was later called Madeline Island. This name has
survived to this day. The main body of the Anishinabe people gathered here and they
became strong and powerful (Benton-Banai 1979:102).
Conch Shell Containers
Apparently the Ojibwa were willing to pay the equivalent of thirty to forty dollars in furs
for large marine shells (Prufer 1961a, p. 562 quoting Rau 1873) (Seeman 1979:348).
PHONETICS
Glossary
Charms:
mi'gisens'ibûg (migis, shell; ens, diminutive; bûg, implies plant or leaf) (Densmore
1929:15).
CLOTHING
(e) Necklaces.—The material for necklaces which necessitated the least preparation was a
dentalium shell found among the rocks along Lake Superior, which has a longitudinal
hole, making it easy to string (Densmore 1929:35).
TREATMENT OF THE SICK
The following song affirms the recovery of the sick person and states that it will be
accomplished through the power of the white shell, which is the emblem of the
Midewiwin. It was addressed to a person whose infirmity was such that he could not
walk. This song occurs as No. 47 in Bulletin 45. "You will recover; you will walk again.
It is I who say it; my power is great. Through our white shell I will enable you to walk
again" (Densmore 1929:45).
MiDE'WiWiN (GRAND MEDICINE SOCIETY)
The "spirit power" is injected by "shooting" [page 88] it from the medicine bags of the
members. On receiving this spirit power the candidate falls to the ground unconscious.
The spirit power is conveyed by means of a small white shell, which is said to appear on
the surface of a lake when the action of a manido causes the water to seethe. These shells
are carried by members of the Midewiwin in the bag with their medicines, and when the
candidate regains consciousness one of these shells is said to come from his mouth. The
words of the following initiation songs illustrate this action (Bull. 45, Nos. 52, 63, 59)
(from Densmore 1929:87-88):
Here it is
The weasel skin (medicine bag)
Through it I shoot the white shells.
It never fails
The shell goes toward them
And they fall.
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My Mide brother is searched
In his heart is found
That which I seek to remove A white shell.45b
Note 45b: According to Hoffman (Seventh Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethn., p. 191), the shell
used in the Midewiwin is Cypraea moneta L.
It is believed there are "evil spirits" outside the lodge who try to influence the candidate.
They are represented by men (G). Before the candidate enters the lodge he is addressed
by one of these men who urges him not to enter. During the ceremony these men try to
distract his attention and divert his mind. The doorkeeper does not allow them to enter the
lodge. It is believed that the life of the candidate will be shortened if he is diverted by
these men or shows any discouragement because of their taunts. Within the lodge are four
men (A) who constantly advise him as to his conduct in the lodge, telling him to look at
the sacred pole and to pay no attention to those who try to distract him. They also instruct
him to lead a quiet, moral life and to speak gently. These men "throw the shell" into the
candidate during his initiation (Densmore 1929:91).
ORIGIN OF THE MIDEWIWIN
Historical Problem
Functions:
The national character of the ceremonial is symbolized in the use of a small white sea
shell called in Chippewa megis. According to Warren (1885: 77–80), perhaps the
outstanding authority on the Midewiwin, writing in the early 1850s when the Minnesota
and Wisconsin Chippewa were still largely independent of direct government authority,
the megis symbolized tribal unity. This shell appeared and disappeared to the Chippewa
as they moved by stages ever westward in mythical times. The "rays" of the megis were
said by Warren to "reach the remotest village of the wide spread Ojibways" (Hickerson
1988:55).
GRAND MEDICINE SOCIETY/ INITIATION
Last of all the head priest "shot" him, and he fell forward as if dead; but when the six
priests laid their medicine-bags on his back a sacred shell (migis) dropped from his
mouth and he showed signs of reviving. The head priest danced with the shell round the
lodge, displaying it to each medé, and inserted it again in the initiate's mouth; and again
he fell forward as if dead. Then the four priests marched round him and touched him with
their medicine-bags. Instantly he revived, and, at a command from the head priest, rose to
his feet (Jenness 1935:73).
The initiation ceremony proper was now over, and the ex-candidate a fully graduated
member. Yet while the day was still young it was only natural that he should play with
his newly acquired medicine-bag, and that the other medés also should celebrate their
reunion. Prompted by his preceptor, therefore, or by some other priest who walked
behind him, the youth placed his sacred shell in his medicine-bag and started out [page
74] to "shoot" someone, imitating the actions of the priests who had initiated him a little
earlier. At the thrust of his medicine-bag his "adversary" fell forward, but presently sat up
Page: 17
again. The novice then returned to his seat and all the priests rose to their feet. Those on
one side marched four times round the lodge to the beating of a drum, and at the fourth
circuit "shot" the adversaries facing them. The opposite side went through the same farce,
and all sat down again (Jenness 1935:73-74).
So many years had elapsed since the last celebration of the Grand Medicine Society on
Parry island, and the recounting of the traditions connected with it, that the two exmembers, Jonas and Tom King, could no longer recite the songs and speeches, or explain
the significance of the ceremonial details. They recognized most of the "First Degree"
speeches and songs recorded by Hoffman in his comprehensive account of the society as
it existed among the Ojibwa of the Red Lake and White Earth Reservations in
Minnesota,1 and said that their own songs and speeches closely resembled them; but they
stated, quite positively, that their Medicine Society recognized one degree only, and
claimed other differences which may be listed as follows (Jenness 1935:74):
(6) The head priest displayed the shell that dropped from the candidate's mouth to all the
members instead of to the cardinal points (Jenness 1935:74).
Note 1: Hoffman, W. J.: The Midewiwin or "Grand Medicine Society" of the Ojibwa;
Seventh Ann. Rept., Bur. of Ethn., pp. 149–299, Washington, 1891.
TALES FROM LAKE SUPERIOR
Then followed a general procession of all the priests, guests, men, women, and children,
one after the other. On first walking round, each stooped down once over the cloth, and
looked in. There was nothing to be seen, so they danced on. The second time they
stooped closer, and looked in more sharply, as if expecting something to appear there.
The third time they seemed to be attacked with involuntary spasms on approaching the
cloth. The next time their movements grew convulsive, and it was plain that they were
trying to expel something from their mouths; but nothing came. This lasted a long time.
All at once, on looking at the cloth, I noticed two little yellow shells lying upon it, like
eggs in a nest. The number rapidly increased, and, at last, every participator dropped a
shell on the cloth. The old Midés took extraordinary pains, and regarded the product of
their exertions very thoughtfully; but the young people and girls did not treat the matter
so seriously. They [page 49] looked at the cloth carelessly, and sent out the shells as
easily as a smoker does a puff of smoke, and paid no further attention to them (Kohl
1860:48-49).
When the shells were all produced they appeared very contented, and began to recover.
Afterwards, each person returned, took a shell from the cloth, and placed it in his
medicine-bag (Kohl 1860:49).
The traders tell me wonderful stories about the trade in shells which was formerly carried
on with the Indians, and the high value the savages placed on them. If the traders brought
a large handsome periwinkle and held it to the Indians' ears, the latter were astounded,
and said they could hear the sea beating in it, and would pay, for such a miraculous shell,
peltry to the value of forty or fifty dollars. There were also varieties of shells which they
Page: 18
held in special repute: thus there was a long shell of the size of a finger, which in the
Indian trade was worth more than its weight in silver (Kohl 1860:135).
Now-a-days this has ceased, and the Indians will not pay so much for a single shell. Still,
they are held in high respect even in the present day, and I have already alluded to the
small shells which play so great a part in all the religious ceremonies not only of the
Ojibbeways but of the Sioux residing in the interior (Kohl 1860:135).
The most valued ornament they have, what is known by the name of "wampum," is also
made of shells. It consists of small pieces of tubing carved or turned out of certain shells.
There are said to be [page 136] several factories in Jersey city, near New York, where
wampum shells are prepared for the Indians principally by German workmen. There is a
variety of bluish or grey wampum exclusively employed for ornaments. Influential and
respected chiefs, or jossakids, wear at times heavy masses of these shells round the neck.
The strings of white shells are chiefly used in peace negotiations, and by holding one end
of the chain and giving the other to the adversary, they typify that the future intercourse
between them shall be as smooth, white, and regular as this wampum necklace. All these
shells have been found since the earliest period among the Indians. The Europeans did
not introduce them, but merely followed a trade which had existed for years among the
Indians. We find no Indian tribe, however deep it might dwell in the interior, of which the
first Europeans do not mention their high respect for sea-shells. There is no doubt, I
think, that historic reminiscences are connected with this shell worship—recollections of
that great water from which the ancestors of the Indians and the founders of their religion
probably stepped on shore. These Indians appear to have been as well acquainted with the
fact that America was surrounded by an ocean, as the Greeks were in their small country.
For instance, it is very customary among the Ojibbeways to call America an island, and it
seems that this idea was not imported by the Europeans. Among the Choctaws and other
Mississippi tribes the fable is prevalent, that once a youth felt a longing to see the water
into which the sun dips at setting, and that he consequently took a fatiguing journey that
lasted a year, wandering from tribe to tribe towards the west until he discovered the
Pacific Ocean (Kohl 1860:135-136).
"No. 13 is a Midé shell. It does not look so, but I know it is one. The man of whom I
bought the song told me so (Kohl 1860:288).
"At n a new division commences." (It represents a couple exerting themselves to expel a
shell) (Kohl 1860:294).
While blowing on them with his medicine-bag, he also seems to be snow-balling them
with the sacred shell (Kohl 1860:295).
Anishinaabe Migrations and the Genesis of White Earth Communities
Migration has always been a key component in Anishinaabe adaptation strategies. Their
own oral tradition (now written as well) recounts the emergence of five original clans,
Crane, Catfish, Loon, Bear, and Marten, from the Atlantic Ocean and charts their passage
through the Great Lakes watershed to northern Minnesota, always following the shining
Page: 19
vision of the miigis (a cowrie shell), which appeared to them in the western sky1 (Meyer
1994:10).
Note 1: When possible, all Anishinaabe words other than proper names have been
spelled in accordance with the Nichols and Nyholm orthography. Miigis (megis in many
historical sources), translates as "shell; sacred shell" in Nichols and Nyholm, eds.,
Ojibwewi-Ikidowinan, 207. See also William Whipple Warren, History of the Ojibways
Based upon Traditions and Oral Statements (St. Paul: Minnesota Historical Society Press,
1970).
Community and Ethnicity at White Earth
Religious Patterns:
In this arena, Mide practitioners could be of aid. Frances Densmore wrote, "Health and
long life represented the highest good to the mind of the Chippewa, and he [sic] who had
knowledge conductive to that end was most highly esteemed among them." Midé priests
and priestesses, having learned their calling through special dreams, intervened to
mediate between individuals and the manidoog. Once admitted, lodge initiates elected to
work their way through an internal hierarchy of four ranks. Many failed to attain the
uppermost ranks due to the expense involved in amassing the necessary presents and
preparing feasts. A potential member paid requisite fees for the privilege of spending
years learning the "secrets." When the period of preliminary instruction ended, initiates
hosted a feast and distributed presents that they had worked for years to accumulate.
These materialistic aspects of the Midéwiwin were engendered by increased wealth
stemming from the trade in furs. Because of its oceanic origin, the symbolic miigis
(cowrie shell) eventually had to be procured through traders. Furthermore, commercial
trade gave potential initiates the means to accumulate the fees necessary to move from
one rank to the next. Midé specialists possessed knowledge of herbal medicinal
properties and healing remedies and performed healing ceremonies when so called upon.
Typically those in need offered some sort of compensation to the priests and priestesses
for their services. Midé members also preserved their traditions by incising them in
hieroglyphs on birchbark scrolls that recounted the genesis and migrations of the
Anishinaabeg, the organization of the Midéwiwin, and the proper course for initiates to
follow to achieve each successive level. Spiritual leaders convened the Midé membership
periodically, and kept its rituals and traditions in deepest secrecy. In 1890, anthropologist
Walter Hoffman [page 113] predicted the demise of the Midéwiwin through "the death of
their aged predecessors" and "the adoption of new religions," but by 1910 ethnographer
Frances Densmore named sixteen practitioners who continued to offer their services.
Since she merely gathered songs from these people and made no effort to be
comprehensive, it is safe to assume that other Midé practitioners existed as well. By the
time of Densmore's later 1928 ethnography, the Midewiwin was still conspicuous at
White Earth60 (Meyer 1994:112-113).
Note 60: Quotations from Densmore, How Indians Use Wild Plants, 322; Vecsey,
Traditional Ojibwa Religion, 144; Hoffman, "The Midewiwin," 167 (also 149–306). See
also Densmore, Chippewa Customs, 44–48, 78–97, 175–76; Densmore, Chippewa Music,
25, 60, 27, 37, 49, 79, 80, 91, 92, 95, 112, 113.
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THE FUR TRADE AND THE OJIBWA
In attempting to understand how Native people regarded these trade items, we should
note first that much of what circulated in the pre-historic trade included light-coloured,
reflective, and red materials such as shell, crystalline stone (mica, quartzite, and exotic
flint), and copper. Early references to the use of these materials in northeastern North
America indicate that they were associated with the forces of life and well-being, and
items made from them carried connotations of supernatural power22 (Peers 1994:9).
Note 22: George Hammell, "Trading in Metaphors: The Magic of Beads," in
Proceedings of the 1982 Glass Trade Bead Conference, ed. C. Hayes III (New York:
Rochester Museum and Science Center, 1982), pp. 18, 23. On items traded prehistorically, see Harris, Historical Atlas of Canada, vol. 1, plate 14, list of trade goods.
Culture
Religion:
The Jackhead ceremonial lodge was a large, open affair like that of the Southern Ojibwa
(W.J. Hoffman 1891:256). In the center was placed a very large mikiss (marine shell),
which was abraded during ceremonies to produce a powder for the curing rites. Sick
people were initiated into the Jackhead Midewiwin (and apparently [page 253] U. of
Winnipeg. Dept. of Anthr., Man.Fig. 11. Drawings of birchbark scrolls attributed to the
Mide priest George Traverse. The scrolls were secreted in the forest near the Jackhead
Reserve at the time of his death about 1914, along with his other Mide paraphernalia. He
had used these materials to train Mide leaders from Hole River. Scanterbury, and
Bloodvein. The last Midewiwin celebration at Jackhead is reported to have occurred in
1942. For possible interpretations of these scrolls see Dewdney (1975:150–153). Tracings
by Edward Sawatzky of incised designs on original birchbark scrolls. Width of top 44.3
cm.other Lake Winnipeg groups) as a condition of their treatment. The Jackhead lodge
differed in design from that at Pauingassi on the Berens River, which had a
superstructure, with only the sides completely covered (Steinbring 1981:252-253).
DISEASE, HEALTH, AND MEDICINE
The second immediate cause of disease was the intrusion of a foreign object into the
body. This could be a feather, shell, stone, worm, insect, or other small object. The
intrusion might be the work of a witch, the dead, or the manitos, and thus the Ojibwas
had to look beyond the immediate cause to the ultimate cause (Vecsey 1983:146).
MIDEWIWIN
Most of the myths of Midewiwin's origin attested to the curative nature of the movement.
One accounted for the Society's beginnings by stating that Kitche Manito and the other
manitos sent it to cure illnesses and deaths caused by a broken taboo (Copway 1858:
163–169). Another said that the manitos gave Midewiwin to newly created Indians to
prevent [page 186] extinction caused by sickness (Hoffman 1891: 172–173). A third told
how the Shell (megis) pitied Indians for their sickness and sent his messenger to Kitche
Manito, who called a council and sent the messenger to teach Indians the Medicine rites
(Landes 1968: 96–97). Most of the versions mirrored the myth of the origin of diseases
Page: 21
and remedies, which stated that unbalanced or incomplete relations between humans and
manitos resulted in disease. After a council, the manitos took pity on the sick humans and
provided them with a cure. In Midewiwin's case, the cure derived from a reestablishment
of relations with Kitche Manito and the lesser manitos (Vecsey 1983:185-186).
EMIGRATION OF THE OJIBWAYS FROM THE SHORES OF THE ATLANTIC
OCEAN TO THEIR OCCUPATION OF THE AREA OF LAKE SUPERIOR
One of the four We-kauns, after addressing a few remarks to the novice in a low voice,
took from his medicine sack, the Me-da-me-gis, a small white sea-shell, which is the
chief emblem of the Me-da-we rite. Holding this on the palm of his hand, he ran slowly
around the inside of the lodge, displaying it to the inmates, and followed by his fellow
We-kauns swinging their rattles, and exclaiming in a deep guttural tone, "whe, whe, whe"
(Warren 1885:78).
"While our forefathers were living on the great salt water toward the rising sun, the great
Megis (sea-shell) showed itself above the surface of the great water, and the rays of the
sun for a long period were reflected from its glossy back. It gave warmth and light to the
An-ish-in-aub-ag (red race). All at once it sank into the deep, and for a time our ancestors
were not blessed with its light. It rose to the surface and appeared again on the great river
which drains the waters of the Great Lakes, and again for a long time it gave life to our
forefathers, and reflected back the rays of the sun. Again it disappeared from sight and it
rose not, till it appeared to the eyes of the An-ish-in-aub-ag on the shores of the first great
lake. Again it [page 79] sank from sight, and death daily visited the wigwams of our
forefathers, till it showed its back, and reflected the rays of the sun once more at Bow-eting (Sault Ste. Marie). Here it remained for a long time, but once more, and for the last
time, it disappeared, and the An-ish-in-aub-ag was left in darkness and misery, till it
floated and once more showed its bright back at Mo-ning-wun-a-kaun-ing (La Pointe
Island), where it has ever since reflected back the rays of the sun, and blessed our
ancestors with life, light, and wisdom. Its rays reach the remotest village of the wide
spread Ojibways." As the old man delivered this talk, he continued to display the shell,
which he represented as the emblem of the great megis of which he was speaking
(Warren 1885:78-79).
The only difference between the two traditions, is that the otter, which is emblematical of
one of the four Medicine spirits, who are believed to preside over the Medawe rites, is
used in one, in the same figurative manner as the sea-shell is used in the other; first
appearing to the ancient An-ish-in-aub-ag from the depths of the great salt water, again
on the river St. Lawrence, then on Lake Huron at Sault Ste. Marie, again at La Pointe, but
lastly at Fond du Lac, or end of Lake Superior, where it is said to have forced the sand
bank at the mouth of the St. Louis River (Warren 1885:81).
1800–1809 THE HENRY PERIOD
The Indian who invited Tanner was Ais-ainse, or Little [page 84] Clam.193 Coues says
that Ais-ainse is the same man as Petite Coquille, or Little Shell, who was one of the
Chippewa who met Henry at the forks of the Assiniboine and Red Rivers in 1800194
(Wheeler-Voegelin 1974:83-84).
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Note 193: James, Tanner's Narrative, p. 179.
Note 194: Coues, New Light, vol. 1, pp. 53, 97.
1848–1863 THE TREATY PERIOD
The Red Lake chiefs were: Mosomo, or Moose Dung; Kah-wash-ke-ne-kay, or Broken
Arm; Little Rock; May-dwa-gun-on-ind, or He that is spoken to; Leading Feather. The
Pembina chiefs were: Misco-muk-quoh, or Red Bear; Ase-anse, or Little Shell,
otherwise, Little Chief.397 Mosomo is readily identifiable as the leading Red Lake
spokesman in the unratified 1851 treaty. Ramsey and Morrill state that four of the Red
Lake chiefs were with Ramsey in 1851398 (Wheeler-Voegelin 1974:176).
Note 396: Treaty Journal 1863, p. 4; 398.
Note 397: Ibid., p. 4.
Note 398: Ibid., p. 3.
DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS between the Ojibway and representatives of European
governments had many of the formal characteristics of the Indians' friendly relationships
with each other. Tobacco, food, and hospitality were shared, and goods such as clothing,
guns, and household equipment were also given. One special item transcended kinship
diplomacy: it was wampum, belts or strings of shell beads, and it served as a record of
transactions in diplomatic exchanges between tribes as well as with Europeans. Wampum
represented in an enduring way the words spoken in an encounter. When two parties had
not met face to face, wampum, accompanied by a speech delivered by a messenger, could
initiate a transaction. The speech came to be called by the French word parole, and the
wampum was the tangible, physical manifestation of the message. It was preserved and
honored just as were the written treaties that Europeans professed to respect so much. If
someone was not interested in making an agreement or did not accept the substance of
the parole, he would refuse the wampum and any other gifts, just as European
governments might refuse to sign treaties or accept diplomatic notes17 (White 1982:64).
Note 17: John Long, Voyages and Travels of an Indian Interpreter and Trade (Reprint
ed., Toronto, 1974).
Caddoan
Pawnee.
meaning, ritual, social category, use.
"The Fields and Forests Feed Us"
This is the way they used to roast the corn: They carried on their back a bag made of
scraped hide into which they would toss the ears of corn as they gathered them. Then
they would dump them into one big heap. The pile would be so high that it looked as if
wagons had been used to do the hauling instead of the simple carrying bags. The next
step was to build a long narrow ditch with mud embankments along each side against
which to lean the corn.* They would build a big fire and throw the ears into it. One would
have to stick one's hand in and out of the flame repeatedly to turn the ears over, but one
Page: 23
would never burn oneself. When the wood has burned down the naked ears are roasted in
the coals. The corn would be left to roast all night as this gives it a delicious flavor. Early
the next morning, whatever shucks remained on the corn would be removed and they
would proceed to cut the kernels from the cobs. For this purpose they would in most
cases use a clam shell. Kernels from small-grained ears were removed with a knife. Large
hide covers were then spread out upon the ground and pegged down tight so that they
would be very smooth and upon these the kernels were spread out to dry. The blue corn
was separated into three groups by size, the smallest, the medium, and the largest. When
the kernels were dry they were winnowed and put into sacks made of tanned hide. After
each sack was full they would beat upon it with a long stick to make sure that the grains
[page 31] settled compactly into the bag. Then they would place a lid inside the bag and
pull the drawstring. After we had filled them all there would be a big pile of bags. Those
that were for the daughter-in-law were carried to her home. The white flint corn is simply
dried without roasting (Blaine 1990:30-31).
Note *: According to Garland J. Blaine, ditch dimensions used in Indian Territory by a
Pawnee family averaged about six feet long by one and a half feet wide and threequarters foot deep. Earth embankments were built along the two long sides. The corn was
arranged along the sides and the fire burned in the bottom.
After the Pawnees moved to Indian Territory, former superintendent Barclay White
observed the corn drying process in 1877. The corn was kept in hot coals until the husks
burned. At that point it was judged that the corn inside was partially cooked by the
confined steam. After the ears were cooled, the husks were removed and a mussel shell
used to scrape the corn from the cob by "running the edge of the shell between the rows."
This shelled corn was then laid out on the ground on canvas sheets, or whatever material
was available, and thoroughly dried.84 Another method was to let the corn roast overnight
in its husks in a bed of ashes and coals. One job for the small boys during this process
[page 39] was to drive the horses away, for "it was almost impossible to keep them from
eating the corn, but they were given the husks to eat." The pile of roasted corn for the
extended Blaine family would fill a space approximately four feet deep and eight to ten
feet long. "That represented a lot of work," according to Garland J. Blaine, who helped
his grandparents prepare the corn in the traditional way in the 1920s.85 "Late in the fall
after harvest, the Pawnee used to go through the corn fields and say, 'heru atira, rak
kutsu?' (Mother Corn, do you have anything for us?), hoping to find an ear or two that
were missed. We went through the entire field two or three times carefully examining the
stalks and the ground. They would tell us, "Children, look good now. If we miss any
corn, the corn will cry because we have left it alone.' You would be surprised what we
would find, an ear here and there, already dried, and we'd put it in the sack"86 (Blaine
1990:39).
Note 84: White, "Journals," II, pp. 312-13.
Note 85: Blaine, unpublished notes.
Note 86: Ibid.
THE CAST OF STARS
Page: 24
Murie (1981:39) also stated that Moon, like Sun, was a chief god of doctors and gave
power to people through dreams. Dorsey (n.d.) said that shell symbolized Moom
(Chamberlain 1982:95).
COMETS, METEORS, AND METEORITES
Another form of the warrior's bundle consists of a wrapping like the one just described,
but containing, as a rule, a single object. This object, a bit of smokey quartz or fossil shell
with a lustrous color or some object of similar nature, is usually spoken of as a meteorite.
Such objects are generally believed to have descended from the sky to this earth, and over
them the warrior prays asking for protection and assistance (Chamberlain 1982:152).
REQUISITES OF THE HAKO CEREMONY AND THEIR SYMBOLISM
Associated with these two feathered stems, and sharing with them the prominent place in
the rites, was an ear of white corn. In addition there were required two small, round,
straight sticks from the plum tree; a crotched stick, also of the plum tree; feathers from
the tail of an owl and from the wings and tail of an eagle; two entire wings of an eagle;
the heads of two woodpeckers; the head, neck, and breast of two ducks; a wildcat skin; a
shell; two wooden bowls; a braid of buffalo hair; a braid of sweet grass; blue, green, and
red clay; fat from a deer or buffalo, the animal having been consecrated; the nest of an
oriole (Fletcher 1904:20).
PREPARING THE FEATHERED STEMS
Explanation by the Ku'rahus
The paint is mixed in a white shell. The shell must be white; it is used because it was
once a living thing. It lived in the water; it had no disease or sickness. As we use the shell
we ask that disease and sickness may be kept from us and that our life may be long
(Fletcher 1904:37).
Before the people knew anything about vessels they used shells as spoons and to put their
food in. Tira'wa gave us the shells and gave them long life and the power to keep away
disease and sickness (Fletcher 1904:37).
When the Ku'rahus has mixed the blue paint in the shell, he hands it to the man at his left,
who is sitting toward the north (Fletcher 1904:37).
When the man has completed the painting of the stick he hands it to the Ku'rahus, who
has already mixed red clay with water from a running stream in a shell, and he paints the
straight groove red. This groove is the path along which the spirits of all the things that
are to be put upon this stick of ash may travel as they go forth to give their help during
this ceremony. "H'areri" is a prayer that the symbol may have life (Fletcher 1904:38).
Before singing the second song the Ku'rahus prepares the green paint to be used on the
other stick of ash by the man on his right, toward the south. The clay is mixed in a shell
with water taken from a running stream (Fletcher 1904:39).
PREPARING THE OTHER SACRED OBJECTS
Page: 25
The running water with which the blue clay is mixed is put into a round, wooden bowl,
not in a shell, as when we painted the stems. The bowl is of wood, taken from the trees, a
part of the living covering of Mother Earth, representing the power of Toharu (Fletcher
1904:44).
PAINTING THE CHILD
While we sing the first stanza of the following song, the old man takes a shell containing
red paint and holds it before the consecrated child (Fletcher 1904:227).
The Ku'rahus had prepared the paint by mixing red clay with running water. He mixes it
rather dry so that what is left can remain in the shell. Only the right half of a shell can be
used to hold the paint. You remember what I told you of the shell and why we use it (first
ritual, part II). The red clay we use for paint was made by Tira'wa for this purpose
(Fletcher 1904:228).
During the singing of the second stanza the old man moves the shell containing the paint
toward the child. The vigor of life is coming to the child, flying toward it as through the
air, like the coming of dawn (Fletcher 1904:229).
The old man now takes a shell containing blue paint which had been prepared by the
Ku'rahus from blue clay and running water, and while we sing the first stanza of the
following song he holds it before the child (Fletcher 1904:230).
While we sing the second stanza the old man moves the shell containing the blue paint
toward the child. The blue of the sky where Tira'wa atius dwells is coming near,
descending through the air (Fletcher 1904:232).
MAKING THE HAKO
The painting of the ear of corn represents the securing of its credentials as leader. The
blue paint used on this occasion is not put into a shell, as it was when the stems were
colored, but into a wooden bowl. The shape of the bowl, an inverted dome, typifies the
arching sky, the blue paint its color (see the explanation of line 83). The design put on the
ear of corn signifies its journey to the abode of the powers and its return, with their
sanction, as leader (Fletcher 1904:289).
Pawnee Origins
The women made this pottery indoors in winter; but the stone and shell work (weapons,
tools, and ornaments), which were mostly the work of the men, have been described by
W. K. Moorehead as not abundant and of a rather poor quality5 (Hyde 1974:18).
Note 5: Swanton, 1942, p. 162; Moorehead, 1931, p. vi.
SKIRI
Meteorite Bundles
Page: 26
The eyes were of beads and the mouth was a shell. Apparently, someone had taken out
the real meteorite and put in these objects. Every spring, this bundle had been taken out
on a high hill or into the woods where others would not intrude (Murie 1989:71).
Young Corn Plant Ritual
When they get to the part of the song that refers to pressing milk from it, a man with a
shell sits before her and presses into the shell two drops of milk from the right breast and
two from the left. He repeats this with another shell (3rd to 5th stanzas) (Murie 1989:88).
Song 11, Stanza 4, Refrain 1, D:
caraus rakawaharu
"Clam shell the fortunate one" (Murie 1989:89).
Near the altar are a small wooden bowl and a clam shell. In this shell some white clay is
mixed with water; with it they paint the stick, making it perfectly white. Then they wash
out the shell and mix some red paint in it, and with a little marking stick, paint the notch,
and by other lines, outline a human face (Murie 1989:90).
The Chiefs' Council
In the meantime, the chief of the Skull bundle secures a long pole and, first tying a shell
disk to the otter's nose, fastens the whole to the top of the pole. Then he goes outside and,
holding the pole aloft, walks directly east until clear of the village, then turns and circles
it sunwise as he recites the ritual aloud (Murie 1989:92).
Four Pole Ceremony
Inside of a wrapping of black silk is a buffalo skin and within this some white cloth. The
contents of the bundle are the following: Mother Corn wrapped in buffalo skin; two ears
of corn wrapped in cotton cloths; skin of a hawk with wrapper of deer and buffalo skin; a
large mussel shell with painting outfit; an arrow-straightener of elkhorn; a pipe bowl
wrapped in buffalo wool; an otter collar, regalia for a warrior, now in fragments;
packages of red and white paints; native tobacco; a package of plum seeds; five braids of
sweetgrass; and two swan heads (Murie 1989:109).
One of the most important objects for the occasion was a wooden bowl, filled with water
in which was placed a clean shell, and upon it the jaw of a gar pike, the head of a
thunderbird, and the image of a turtle.56 (Murie 1989:109).
Note 56: An accurate description of this was given later, but failed to secure the
symbolism of the objects. The skull under the bowl is from the Skull bundle. Two long
sticks rest upon the skull and support the edges of the bowl. Over the middle of the turtle
are two short sticks and upon the square thus made rests the clam shell. The turtle and
shell were from the White Star bundle, and the four stones were from the Part Of A
Village bundle. The bowl is said to represent a pond or the waters, while the stones and
associated objects refer to the world quarters (Murie 1989:109).
Page: 27
When the poles are all in place and painted, the vital part of the ceremony begins. The
keeper, or chief, with the skull in his hands, stands facing the bowl, fixes his eyes upon
the shell in the water, and recites a ritual recounting the creative acts of Tirawahat (Murie
1989:111).
Morning Star Bundle (upirikucu)
The contents of the main bundle [not illustrated herein] are the usual two ears of sacred
corn, a pipe, two owls, a bluebird, an osprey, an otter belt bearing 65 scalps, a bundle of
counting sticks, a pair of thongs to tie the wrists of the captive, a coyote skin quiver [page
115] containing the Cheyenne sacred arrow, a warrior's collar and pipe, paints and a shell
for mixing them, sweetgrass braids, dried buffalo meat, elkhorn arrow-straighteners,
stone arrow polisher, wildcat foot skins and eagle legs for tobacco, three scalps and a
number of unknown objects that have not been unwrapped for many year (Murie
1989:114-115).
Thirty Day Ceremony
He placed the arrow point in the shell, then passed it to Brave Horse, telling him to place
it in the groove made ready for it and to wind the wet sinew around it. Then he told him
to hold the point over the fire four times (Murie 1989:171).
Over the middle of the turtle are two short sticks and upon the square thus made rests the
clam shell. The turtle and shell were from the White Star bundle, and the four stones
were from the Part Of A Village bundle. The bowl is said to represent a pond or the
waters, while the stones and associated objects refer to the world quarters (Murie
1989:178).
SOUTH BANDS
Chawi Doctor Chief's Bundle
The contents of the bundle proper are as follows: one small bundle containing two scalps
(imitation, probably of horsehair); one bundle containing five ears of corn; one bundle
containing a hawk; one bundle, tied at each end with thong, containing four large shells
used for mixing paint; one bundle of counting sticks; one separate bundle containing a
shell; one large arrow straightener wrapped in cloth; one small cloth package containing
three fossil shells; one pebble, unwrapped; one long braid of sweetgrass; one short braid
of sweetgrass wrapped in buffalo fur; and six stems of some kind of weed (Murie
1989:186).
Kitkahahki
The inner bundle is tied with three buckskin thongs and contains the following: eagle
wing fan; one birdskin, probably part of the fan; one wing feather; one duck head, braid
of sweetgrass inserted; one ear of corn wrapped in buffalo skin; one small bundle
wrapped in red cloth, containing two ears of corn (red and blue grains); one small bundle
wrapped in buffalo skin, containing one flint arrow point; one bundle wrapped in yellow
cloth containing two ears of blue corn; one arrow-straightener of buffalo bone (?)
wrapped in buffalo skin; one small buckskin bag containing plum-seed dice; one bundle
of counting sticks for the same; one miniature game wheel; one stick for the same; six
Page: 28
sticks wrapped in buffalo [page 197] skin; one mussel shell used for mixing paint; one
small turtle shell; one small clam shell; one hawk containing an ear of corn; one hawk, of
different species from above, containing an ear of corn; one catskin; one catlinite pipe
wrapped in buffalo wool (Murie 1989:196-197).
WASHING THE ANIMALS AND THE DRUMS
Raruhwaku says: "Errand man on the south side, come to the altar." The errand man goes
to the altar, and Raruhwaku hands him a large clam shell that contains a mixture of red
clay (Murie 1989:207).
After Sun Chief finishes he is told by Raruhwaku to take the shell and paint the animal
upon the nose and around the mouth with the red paint. This he does. Then Raruhwaku
carries the beaver around the lodge by way of the north to the altar (Murie 1989:208).
The shell with paint is returned to the altar. The bowl of water is taken out and emptied
into the creek by the errand man. The bowl is returned to the lodge and placed with other
wooden bowls (Murie 1989:208).
PURIFYING THE SKULL
He then took a clam shell, buffalo horn, and paints, and placed them west of the skull
(Murie 1989:399).
YOUNG BULL'S SONGS
When the skull was cleaned, Walking Sun placed some white clay in a large clam shell,
poured some water over it, and mixed it Murie 1989:400).
The clam shell, the buffalo horn, and other things were returned to the main altar by the
north errand man (Murie 1989:401).
WOMAN'S SOCIETY
With one possible exception there seem to have been no associations for women. We
have even no data as to anything like the associations of quill workers (p. 79). In the
preceding we have noted the victory dance of the women which may, perhaps, have had a
crude organization, but there was an association of single women, old maids, and
widows, to whose organization captives of war were presented. Their regalia were
ludicrous. Their mock war-bonnets were made of corn husks instead of feathers; their
bows were the poorest of sticks; their lances were of weed stalks adorned with husks; and
their shields, hoops covered with cloth and husks. Some of them carried hollow stems of
the wild sunflower, through which they blew dust into the air. One woman acts as chief,
her badge being a large clam shell on the breast (Murie 1914:598).
FULLERTON SITE
Most of the site has long been under cultivation, and there are but few remaining traces of
the lodge circles; no evidence whatever exists of the surrounding wall. Bits of shell,
bone, stones, flints, and some sherds are found, together with iron hoes, gun parts, knives,
and other evidences of white trade (Wedel 1936:24).
Page: 29
MATERIAL CULTURE
Consequently there are left only objects of stone, bone, shell, and clay, with an
occasional fragment of textile preserved by charring (Wedel 1936:42).
CERAMICS
Tempering is usually of fine sand, sparingly used, but crushed granite, fine white
siliceous material, and possibly mica were also employed; ground shell appears to be
uniformly absent (Wedel 1936:66).
CLAMSHELLS.—Large Unio shells are fairly common in Pawnee villages, both as
surface finds and in the graves and houses; a cache of about a dozen was found in the
north edge of the lodge excavated by the Nebraska Archaeological Survey, as has been
previously mentioned. Two species of shells from this site have been identified by Dr.
Frank C. Baker of the University of Illinois. They are Proptera alata megaptera (Raf.) and
Lampsilis ventricosa occidens (Lea). Generally these shells are unworked, but a few are
notched as though for attachment of a handle; incised or carved specimens are extremely
rare. They are commonly found in graves and caches with paint materials in them, and
probably served principally as receptacles. A few show pronounced wear on the edges
and were apparently used as digging or scraping tools (Wedel 1936:86).
Ornaments of historic Pawnee workmanship, so far as the archeological record is
concerned, seem rarely to have been made of shell (Wedel 1936:86).
TUBULAR BEADS.—A rather interesting class of shell objects is illustrated in plate 8,
m. They are long white cylinders, very often tapering slightly toward the ends, and are
perforated longitudinally. In length they vary; the upper two in the illustration are 41/2
inches long, while the shortest is less than 3 inches; they average from one-fourth to
three-eighths inch in diameter. Usually they are covered [page 87] with a rusty coating,
readily removed, and some are rather badly weathered; all are soft and chalky in texture.
Sometimes, as in the second specimen from the bottom (pl. 8, m), they are unperforated
but have a groove about one end. They were probably made from the columella of the
conch or from some very thick-walled bivalve. They occur as grave finds, always in
pairs, and are nearly always found one on each side of the head; doubtless their purpose
was for ear or hair ornamentation (Wedel 1936:86-87).
A string of small tubular shell beads, each three-eighths inch long by less than one-eighth
inch in diameter, are the only approach to "wampum" yet found; they are from a historic
grave. Irving, in describing the appearance of the Republican Pawnee chief in 1833,
states that "a long string of wampum, the only ornament he ever wore, hung from his
neck . . ."79 Disk shell beads are altogether absent in Pawnee sites, although prehistoric
ossuaries in southern Nebraska have yielded thousands of them. In general, beads and
shell work of any kind represent a very minor phase in Pawnee culture, in historic times
at least (Wedel 1936:87).
Note 79: Irving, 1835, vol. II, p. 120
Page: 30
Burial 3
The soil about the feet was literally impregnated with more beads, mostly white, blue,
and red, doubtless from the decayed moccasins. Several heavy lead rings about threeeights of an inch wide, a broken shell or bone gorget, and small fragments of other shell
trinkets complete the list of funerary offerings (Wedel 1936:92).
MORTUARY CUSTOMS
The bodies were usually wrapped in matting or bark for interment and were always
accompanied by mortuary offerings. Shaped stones (pl. 7) from 3 to 6 inches in length are
nearly always found in or near the left hand of adult males. The offerings are most
commonly found in front of the body if lying on its side, or on the chest if lying face
upward. At the Hill site flints and steel, glass beads, lead rings, wooden-backed mirrors,
knives, shell gorgets, Spanish, British, and American peace medals, military buttons,
cloth, foodstuffs, and innumerable other odds and ends were used as offerings (Wedel
1936:92).
The presence of considerable shellwork is frequently taken as indicative of trade relations
with peoples on the Gulf coast, as the molluscan forms now found in the streams of
Nebraska differ from those recovered by excavation in old village sites. However, silting
up of the rivers due to widespread agricultural development may have resulted in the
comparatively recent extinction of species formerly common within the area, so that no
very remote source for most of the raw shell need be postulated (Wedel 1936:101).
PLATE 8 m, perforated or grooved shell objects probably worn as ear or hair ornaments;
longest pair 41/2 inches long and three-eighths inch in diameter (Wedel 1936:121).
Another symbolic object was a wooden bowl filled with water to represent a primordial
pond or the waters in general. In the water was a shell to represent running water and the
continuity of life. On the shell was placed the jaw of a gar pike, the head of a (thunder?)
bird and the image of a turtle, all symbolizing the denizens of the water and the rains. The
skull rested to the west, and to the east of it the bowl of water with the objects connected
by a framework of sticks on which the turtle was placed with a clamshell over his middle.
There were four smooth stones that were either meteorites or buffalo maw stones which
came from the sacred bundle of the former Village Partly-on-a-Hill. The turtle and the
shell were from the Southwest Direction bundle. The four smooth stones stood for the
four quarters of the world (Weltfish 1965:261).
Some men could make themselves a war bonnet with eagle feathers (the traditional war
bonnet of the plains symbolizing a comet). They would buy long white beads in the store
and at the base of the throat, wear a big shiny disk about as large as a dollar made out of
long black oyster shell (Weltfish 1965:377).
The Mortar, kitutu. Now they dumped out the coals and scraped away the charred wood
with an oyster (?) shell (probably fresh-water clam). Again they put in hot coals, and
Page: 31
again they scraped away the charred wood with the shell, and they repeated this process
until the pit was deep enough (Weltfish 1965:385).
The Pestle, iks-ka-wi-itsa-ku. The wood was seasoned in the fire and finished off by
scraping with an oyster shell until it was very smooth (Weltfish 1965:385).
Iroquoian
Iroquois.
meaning, ritual, social category, use.
USE OF ANTLERS, STONES, BONES
Their domestic life and the agricultural activities in which the Iroquois had engaged from
pre-Columbian days created need for a variety of implements which were cleverly
devised from antlers, stone, bone, shell, and wood. Decorative designs were incised on
many of the shell, antler, and bone articles and carved on the wood implements with
knives of chert (rockflint) (Lyford 1945:44).
USE OF SHELLS
Beads and Runtees
When the Dutch reached Manhattan in 1609 they found the coastal Algonquian slowly
and laboriously making large quantities of disk shaped (discoidal) and cylindical beads
from small, fresh water, spiral shells (Columbella mercatoria), perforating them through
the center, and stringing them on threads of deer [page 45 (b)] sinew or bark. With their
steel instruments the Dutch soon developed improved methods of making beads and other
shell ornaments and sold them to the Indians in great numbers. The Indians purchased
steel drills for their own use and the native production of shell articles was vastly
increased (Lyford 1945:44-45).
Small discoidal, spherical, and cylindrical shell beads have been found in great
abundance in excavated sites which were occupied about 1650. Beads and ornamental
disks or runtees of shell have also been found in graves of the late seventeenth and early
eighteenth centuries. The runtees are large ornaments of shell, most of which are
decorated with incised or picked-in designs (Lyford 1945:45).
Shell beads for decorative purposes were gradually replaced by imported glass beads.
Not many shell beads have been found on sites later than 1800. After this period the use
of shell beads was chiefly in the wampum strings and belts used in councils and for
ceremonial purposes (Lyford 1945:45).
Wampum
Of the beads that were manufactured and used by the Iroquois those known as
"wampum" are by far the most significant. Though the term wampum has been used in
some places to include both the discoidal and the cylindrical beads, the true wampum is
an Indian-made shell bead, cylinderical in form, averaging about one-quarter of an inch
in length by an eighth of an inch in diameter, perfectly straight on the sides, with a hole
running through it the long way. Some of the wampum beads prepared for commercial
Page: 32
trade were as long as half an inch but none of the long beads has been found in the
wampum belts. Wampum was made from the quahaug or hard shell clam (Venus
Mercenaria) which provides both white and purple beads. The central axis (columellae)
of the great conch shell (pyrula Carica), was used for white wampum (Lyford 1945:45).
USE OF WOOD
Before the introduction of metal tools from Europe it had been necessary to char the
wood and scrape off the burned sections with stone or shell tools in order to get the forms
desired (Lyford 1945:55).
Bowls were made of beach, basswood, and maple. Soft curly maple knots were hollowed
[page 55] out with primitive bone, shell, or stone tools and given a high polish by
continual scouring and absorption of grease, which produced an attractive luster (Lyford
1945:54-55).
USE OF SILVER
The use of silver by the Iroquois dates from the seventeenth century when the French and
Dutch came into the country with metallic instruments. Silver medals, gorgets, beads,
earrings, finger rings, and other ornaments for personal adornment were popular among
the western Iroquois during the colonial period and were lavishly used throughout the
latter part of the eighteenth [page 66(b)] century (1720-1850). They superseded the
earlier ornaments of bone, copper, shell, and polished stones (Lyford 1945:65-66).
DECORATIVE ARTS
Bead Work
The use of beads for personal adornment goes far back into prehistoric times. Beads of
stone, bone, pottery, and shell have been found in old graves and in the excavations of
village sites. Shell beads were made from the spiral center of sea shells (Columellea),
pierced at both ends, apparently serving for necklaces and as costume decoration (Lyford
1945:72).
By the eighteenth century commercial beads were in common use. They had replaced
both the quills and the small shell disks that had been previously used [page 72] for
ornamental purposes. Commercial thread gradually replaced sinew (Lyford 1945:71-72).
Substitution of a new type of decaration apparently took place gradually, for on a few of
the old pieces of handwork the three types of ornamentation are to be found -- quillwork,
[page 73(c)] beadwork, and shell decoration (Lyford 1945:72-73).
Plate 2. GÄ-NO SÄ OR CONCH SHELL BREAST PLATE (Morgan 1901a:58)
The first of these was named Ta-wan -ne-ars,1 [page 70] "needle breaker," and the title
made hereditary in the Wolf tribe; the second was named So-no-so-wä, "great oyster
shell," and the office assigned to the Turtle tribe (Morgan 1901a:69-70).
Page: 33
The use of wampum reaches back to a remote period upon this continent. It was an
original Indian notion which prevailed among the Iroquois as early, at least, as the
formation of the League. The primitive wampum of the Iroquois consisted of strings of a
small fresh water spiral shell, called in the Seneca dialect Ote-ko, the name of which has
been bestowed upon the modern wampum. When [page 52] Da-gä-no-we-dä, the founder
of the League, had perfected its organic provisions, he produced several strings of this
ancient wampum of his own arranging, and taught them its use in recording the
provisions of the compact by which the several nations were united into one people. At a
subsequent day the wampum in present use was introduced among them by the Dutch,
who in the manufactured shell bead offered an acceptable substitute for the less
convenient one of the spiral shell. These beads, as shown in the plate, are purple and
white, about a quarter of an inch in length, an eighth in diameter, and perforated
lengthwise so as to be strung on sinew or bark thread. The white bead was manufactured
from the great conch sea shell, and the purple from the muscle shell. They are woven into
belts, or used in strings simply, in both of which conditions they are employed to record
treaty stipulations, to convey messages, and to sub-serve many religious and social
purposes. The word wampum is not of Iroquois origin. Baylie, in his History of New
Plymouth, informs us that it was first known in New-England as Wampumpeag, from
which its Algonquin derivation is to be inferred; and Hutchinson says that the art of
making it was obtained from the Dutch about the year 1627 (Morgan 1901b:51-52).
Wampum beads are rarely worn, as they are scarce and held at high rates. (80) These
beads are used chiefly for religious purposes, and to preserve laws and treaties. They are
made of the conch shell, which yields both a white and a purple bead, the former of
which is used for religious, and the latter for political [page 53] purposes. A full string of
wampum is usually three feet long, and contains a dozen or more strands. White
wampum was the Iroquois emblem of purity and of faith. It was hung around the neck of
the White Dog before it was burned; it was used before the periodical religious festivals
for the confession of sins, no confession being regarded as sincere unless recorded with
white wampum; further than this, it was the customary offering in condonation of
murder, although the purple was sometimes employed. In ancient times, six of these
strands was the value of a life, the amount paid in condonation for a murder. Wampum
has frequently been called the money of the Indian; but there is no sufficient reason for
supposing that they ever made it an exclusive currency, or a currency in any sense, more
than silver or other ornaments. All personal ornaments, and most other articles of
personal property passed from hand to hand at a fixed value; but they appear to have had
no common standard of value until they found it in our currency. If wampum had been
their currency it would have had a settled value to which all other articles would have
been referred. There is no doubt that it came nearer to a currency than any other species
of property among them, because its uses were so general, and its transit from hand to
hand so easy, that every one could be said to need it. When sold, the strings were counted
and reckoned at half a cent a bead. Wampum belts were made by covering one side of a
deer-skin belt with these beads, arranged after various devices, and with most laborious
skill. As a belt four or five feet long by four inches wide would require [page 54] several
thousands of these beads, they were estimated at a great price. In making a belt no
particular pattern was followed: sometimes they are of the width of three fingers and
Page: 34
three feet long, in other instances as wide as the hand, and over three feet in length;
sometimes they are all of one color, in others variegated, and in still others woven with
the figures of men to symbolize, by their attitudes, the objects or events they were
designed to commemorate. The most common width was three fingers, or the width of
seven beads, the length ranging from two to six feet. In belt making, which is a simple
process, eight strands or cords of bark thread are first twisted, from filaments of slippery
elm, of the requisite length and size; after which they are passed through a strip of deerskin to separate them at equal distances from each other in parallel lines. A piece of splint
is then sprung in the form of a bow, to which each end of the several strings is secured,
and by which all of them are held in tension, like warp threads in a weaving machine.
Seven beads, these making the intended width of the belt, are then run upon a thread by
means of a needle, and are passed under the cords at right angles, so as to bring one bead
lengthwise between each cord, and the one next in position. The thread is then passed
back again along the upper side of the cords and again through each of the beads; so that
each bead is held firmly in its place by means of two threads, one passing under and one
above the cords. This process is continued until the belt reaches its intended length, when
the ends of the cords are tied, the end of the belt covered, [page 55] and afterwards
trimmed with ribbons. In ancient times both the cords and the thread were of sinew
(Morgan 1901b:52-55).
Medals of sea-shell, inlaid with silver, as represented in the figure, were also worn
suspended from the neck as personal ornaments. They were made of the conchshell, and
were highly valued (Morgan 1901b:56).
MYTH OF 3 BROTHERS WHO FOLLOWED THE SUN UNDER THE SKY'S RIM
One brother lay down, and Hawni io` placed a small shell to his lips, and put it on the
brother's mouth. He also tapped him on the neck, and sealed the shell with clay. He began
to skin the brother. He took apart the muscles, and then scraped the bones. He took out
the organs and washed them. Then Hawni io` built the man again. He loosened the clay
and rubbed his neck. He did this with both brothers; and they sat up, and said, "It seems
as if we had [page 134] slept." Haweni io` said, "Every power of your bodies is renewed.
I will test you" (Parker 1913:133-134).
AN EXAMINATION OF THE SOURCES OF THE MYTH AND LEGEND
Story of Deganaweda
The Thomas variant also has the life-token motif. Deganaweda is said to have left a shell
with a feather in it. "If you note after I have departed from here, if the feather moves," he
told his grandmother, "the significance will be that I have met with a struggle wherever I
may be, and if you see that there is blood in the shell, the significance will be that I have
been defeated"21 (Selden 1965:90).
Note 21:
Curtin and Hewitt, p.103
TEXT COLLECTED FROM DAVID THOMAS
SIX NATIONS RESERVE ONTARIO, CANADA AUGUST 18, 1963
Page: 35
He left a shell and put a feather in it and said, "If you note after I have departed from here
if the feather moves," he said, "the significance will be that I have met with a struggle
wherever I may be, and if you see that there is blood in the shell, then the significance
will be that I have been defeated" (Selden 1965:136).
LONGHOUSE FIRE-KEEPERS
The replacement of missing wampum by a copy is allowed, for as long as the beads are
genuine shell there is no resistance to using newly constructed sets. A copy of the
missing Cayuga Condolence wampum has been made in order to complete the set turned
over to the contemporary keeper of the Four Brothers Condolence strings. Another copy
of the Cayuga Condolence wampum has been made [page 88] from a picture in the
Journal of the Washington Academy of Sciences (1944: 78). This copy is not of shell and
is not for official use. The individual beads are made quite realistically of rubber tubing.
The set is not used at actual ceremonies but only for practice (Shimony 1961:87-88).
LONGHOUSE STRAWBERRY CEREMONY
After this the Feather Dance is announced, and the set performed is of the earthly series.
Strawberry time is one of the occasions at which the traditional "Indian" dress is
supposed to be worn, and those who are "dressed" should lead the Feather [page 159]
Dance. "Indian" dress for the men includes any buckskin ensemble, preferably with
fringes, bead or shell necklaces, bead or embroidery decoration on the shirt or trousers,
armlets, deer-hoof anklets, and moccasins; Plains-type or roach-type feather headdress;
colorful shirts, sashes, or trousers; and any combinations of these. Buckskin pants with no
upper garment at all is a perfectly acceptable "Indian" costume (Shimony 1961:158-159).
Ceremonial Properties of the Iroquois
In Tennessee and western Virginia [page 75] conch shell face images have been
excavated in sufficient number to prove their use among the prehistoric populations still
unfortunately unclassified as to language and tribal identity (Speck 1945:74-75).
The conch shell horn, which fifty years ago the Cayuga sounded to call the worshippers
to the Long House, is thought by some Indians to have come from a similar source
(Speck 1945:80).
Other objects sought by museums as examples of the gentler aspects of Iroquois life are
strings and strips of wampum. The sacredness of the shell material, made into cylindrical
beads averaging less than a quarter inch in length and about an eighth of an inch in
diameter drilled through the long axis, has long been known as a characteristic of the
culture of the Iroquois and the eastern Algonkian tribes. Wampum is a symbol of
steadfastness of word pledged in civil and political agreements, in contracts of marriage,
and in other binding ties between individuals or groups, and of sincerity of heart with
respect to motives and statements and in devotional actions. Its most noteworthy
historical function, however, has been that of a means of recording and preserving the
articles of treaty negotiations between nations and party groups entering into relations.
For such use large bands called "belts," the width of a hand and from several feet to
several yards long, were woven of white [page 85] and dark-blue wampum beads
Page: 36
arranged to form simple designs. The belts were constructed in duplicate, and one was
kept by each of the contracting parties as a memorial of the event. Wampum belts could
not be read literally, but were interpretable by those who had memorized the design
symbols. They were held in veneration by the eastern Indians with a depth of sentiment
difficult for the European to understand (Speck 1945:84-85).
The League of the Iroquois
Women, if costumed, usually wear leggings that are tied below the knee, a skirt that
covers the knee, and a long over-blouse--all made of cloth and often decorated with
beadwork--and moccasins. This style of dress has changed less than that of the men
during the past hundred years. Since colonial times, the principle change in Iroquois dress
has been the substitution of cloth for skin, of shirts and over-blouses for fur robes worn
over the shoulders, and of glass beads and silver brooches for shell ornaments (Tooker
1970:30).
WHITE DOG SACRIFICE
Over the right was a belt of wampum (sea shell) three inches wide. His body was painted
with red paint in stripes. He Had on the Breech Cloth of Cloth, lined around the Edges
with red ribbon (Tooker 1970:113).
Principles of Iroquois Ritualism
Fig. 3. Wampum belt given by the Iroquois to the American negotiators in 1784 to
document the Treaty of Fort Stanwix, which reestablished relations after the Revolution.
Length about 39 cm. (NY State Museum, Albany: 37415.) wampum in sufficient quantity
to satisfy the demand, the Europeans established wampum "factories" on Long Island and
in New Jersey (fig. 4). White wampum could be made of a number of species of marine
shells, but it was often made from the central column of the whelk (Buccinum undatum).
However, the only source of purple (sometimes called black) wampum was the hardshell, or quahog clam(Mercenaria mercenaria). Its value to Indians meant that wampum
also came to have value to Whites; and in colonial times. Whites used it as a form of
currency much as they used Spanish, Portuguese, French, and Dutch coins in addition to
English ones. It was not regarded as money by the Indians, except that being something
valuable it could be used for economic exchange and for gifts (Tooker 1978:423).
Fig. 4. Materials from the Campbell wampum factory at Pascack (now Park Ridge), N.J.,
in operation 1770-1899. Shell of Mercenaria mercenaria with blanks from purple area of
such shells; hickory vice about 35.6 cm long used to hold blank for shaping against a
grindstone; bow drill with bit made from a saw file, used to drill holes in blanks held in
another vice similar to the one shown; string of finished wampum (Tooker 1978:423).
Fig. 10. left, Shell gorget belonging to the Mohawk Joseph Brant, leader of the proBritish Iroquois after the American Revolution (Tooker 1978:435).
AGRICULTURAL METHODS AND CUSTOMS/ IMPLEMENTS EMPLOYED
Page: 37
Shell was evidently not favoured by the Iroquois as a material for hoes, though it was so
employed by surrounding nations.2 An Onondaga name for the latter implement is
atcokdsää' (Waugh 1916:15).
Note 2: Wintemberg, W. J.,The Use of Shell by the Ontario Indians, Ont. Arch. Rep.,
1907, p. 38.
EARLY DESCRIPTIONS OF CORN CULTURE
The "Armouchiquois" employed both fish and shell to enrich the soil1(Waugh 1916:17).
Note 1: Lescarbot, paris, 1612, vol. II, p. 834.
UTENSILS USED IN THE GATHERING, PREPARATION, AND EATING OF FOOD
Eating spoons vary in size, some being of quite generous dimensions. The shapes, also,
are of considerable interest, some suggesting prototypes of clam-shell, others apparently
being based upon spoons of horn and similar material, and others still upon the gourdshell ladle or dipper (Waugh 1916:68).
Clam-shells are frequently found on Iroquois sites, suggesting a possible use as spoons,
although, as remarked by W. J. Wintemberg, "We cannot be certain as to how many of
the unios . . . were, if at all, used as spoons, . . owing to the fact that none of them has
been altered in any way." Some of the older Iroquois, however, still carry clam-shells to
eat with at festivals or ceremonies (Waugh 1916:68).
John Jamieson, sen., stated that clam-shells are not good to use for spoons as they cause
incontinence of urine (sympathetic [page 69] magic--the dribbling of water from the clam
when it is taken from the water suggesting the foregoing idea) (Waugh 1916:68).
THE KNIFE
One of the Relations remarks of the Iroquois that "They used a scallop or an oyster-shell
for cutting off the right thumb" of a captive.1 Clam-shells of various kinds are frequently
found on Iroquoian village sites, a number showing wear and suggesting use for various
purposes (Waugh 1916:71).
Note 1: Jesuit Relations, Thwaites ed., v.31:45.
Muskogean
Seminole. meaning, social category, use.
Seminole Pottery
Shell-Tempered Ware:
The paste is strongly laminated and heavily shell tempered. Surfaces are weathered and
marred by leach holes, but they seem to have been roughly smoothed with only a few
showing suggestions of brushing (Goggin 1964:201).
Page: 38
The use of shell tempering is unknown in this area, but the presence of this trait in
Walnut Roughened may be mentioned (Goggin 1964:201).
Indian River Traders
In 1887 he entered into partnership with a Mr. Travis of Cocoa to establish a "floating
store" business along the lower east coast. As captain of the schooner Merchant which
ran from Cocoa to Jupiter, usually taking thirty days for the trip if the weather was good,
Kitching became one of the best known men in the region. Often he would send postcards
ahead to settlers along the coast, notifying them of the dates when he expected to make
landfall at their settlements, and when the schooner entered the harbors, Kitching had his
mate blow a loud blast on a conch shell horn to bring the residents and their children
flocking to the docks (Kersey 1975:88).
SEMINOLE MEN'S CLOTHING
Crescentic Silver Gorgets
kn·wwàt·k· (Figs. 4, 7), one to four worn suspended from cords around the neck, also
have a double origin: aboriginal shell and copper gorgets (usually circular), and the
crescentic metal gorgets worn as military insignia by European soldiers and frequently
produced in silver for trade and diplomatic gifts to Eastern Indians. In Florida, Seminole
men made gorgets from silver coins perhaps as late as 1930, and some heirloom
specimens probably still remain (Sturtevant 1967:170).
CURING
Sicknesses
Finding List:
sa:hnoka:cí:cihcî (seashell sickness): 'shell caused sickness'
Large seashells (s a:hî:) cause deafness, and the sickness [page 241] will eventually "bust
out" of the ears or eyes, which will discharge fluid. No treatment for this was recorded
(Sturtevant 1954:240-241).
ANTECEDENTS
The Ancestral Creek Pattern
The archaeological sequence at the site of Tukabatchee on the Tallapoosa River in central
Alabama illustrates particularly well the final trend of sociopolitical decentralization that
characterized the transition from the prehistoric to historic periods in the Southeast. Late
prehistoric Mississippian societies at Tukabatchee were organized into a chiefdom settled
in a nucleated village around a central platform mound (Knight 1985:53). Chiefs, or
priest-chiefs, managed an agrarian, redistributive economy and as their reward took
prestige items of imported shell and copper (Knight 1985:173). By A.D. 1600 the
chiefdom at Tukabatchee had dissolved; ceremonies ceased to be performed atop the
platform mound, and it fell into disuse. Imported objects of shell and copper were no
longer the primary markers of status but were largely replaced by a flood of trade items
obtained [page 26] from European missionaries, merchants, and diplomats (Knight
1985:174–176, 179). These items have been recovered in the household refuse of the
Tukabatchee villagers, and so it can be inferred that wealth was no longer confined to the
chiefly sector of society (Weisman 1989:25-26).
Page: 39
Siouan
Assiniboine.
meaning, use.
ORNAMENTS
A shell, called by the traders Iroquois, 31 is sought after by them more eagerly than
anything else of the kind. They are procured on the coast of the Pacific and find their way
to our tribes across the mountains through the different nations by traffic with each other
until the Crows and Blackfeet get them from some bands of the Snake and Flathead
Indians with whom they are at peace. These shells are about 2 inches long, pure white,
about the size of a raven's feather at the larger end, curved, tapering, and hollow, so as to
admit of being strung or worn in the ears of the women, worked on the breast and arms of
their cotillions, also adorn the frontlets of young men, and are worth in this country $3 for
every 10 shells. Frequently three or four hundred are seen on some of the young Crow or
Blackfoot women's dresses. The large blue or pearl California shell was once very
valuable and still is partially so. It is shaped like an oyster shell and handsomely tinted
with blue, green, and golden colors in the inside. One of these used to be worth $20, but
of late years, owing to the quantity being introduced by the traders, the price has
depreciated to about half that amount. These shells they cut in triangular pieces and wear
them as ear pendants (Dening 1930:591).
Note 31: Iroquois appears to be a loan word.
EAR RINGS OF DOG'S TEETH
He then ordered the whole camp to move off and thus left his children to perish. After all
had gone he again looked that his children were secure and examined the camp to see that
no one remained behind, but perceived nothing but a little old dog lying on an
extinguished fire, with his head in a large shell for a pillow, apparently sick. "Why do
you remain behind the camp?" inquired the man. "Because I am sick and can not travel,"
answered the dog. (Denig 1930:609).
LODGES, CLOTHING, AND ORNAMENTS
Among the ornaments worn by women were garters with long quill-covered strings and
shell tassels that hung to the ground (Long 1961:91).
MYTH OF THE ORPHAN BROTHER AND SISTER
One day, he said to the girl, "Perhaps a lot of people will come and carry you off together
with our lodge." She asked, "Supposing they take me, what will you do?" "I will put a
shell in the ground, go inside, and sing." The people came and carried off the girl. They
heard something within a shell. They tried to break it open by stamping on it, but only
tore their feet. They tried to push it over, but could not do so. Then they just went away
with the girl (Lowie 1909:139).
They had a council to decide how they had best dispatch him. They could not approach
him, because he was hiding in a large lake. At last they said, "Let Tosna' (some kind of
Page: 40
shell-fish) drink up all the water in the lake." Tosna' commenced to drink, until he
swelled to the size of a hill. The people said, "Look at Tosna', he is getting big."
Mninku'n (a bird) was there. Tosna' had drunk up nearly all the water; there was just a
little left in the middle of the lake, and there Diver became visible now. All the people
tried to kill him with stones. Then Mninku'n broke Tosna's shell. Before Diver could be
killed, Tosna' disgorged all the water back into the lake, and Diver escaped.2 (Lowie
1909:73).
Note 2: In several respects, the Stoney version resembles that of the Micmac. Cf. Rand,
Legends of the Micmac (New York-London, 1894) pp. 160, et seq., 306 et seq. The
corresponding Shuswap tale (Teit, p. 687) introduces the wolverene as a character, but in
a different connection, and the other incidents also differ. The girls' cannibal husband is
said, however, to cut off their feet in order to test their fatness. The widespread initial
incident is found in Wissler and Duvall, p. 58 (Blackfoot); Kroeber, (e), p. 100 (Gros
Ventre); Dorsey and Kroeber, p. 321 (Arapaho); Simms, p. 301 (Crow); Riggs, p. 90
(Dakota); G. A. Dorsey, (a), p. 60 (Pawnee); Id., (d), p. 14 (Arikara); Id., (e), p. 298
(Wichita).
ANNOTATED BIBLIOGRAPHY
Benton-Banai, Edward
1979 The Mishomis Book: The Voice of the Ojibway. Indian Country Press,
St. Paul.
Ojibwa NG06. No Field Date. Twentieth Century Ojibwa
This book is a collection of myths and oral histories of the Ojibwa as told by Edward
Benton Banai, a full-blooded Wisconsin Ojibwa. Benton Banai is a founder and director
of a charter school serving St. Paul, Minnesota's urban Indian community. The school
was one of the first of its kind to provide a culture-based curriculum. This book fits into
the mission of the school by providing 'an accurate and undistorted account of the culture,
history and philosophy of the Ojibway Nation.' It includes Ojibwa myths about creation,
culture heroes, the great flood, and the Seven Grandfathers. The author also discusses the
clan system, and symbolism of the pipe, eagle, and sweat lodge. Using the 'Prophecies of
the Seven Fires,' he traces the migratory history of the Ojibwa from Eastern North
America to their present homes on Manitoulin and Madeline islands.
Blaine, Martha R.
1990 Pawnee Passage, 1870-1875. University of Oklahoma Press, Norman.
Pawnee NQ18. No Field Date. Skidi (Skiri), Chawi (Chaui), Kitkahahki, & Pitahawirata
bands; N. KS and Nebraska
This book attempts to broaden the reader's view of the Pawnees during the years 18701875 '...by adding to existing evidence in archives and to other printed sources original
selections from Pawnee oral history containing views of events of that time' (p.xi). The
Page: 41
author believes that the inclusion of primary source material from Pawnee speakers and
descendants of people who actually lived during those years will enrich, and sometimes
modify the perspectives expressed in documentary and published sources. Much of the
oral history material presented in this document comes from the author's late husband
Garland J. Blaine, who himself was a Pawnee. Topics discussed in detail in this work
relate to traditional economic pursuits, horse stealing, the 'sacred' relationship between
the buffalo (bison) and the Pawnee, Sioux-Pawnee relationships and warfare, U.S.
government attempts at acculturation, the reservation system, and the final removal of the
Pawnee from Nebraska to a reservation in Indian Territory in Oklahoma (1874-1875).
Chamberlain, Von Del
1982 When Stars Came Down to Earth: Cosmology of the Skidi Pawnee
Indians of North America. Ballena Press, Los Altos; Center for
Archaeoastronomy, University of Maryland, College Park.
Pawnee NQ18. No Field Date. Skidi (Skiri) band; Nebraska, 1800-1915
This is a study of Pawnee ethnoastronomy. The work attempts to describe the objects and
phenomena of the sky as they were perceived by the Skidi (Skiri) Pawnee, and the effect
that they had on religious beliefs and practices. In general the book attempts to
consolidate materials written about Pawnee ethnoastronomy scattered through various
sources , many of which were written around the beginning of the twentieth century.
Other ethnographic topics deal with native concepts relating to sky phenomena, an
annotated list of sky objects referred to in the records, the Skidi earth lodge as a model of
Pawnee cosmology, the Skidi observational system, and the unique star chart inscribed on
buckskin used by the Pawnee over the ages in their study of the heavens.
Denig, Edwin T.
1930 Indian Tribes of the Upper Missouri. In Forty-sixth Annual Report of
the Bureau of American Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian
Institution 1928-1929, edited by M.W. Stirling, pp. 377-628. U.S.
Government Printing Office, Washington.
Assiniboine NF04. Field Date: 1850s. Coverage: Upper MO River, 18th-19th centuries
This monograph presents a general ethnography of traditional Assiniboine society as it
existed in the mid 1850s. The author lived with the Indians for an entire year, (probably
around 1854), gathering information and confirming the data obtained from his
informants. A wide range of subject coverage is presented in this work, but some of the
major topics discussed are: history, geography, fauna, pictographs, astronomy, medicine,
social and political organization, warfare, property, religion, courtship and marriage,
hunting, dancing and amusements, and games and gambling. Denig notes that much of
the ethnographic data on the Assiniboine contained herein also applies to the Sioux,
Arikara, Mandan, Gros Ventres, Cree, and Blackfoot. These groups are designated by the
author as 'prairie roving or wild tribes', reflecting the general attitude of his day regarding
native American populations.
Page: 42
Densmore, Frances
1929 Chippewa Customs. Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 86. U.S.
Government Printing Office, Washington.
Ojibwa NG06. Field Date:1905-1925. MN, WI, Ontario
This is a study of almost all aspects of the material culture of the Chippewa. The author
visited the people for the purpose of studying tribal songs, and this collection of data
concerning their customs was gathered during their research. Her study was conducted on
Chippewa reservations in Minnesota, Wisconsin, and Ontario, and here she presents a
well organized account of Chippewa customs.
Ewers, John Canfield
1945 Blackfeet Crafts. Branch of Education, Indian Service, U. S.
Department of the Interior, Washington; Haskell Institute, Lawrence.
Blackfoot NF06. Field Date: 1941-1944. N. Montana, S. Alberta
Abstract: This monograph provides thorough coverage of both traditional and modern
Blackfoot techniques of the preparation and sewing of leather skins, painting, quillwork,
beadwork, embroidery designs, and some minor crafts such as pipe, utensil, and feather
bonnet making. The text is richly illustrated.
1955
The Horse in Blackfoot Indian Culture with Comparative Material from
Other Western Tribes. Bulletin 159. U. S. Government Printing Office,
Washington.
Blackfoot NF06. Field Date: 1941-1951. Coverage: NW Montana, S. Alberta,1750-1952
The influence of the horse on Plains Indian culture is the subject of this monograph. John
Ewers, who was the curator of the Museum of the Plains Indian, did archival research and
interviewed elderly informants to gather this data on the horse in pre-reservation
Blackfoot culture. A great deal of information is presented including chapters on care,
breeding, gear, the use of the horse in such activities as camp movements, hunting, war,
trade, recreation, and religion. Comparative data from other Plains cultures is presented.
Ewers concludes that "...the influence of the horse permeated and modified to a greater or
lesser degree every major aspect of Plains Indian life" (p. 339).
1958
The Blackfeet: Raiders of the Northwestern Plains. University of
Oklahoma Press, Norman.
Blackfoot NF06. Field Date:1941-1951. NW Montana, S. Alberta, ca. 1800-1850
This is primarily a general memory ethnography focusing on the Piegan and Blood ca.
1850. Ewers also presents a great deal of historical data from 1700-1950. The
Page: 43
ethnographic subjects covered are buffalo hunting, community life, arts and crafts,
warfare, leisure time activities, religion, and missionary activities. Most of the data was
gathered while Ewers was the curator of the Museum of the Plains Indian on the
Blackfeet Indian Reservation in Montana.
Fletcher, Alice C.
1904 The Hako: A Pawnee Ceremony. In Twenty-second Annual Report of
the Bureau of American Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian
Institution 1900-1901, edited by J.W. Powell, pp. 5-368.Government
Printing Office, Washington.
Pawnee NQ18. Field Date:1898-1902. Chawi (Chaui) band; N. KS,1898-1902
This account describes the rituals and songs connected with the Hako ceremony. The
participants, costumes, paraphernalia, dances and rites are described in detail and the
symbolism and meaning of each ritual is discussed. In addition the texts and music of all
the songs are given with explanations and translations. Materials on Pawnee deities and
mythology may be found in the discussion of the rites and there are also occasional
references to Pawnee conceptions about the universe, meteorological phenomena, and
plant and animal species. Fletcher, a pioneer ethnologist, was assisted by James R. Murie.
The music was transcribed by Edwin S. Tracy.
Goddard, Ives
1978 Delaware. In Handbook of North American Indians: Northeast, v.15,
edited by Bruce G. Trigger, 213-239. Smithsonian Institution,
Washington.
Delaware NM07. No Field Date. E. PA, SE NY, N. NJ, ca. 1600s
This article, from the Handbook of North American Indians, Vol. 15, is a comprehensive
survey of Delaware ethnography from the seventeenth century to the 1970s. The autor
describes the westward movement of the Delaware from the east coast of the United
States through the present states of Indiana, Ohio, Kansas, Texas, Missouri, Oklahoma,
and to Ontario, Canada. The summary is very compactly written and covers a wide range
of topics such as political organization, subsistence, technology, clothing and adornment,
structures, life cycle events, religion, warfare, and culture contacts with other societies.
This document provides an excellent general background for a more intensive study of
Delaware ethnography.
Goggin, John M.
1964 Seminole Pottery. In Indian and Spanish Selected Writings, edited by
Charles H. Fairbanks, Irving Rouse, and William C. Sturtevant, pp.
180-218. University of Miami Press, Coral Gables.
Seminole NN16. No Field Date. FL & OK, Protohistoric to early 20th century
Page: 44
This source is an analysis of Florida Seminole pottery as it existed prehistorically,
historically, and ethnographically. The data consist of historical writings, archeological
field reports, and museum specimens. Photos and illustrations of the items are provided.
Ceramic techniques and styles are examined as well. The Florida Seminole ceramics are
compared with those of several other Southeastern groups.
Grinnell, George B.
1962 Blackfoot Lodge Tales: The Story of a Prairie People. University of
Nebraska Press, Lincoln.
Blackfoot NF06. Field Date:1888. Montana reservations, Canadian Blood agencies
This book opens with a series of English translations of Blackfoot texts, divided by
Grinnell into adventure stories, origin myths, and accounts of the travels and doings of
the culture hero, Na'pi ("Old Man"). This section is followed by an ethnographic sketch
incorporating material on all three Blackfoot subdivisions (Sík-si 'kau, Kaínah or Blood,
and Pikuni or Piegan), that includes data on daily life, social organization, hunting,
warfare, religion and ritual, and curing.
Hickerson, Harold
1988 The Chippewa and Their Neighbors: A Study in Ethnohistory.
Waveland Press, Prospect Heights.
Ojibwa NG06. No Field Date. WI, MN, "traditional" to ca. 1850
This work illustrates the use of ethnohistoric methods to describe cultural organization
and to analyze factors of culture change among the Chippewa at various periods in their
history (p.1). Using a variety of early documents relating specifically to the experiences
of European missionaries, traders, travelers, or officials having direct contact with the
Chippewa, Hickerson tries to piece together a picture of what the organization of the
people was like relying in large part on the implicit nature of the material gleaned from
the scattered sources rather than any explicit details contained therein. This study
discusses the methodological approach to the study of ethnohistory and how it may be
employed in reconstructing past cultures, clan organization, the Midewiwin ceremony of
the medicine societies, and Chippewa-Dakota Sioux relations. A critical review of this
book, written by Jennifer S.H. Brown and Laura L. Peers, will be found on pp. 135-146.
Hungry Wolf, Adolf
1977 The Blood People, a Division of the Blackfoot Confederacy: An
Illustrated Interpretation of the Old Ways. Harper Row, New York.
Blackfoot NF06. Field Date: ca. 1972. Blood Reserve, Alberta, ca. 1850-1972
This is a comprehensive monograph covering many aspects of Blood culture; religion and
ritual, men's and women's societies, and warfare and raiding are especially well
described. Also of value are the numerous narratives of pre- and early reservation life
Page: 45
obtained by Hungry Wolf from a broad spectrum of elderly individuals. This book should
be used with caution, however, since the author (a non-Indian) apparently felt so
immersed in Blood life that he did not think it necessary to clearly distinguish his own
views from those of his informants. Further, it is often difficult to determine the exact
provenance of his factual information, which may derive from documentary sources,
from the testimony of Blood informants, or from his own personal experiences.
Hungry Wolf, Beverly
1980 The Ways of My Grandmothers. Morrow, New York.
Blackfoot NF06. No Field Date. Blood Reserve, S. Alberta
This monograph is about the lives of Blood women. The author is a young Blood woman
who interviewed elderly women. The book consists of personal narratives of these
women, the author's experiences in learning to live like her ancestors, mythology, and
miscellaneous data on such topics as food preparation and clothing. Many photographs
and text figures are included.
Hyde, George E.
1974 The Pawnee Indians. University of Oklahoma Press, Norman.
Pawnee NQ18. No Field Date. Caddoans, 1550-1800s
This is a scholarly and well documented standard history of the Pawnee Indians from
early historic times (ca. 1550) to the late 1800s. The presentation of the material in this
study is highly detailed in nature and deals primarily with the topics of early Indian-white
contacts, relationships with neighboring tribes -- particularly in terms of territorality and
warfare, the imposition of the reservation system on the Pawnee by the U.S. government,
and their eventual removal to Indian Territory in Oklahoma in the 1870s. The author is
highly critical throughout this work of the manner in which the Indian Agency handled
affairs on the reservation and the way in which they attempted to restructure Pawnee
society to conform to what they considered appropriate. In overview this work '...looks
far back in tribal history, assessing cautiously the values in oral history for as long as a
century and a half. It looks critically not only at white motives but at Pawnee cultural
characteristics and military patterns' (p. vi).
Jenness, Diamond
1935 The Ojibwa Indians of Parry Island: Their Social and Religious Life.
National Museum of Canada, J. O. Patenaude, Ottawa.
Ojibwa NG06. Field Date: 1929. Parry Island, Georgian Bay, Ontario, 1850-1929
Beliefs regarding man, nature, and the supernatural, and their importance in the social
and religious life of the Parry Island Ojibwa are given special attention in this work by
Jenness. The author uses the myths and legends of the people to explain and supplement
these beliefs, and also quotes directly to a great extent from informants. An Appendix at
Page: 46
the end of the book brings together miscellaneous notes on the material culture which
were gathered incidentally by the author.
Kersey, Harry A
1975 Pelts, Plumes, and Hides: White Traders among the Seminole Indians,
1870-1930. University Presses of Florida, Gainesville.
Seminole NN16. Field Date: 1971-1972. Indian River, S. Florida, 1870-1930
This study examines in depth the nature of the Indian trade on the Florida frontiers during
the latter part of the 19th and early 20th centuries, with a focus on the reciprocal
economic and social relationships which developed between the traders, their families,
and their Seminole clientele. The major portion of this source deals with a systematic
survey of each of the major frontier trading areas in Florida during the period of 18701930 -- the Miami, New River, western Everglades, Taylor Creek, Indian River, and the
southwest frontier areas. Historical information is then presented on the establishment of
the major trading posts in each area, accompanied by biographical data on the traders
themselves, and their transactions with the Seminoles. The final chapter of this work
summarizes some of the major changes that have taken place in Seminole culture as the
result of Indian-trader contacts.
Kohl, Johann G.
1860 Kitchi-Gami: Wanderings Round Lake Superior. Chapman & Hall,
London.
Ojibwa NG06. Field Date: 1855. Lake Superior, Ontario, "traditional" to ca. 1850
This source was written by an eminent German traveler during a stay on the shores of
Lake Superior in the mid-nineteenth century. While there the author had ample
opportunity to study the Ojibwa who lived throughout the area, and it is from his astute
observations of Indian life that this source is derived. Although the data in this source are
somewhat lacking in the ceremonial, social and religious aspects of Ojibwa ethnography,
they do give an accurate and detailed account of the material culture and mythology of
the people, much of which has been fully substantiated by professional ethnologists from
their own field work. Abundant data may be found in this source on: missionary activity
among the Ojibwa, the canoe and its construction, the order of the Midés, Indian sports
and pastimes, mythology, death customs, sign language, travel, eschatology, dreams and
spirit quests, supernatural beings, snow shoes and their construction, writing, and pipes
and their importance to the Ojibwa.
Lancaster, Richard
1966 Piegan: A Look from within at the Life, Times, and Legacy of an
American Indian Tribe. Doubleday, Garden City.
Blackfoot NF06. Field Date: 1958-1966. Montana
Page: 47
During the year 1958 and again in 1962 the author, a linguist by training, lived among the
contemporary Blackfoot on the Blackfeet Indian Reservation, Montana. While there he
was adopted as a son by Chief White Calf, a 105 year old Blackfoot leader, who
subsequently became Lancaster's primary informant for the bulk of the information
contained in this source. This work is basically a memory ethnography with particular
emphasis on the chief's personal experiences on the warpath, his role in representing his
people in relations with the U.S. government, and in general his reminiscences of how
things were done in the past. Much of the historical information presented by the chief
was later verified by the author. Although a good deal of the source deals with
Lancaster's personal experiences of living on the reservation and his personal
relationships with the Chief and his adopted brother Jim (who also has furnished some
bits of ethnographic information), the true importance of this work seems to lie in that it
represents an eye-witness account of living history as it was actually experienced and
remembered by a Southern Piegan Indian.
Leslie, Vernon
1951 A Tentative Catalogue of Minsi Material Culture. Pennsylvania
Archaeologist 21(1-2):9-20.
Delaware NM07. No Field Date. Minsi culture complex, Upper Delaware Valley, NE PA
and adjacent NY, prehistory
This is a descriptive listing of the various elements comprising Minsi material culture,
that the author feels will be of value and interest to the amateur as well as a professional
archaeologist digging in the Minsi area. The author believes that by using these listings
the archaeologist could get as tentative idea of which artifacts could be assigned to the
Minsi horizon and which to an earlier time period. Prior to the above artifact description,
the author discusses the concept of the Minsi culture horizon, as derived form his own
fieldwork and the works of other authors.
Long, James L.
1961 The Assiniboines from the Accounts of the Old Ones Told to First Boy
(James Larpenteur Long). University of Oklahoma Press, Norman.
Assiniboine NF04. Field Date:1939. Coverage: Montana, 1850-1940.
Abstract: James Long (b. 1888) was brought up by his Assiniboine grandmother and halfAssiniboine mother and has written an account of the traditional way of life of his people
based on the stories of 25 informants who in 1939 ranged in age from 66 to105 years old.
Long summarizes various aspects of Assiniboine culture and includes the informants own
personal accounts and stories. The major subjects covered are legends, hunting, warfare,
dances, and religion. Stephen Kennedy has written an introduction on the history of the
Assiniboine and the Assiniboine artist William Standing (see document no. 11) drew the
illustrations.
Lowie, Robert H.
Page: 48
1909
The Assiniboine. Anthropological Papers 4(1). American Museum of
Natural History, New York.
Assiniboine NF04. Field Date:1907-1908. Morley, Alberta, Fort Belknap, Montana
Lowie has divided this document into two major parts. Part 1 describes the ethnology of
the Assiniboine from the seventeenth to the early twentieth centuries, with a primary
emphasis on history, material culture, amusements, art, warfare, social organization and
custom, and the religious life. Part 2 is a collection of eighty mythological stories dealing
with the trickster cycle as well as a wide variety of other miscellaneous tales. This section
forms the major portion of this book (pp. 99-234). The ethnographic focus of this work is
on the Assiniboine of Morley in Alberta, Canada and Fort Belknap, Montana in the
United States, the two areas studied extensively by the author during his period of field
work.
Lyford, Carrie A.
1945 Iroquois Crafts. Education Division, Indian Service, U.S. Department
of the Interior, Washington; Haskell Institute, Lawrence.
Iroquois NM09. No Field Date.
This study describes briefly the dwellings, food, clothing, games, tools, utensils, sports,
and musical instruments of the Iroquois, but places special emphasis on the ancient
handicrafts and decorative arts. The preparation of the various materials used, the
techniques, and the designs are described in detail, with plentiful illustrations. Changes
due to the introduction of new tools and materials by White settlers are shown.
McClintock, Walter
1968 The Old North Trail, or Life, Legends and Religion of the Blackfeet
Indians. University of Nebraska Press, Lincoln.
Blackfoot NF06. Field Date: 1896-1910. NW Montana, S. Alberta
This travelers account, written by Walter McClintock, a member of the U.S. Forest
Service, presents a first-hand descriptive report on the Blackfoot Indians. The data were
collected during the first four years (1896-1900) that McClintock lived and traveled
among the North and South Peigan, Blood and Northern Blackfoot divisions of the
Blackfoot Tribe. Through directed and informal interviews and participant observation,
information was gathered on Blackfoot interdivisional contacts (including the formation
of large camps for ceremonials), history, subsistence activities and religion (including a
number of the medicine ceremonials), as well as life-histories of several prominent chiefs
and medicine men and numerous texts of legends, songs, prayers, myths and stories.
McClintock became the adopted son of Mad Wolf, a prominent chief; this position
facilitated participation by the author in tribal and inter-tribal activities. The concluding
chapter, written after observing the Blackfoot 14 years after the author's first visit,
discusses the rapidity and extent of culture change resulting from, in part, White contact
Page: 49
and the U.S. government's policy. The appendices include Blackfoot music, explanation
of terms used by the author and terminology for and uses of various plants.
Meyer, Melissa L.
1994 The White Earth Tragedy: Ethnicity and Dispossession at a Minnesota
Anishinaabe Reservation, 1889-1920. University of Nebraska Press,
Lincoln.
Ojibwa NG06. No Field Date. Great Lakes, 1620-1867
The White Earth tragedy is the Ojibwa 'Trail of Tears.' It begins with the Ojibwa, or
Anishinaabeg, removal to the White Earth Reservation in northern Minnesota, following
the assassination of their leader, Hole in the Day, in 1868. The concentration of
Anishinaabeg on the reservation would serve the interests of Métis middlemen and
traders, and free up northern Minnesota's natural resources. The 1889 Nelson Act
(Minnesota's version of the Dawes Act) privatized reservation land. Well-intentioned
assimilationists sought to transform the Anishinaabeg into Yeoman farmers, however,
unscrupulous Métis sought to defraud the Anishinaabeg of their land in collusion with
state politicians and the lumber industry. Although the property of 'full-blooded' Indians
was supposedly protected under a twenty-five-year trust period, that of 'mixed-bloods'
was up for grabs. A carefully documented genealogical roll identifying 'full-bloods' was
nullified by a 'scientific' study by anthropologists to show mixed phenotypes. Although
the Nelson Act conferred property rights to individual Anishinaabeg, most did not receive
due process under the law, in a clear case of fraud and racism.
Mountain Horse, Mike
1979 My People, the Bloods. Glenbow-Alberta Institute, Calgary; Blood
Tribal Council, Standoff.
Blackfoot NF06. No Field Date. Bloods, Alberta, ca. 1870s - 1964
This book, written by Mike Mountain Horse, a Blood Indian, draws on his own personal
observations and stories told to him by his father and uncle, Bull Shield, to depict the
traditional customs, daily life, war exploits, and legends of his tribe during the late
nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. In addition to biographical information on the
author, this document contains data on early childhood, religion, medicine men, ghosts
and spirits, personal names and naming, hunting and diet, rest days and holidays (e.g.,
Christmas), and customs in general.
Morgan, Lewis H.
1901a League of the Ho-De'-No-Sau-Nee or Iroquois, v.1. Dodd & Mead,
New York.
Iroquois NM09. Field Date:1844-1859. NY
Page: 50
Morgan's extended personal contact with the Iroquois enabled him to produce this work
that many regard the first true ethnography. Book I, entitled 'Structure of the League,'
discusses Iroquois life prior to and during the American Revolution, the formation of the
League, the structure of government, and a comparison of this government with the
nations of antiquity. In Book II, 'Spirit of the League,' Morgan describes the religious
beliefs, burial customs, games, dances, marriage, war customs, etc., of the tribes
comprising the League. The prophet, Handsome Lake, and his successor, Sose-há-wä, are
discussed. Volume II is included in this file as document no. 2.
1901b League of the Ho-De'-No-Sau-Nee or Iroquois, v.2. Dodd & Mead,
New York.
Iroquois NM09. Field Date:1844-1859. NY
This, the second volume of Morgan's work on the Iroquois, discusses the material culture
of the Iroquois, their language, and their system of trails. The latter part of the volume is
composed of notes by Herbert M. Lloyd which gives background on Morgan and his
associates as well as explanations of certain statements made by Morgan.
Murie, James R.
1914 Pawnee Indian Societies. Anthropological Papers 11(7). American
Museum of Natural History, New York.
Pawnee NQ19. No Field Date. Skidi (Skiri), Chawi (Chaui), Kitkahahki, and Pitahawirata
bands; northern Kansas and Nebraska.
Murie, a Skidi Pawnee, prepared this discussion of Pawnee societies under the direction
of Clark Wissler. Murie collected and wrote down whatever information he could gather
on a number of topics. After preliminary discussion of Pawnee social and ceremonial
organization, he proceeds to discuss the bundle societies, private organizations,
medicinemen's societies and modern ceremonies, including the Ghost Dance and the
peyote ritual. He closes with a section on miscellaneous. Murie was a primary informant
for most of the earlier field workers among the Pawnee. The introduction and conclusion
are by the editor of the series, Clark Wissler.
1989
Ceremonies of the Pawnee. University of Nebraska Press,
Lincoln.
Pawnee NQ18. Field Date:1890-1920. Skiri band; Platte, Loup, & Republican rivers
Nebraska and northern Kansas, mid-nineteenth - early twentieth centuries
Ceremonies of the Pawnee by James R. Murie (or Coming Sun -- his native American
name), presents a significant contribution to the study of Pawnee ethnology in its highly
detailed description of nineteenth to early twentieth century ceremonialism. The
introductory portion of the text presents the general background of the manuscript, an
overview of Pawnee society, and a biography of Murie. The remainder of the text is
Page: 51
divided into two main parts. Part I deals in great detail with the rituals and ceremonies of
the Skiri or northern band of Pawnee, while part II provides comparable information on
the south bands -- the Chawi (Grand), Kitkahahki (Republican), and Pitahawirata
(Tappage). Much of the ceremonial data, especially for the south bands, relate to
medicine society rituals (see categories 756 and 796). Song texts which accompany the
various ceremonies, are also to be found scattered throughout this work.
Newcomb, William W.
1956 The Culture and Acculturation of the Delaware Indians.
Anthropological Papers 10, Museum of Anthropology. University of
Michigan, Ann Arbor.
Delaware NM07. Field Date: 1951-1952. E. PA, SE NY, N. NJ, 15th-19th centuries
This monograph is a survey of the literature available in the mid-1950s on the Delaware.
While the author spent two summers among the modern Delaware, and uses some of the
material gathered to show how the culture has changed, most of the material in the book
has been gathered from the literature from contact time onward. The author describes the
development of Delaware culture from a number of autonomous groups, and reconstructs
the culture under the following headings: technology, economics, material culture, life
cycle, kin groups, social control, war, religion and magic, and folklore. In addition to this
balanced description, the last third of the work deals with the historical changes which
occurred in Delaware culture as a result of contact with the whites, and the extent to
which acculturation occurred at various time periods up to the present.
Parker, Arthur C.
1913 The Code of Handsome Lake: The Seneca Prophet. State University of
New York, Albany.
Iroquois NM09. No Field Date. Seneca; NY
This document consists mainly of a translation of the record of the teachings of
Handsome Lake, the early nineteenth century founder of the contemporary Iroquois
longhouse religion. Handsome Lake's code was received in visions and formed the basis
of a revitalization movement integrating traditional Iroquois religious beliefs and
practices with those of Christians. The record was first set down in the Seneca language
in the mid-19th century. It was memorized by Edward Cornplanter who subsequently lost
the original text. Cornplanter rewrote the text from memory in 1903. The Code is here
translated from the Seneca by William Bluesky, a Seneca lay preacher of the Baptist
church. Accounts of Seneca longhouse ceremonies that are part of the new religion and a
description of several Seneca medicine societies are also included.
Peers, Laura L.
1994 The Ojibwa of Western Canada, 1780 to 1870. Minnesota Historical
Society Press, St. Paul.
Page: 52
Ojibwa NG06. No Field Date. Prairie provinces, W. Canada, "traditional" to ca. 1850
The western Ojibwa are the descendants of Ojibwa people who migrated into the West
from their settlements around the Great Lakes in the late eighteenth century. This work
traces their origins, adaptation to the West, and the way in which they coped with the
many challenges they faced in the first century of their history in that region between the
years 1780 to 1870 (p. ix). These challenges, examined in detail in this study, involved
the surviving of epidemic disease, the rise and fall of the fur trade, the depletion of game
in the region, the establishment of European settlements in the area, the loss of tribal
lands, and the Canadian government's assertion of political control over them.
Schultz, James W.
1930 The Sun God's Children. Houghton Mifflin, Boston.
Blackfoot NF06. No Field Date. NW Plains; Montana, Alberta and Saskatchewan,
ca.1700s-1870s
This work is a traditional ethnography of the Blackfoot Indians in the days when buffalo
(bison) roamed the plains (ca. 1700s-1870s). The document discusses the early fur trade
period, foods, food preparation and preservation, folk tales and mythology, ceremonials
(especially in reference to the sacred tobacco rites), and warfare and raiding activities in
which several eyewitness accounts of personal experiences are described. A brief
biographical chapter is also presented on Chief Crowfoot, one of the prominent chiefs of
the Blackfoot.
1980
Blackfeet and Buffalo: Memories of Life among the Indians. niversity
of Oklahoma Press, Norman.
Blackfoot NF06. Field Date:1877-1947. NW Montana, S. Alberta, ca. 1850-1900
Schultz was a life long participant-observer of Blackfoot Indian life at a time of
transition, when traditional hunting and raiding activities were coming to an end due to
increasing penetration of White settlers and government into their territory and to the
extinction of the buffalo. The book consists of tales and reminiscences of Blackfeet
personally known by Schultz, and thus conveys information about tribespeople with the
vividness of lived experience. The source is rich in data on traditional hunting and
warfare practices, ritual and religious belief. he researcher should note some "seeming
[historical] discrepancies" (pp. x-xi) owing to Schultz's overwhelming sympathy for the
existential dilemmas faced by people who were dear to him.
Seeman, Mark F.
1979 The Hopewell Interaction Sphere: The Evidence for Interregional Trade
and Structural Complexity. Indiana Historical Society, Indianapolis.
Page: 53
Culture: Hopewell NP55. No Field Date Specified. Coverage: Midwest; Arkansas,
Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kentucky, Michigan, Missouri, Ohio, Tennessee, Wisconsin, 2200
B.P.-1600 B.P. (200 B.C.-400 A.D.)
This monograph is a modified version of Seeman's Ph.D. dissertation. Seeman analyzes
Struever and Houart's 1972 model of the Hopewell Interaction Sphere in more detail.
Seeman tries to determine exactly what kinds of artifacts were traded and how complex
the system was. He presents a quantitative analysis of the items traded in the Interaction
Sphere from data gathered from published literature, unpublished notes and manuscripts,
personal communications, and museum collections. He also discusses potential sources of
raw materials. The data are subjected to statistical analysis, especially factor analysis. He
concludes, "…the Hopewell Interaction Sphere was not a particularly dynamic or
integrated system…[T]he volume of interregional trade was rather low and the
distribution of these goods extremely variable. The fact that the majority of the
Interaction Sphere commodities were concentrated in Ohio, together with the clustering
of complex sites in this area, suggests that interregional trade was predominantly a onesided proposition, with the cultural groups of the Scioto area occupying the pivotal
position." (page 411).
Selden, Sherman W.
1965 The Legend, Myth and Code of Deganawidah and Their Significance
to Iroquois Cultural History. Ph.D. Dissertation, Indiana University,
Bloomington.
Iroquois NM09. Field Date:1963-1965. NY, Ontario and Quebec
The material under study in this dissertation involves the legend of the 'culture hero'
Deganaweda, the code of laws he is said to have formulated, and the myth that has grown
up around him in the last century (p. 2). Selden believes that the combination of legend
and laws have not only united the Iroquois tribes into a powerful league, but also have
guided their behavior in both war and peace by specifically stating which actions are
allowed and which are forbidden. This work is divided into three parts: the legend of
Deganaweda and its many variants; the Code of Deganaweda which establishes the rules
and regulations that have been transmitted orally for centuries but were not written down
until the late nineteenth century; and the contemporary lore that clusters about
Deganaweda and which was recorded by the author during his field work in 1963-1965.
Shimony, Annemarie
1961 Conservatism among the Iroquois at the Six Nations Reserve.
Ph.D. Dissertation, Yale University, New Haven.
Iroquois NM09. Field Date: 1953-1958, 1960. Six Nations Reserve, Oshweken, Ontario
This study is concerned with how Iroquois culture is maintained at the Six Nations
Reserve in Ontario, Canada, despite intense acculturative pressure. Iroquois conservatism
is the central theme of this study, and Shimony focuses on the traditional Longhouse
Page: 54
community and presents a comprehensive description of the structure of the society and
the content of the culture, with particular emphasis on social and political organization,
medicine, and curing rites.
Speck, Frank G.
1931 A Study of the Delaware Indian Big House Ceremony in Native Text
Dictated by Witapano¦xwe. Pennsylvania Historical Commission,
Harrisburg.
Delaware NM07. Field Date: ca. 1925. 1800-1920s
This source presents an intensive study of the Big House Ceremony, one of the
paramount ceremonies of the Delaware Indians for the fulfillment of obligations to the
host of spiritual beings comprising their cosmography. The author, a noted ethnologist,
gives a historical resume of the Big House Ceremony as it existed in the 17th and 18th
centuries, and its distribution among neighboring tribes, where it appeared in various
attenuated forms. A good part of this source consists of the original native text supplied
by the author's primary informant Wi-tapano'xwe (War Eagle), which is then given a free
translation by the author with the thought in mind of preserving the order, emphasis,
terms of thought, and wording characteristic of native speech. Abundant explanatory
footnotes augment the English translation.
1937
Oklahoma Delaware: Ceremonies, Feasts and Dances. Memoirs of the
American Philosophical Society, v.7, Philadelphia.
Delaware NM07. Field Date:1928-1932. Oklahoma, 1928-1932
This study is the result of some eight years' work among the Oklahoma Delaware and the
Munsee residing in Ontario. Using the many historical documents relating to Delaware
ceremonies in the past, the author tries to relate the ceremonies of today to those of the
past, and tries to see how much the ceremonies have changed in the intervening two
centuries. Speck covers family feasts, the Bear and Otter Rites of the Grease Drinking
Ceremony, the Mask Dance Rite, the Buffalo Dance Ceremony, Rain Making Ritual, the
Spring Prayer and Football Ceremony, the Corn Harvest Ceremony, Rite to Avert
Thunder, Mortuary Rites and Procedures, and several other ceremonies. Some material
pertaining to the culture of the Nanticoke Indians, mainly relating to witchcraft, is also
included. At the time of publication, Speck was Professor of Anthropology at the
University of Pennsylvania and a noted authority on the Algonquian Indians of the
northeastern United States.
1945
The Iroquois: A Study in Cultural Evolution. Cranbrook Institute of
Science, Detroit.
Iroquois NM09. No Field Date.
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This booklet consists of a summary of Iroquois technology and material culture. The text
was conceived as a vehicle for numerous photographs of specimens from the ethnological
collections of the Cranbrook Institute of Science. Speck takes an historical approach and
relates the museum mateirals to the historical background of the Iroquoian and, more
generally, the eastern woodland Native Americans.
Steinbring, Jack
1981 Saulteaux of Lake Winnipeg. In Handbook of North American
Indians: Subarctic, v.6, edited by June Helm, pp. 244-255. Smithsonian
Institution, Washington.
Ojibwa NG06. No Field Date. Lake Winnipeg, Manitoba, 1750-1975
This article provides an introduction to the Saulteaux Ojibwa of Lake Winnipeg,
Manitoba. The Saulteaux, or 'People of the Rapids,' originally came from Sault Sainte
Marie and migrated to Lake Winnipeg beginning in the mid-eighteenth century.
Steinbring briefly discusses the following topics: language, territory, history of cultural
contact, subsistence patterns, technology, curing practices, social organization, religion,
mythology, and the current (1960s) situation.
Sturtevant, William C.
1954 The Mikasuki Seminole: Medical Beliefs and Practices. Ph.D
Dissertation, Yale University, New Haven.
Seminole NN16. Field Date: 1950-1953. S. Florida, 1880-1953
This is a fairly comprehensive study of Seminole medical lore and practices, focusing on
herbal remedies and magic. Magic includes the songs and rituals surrounding the
preparation of herbal concoctions, which are then applied topically or drunk. An
extensive catalogue of Seminole ethnobotany is included in the appendix.
1967
Seminole Men's Clothing. In Essays on the Verbal and Visual Arts,
edited by June Helm, pp. 167-174. University of Washington Press,
Seattle.
Seminole NN16. Field Date: 1950-1959. Florida, 1774-1950
This work presents a typology and history of the major items of Seminole men's clothing
with commentary on the effects of acculturation and internal cultural change. Fifteen
illustrations depict the various items described in the text including several photographs
showing how the articles of clothing were worn. Also included here are the patterns used
in the preparation of the clothing.
Tantaquidgeon, Gladys
1942 A Study of Delaware Indian Medicine Practice and Folk Beliefs.
Pennsylvania Historical Commission, Harrisburg.
Page: 56
Delaware NM07. Field Date: 1930. Oklahoma, 1928-1930
On the basis both of material gathered in the field and extracted from the literature, the
author, a professional ethnologist, gives a detailed description of Delaware medical
practices. In addition to covering the various aspects of this, information is included on
witchcraft, dreams, and plant and animal foods. Appendices contain a listing of medicinal
plants, three myths, and material gathered on the Nanticoke.
Tooker, Elisabeth
1970 The Iroquois Ceremonial of Midwinter. Syracuse University Press,
Syracuse.
Iroquois NM09. Field Date: 1958-1966.
Traditionally the Midwinter Ceremonial was the largest and most complex of Iroquois
rituals. This study is divided into three major parts. In part I the author describes some of
the basic principles of Iroquois ritualism, which are then interpreted in terms of the
various components of the ceremonial itself (part II). In this section Tooker discusses
cultural variations between different members of the Iroquois League (e.g., Seneca,
Cayuga, Onondaga), and changes that have been introduced in the ritual during the
nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Part III of this work presents the Midwinter
Ceremonial in historical perspective. Here, through the eyewitness accounts of Halliday
Jackson, Mary Jemison, Thaddeus Osgood, Lewis Henry Morgan, and J. V. H. Clark the
Midwinter Ceremonial is described in detail as it was originally performed during the
eighteenth through nineteenth centuries.
1978
The League of the Iroquois: Its History, Politics, and Ritual. In
Handbook of North American Indians: Northeast, v.15, edited by Bruce
G. Trigger, pp. 418-441. Smithsonian Institution, Washington.
Iroquois NM09. No Field Date.
This article presents a brief history of the League of the Iroquois, including its political
organization and rituals. Some limited information is also to be found here on the fur
trade, the use of wampum, relations with the French and English, and warfare.
Vecsey, Christopher
1983 Traditional Ojibwa Religion and Its Historical Changes. American
Philosophical Society, Philadelphia.
Ojibwa NG06. No Field Date. US & Canada, seventeenth - twentieth centuries
This work describes and analyzes traditional Ojibwa religion and the changes it has
undergone from the seventeenth century to approximately the late 1970s. The document
contains an abundance of data on Christian missions among the Ojibwa, the Ojibwa
Page: 57
social personality, soul beliefs, the afterlife, the MANITOS or spirits, mythology, puberty
fasting and visions, disease, health, and medicine, religious practitioners. the
MIDEWIWIN or great medicine society and its ceremonials, and other religious
movements.
Warren, William W.
1885 History of the Ojibways Based upon Traditions and Oral Statements.
Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society 5:21-394.
Ojibwa NG06. Field Date: 1850. Lake Superior & upper Mississippi regions, US &
Canada, 17th century to 1850
This work is a collection of three monographs on the history of the Ojibwa people from
the seventeenth century to approximately the 1850s, based on oral traditions and
historical documents. The study is divided into three monographs. The first is a
biographical sketch of William W. Warren. The second monograph and largest part,
written by Warren, deals with Ojibwa history based on the traditions and oral statements
of the Ojibwa themselves. This section contains information on various ethnographic
topics such as tribal origins and identification, clans, mythology, religion, migrations,
settlements, cultural change and contacts, missions, the fur trade, and warfare. The third
monograph, written by Edward D. Neill, examines the history of the Ojibwa and their
connections with fur traders from the standpoint of official and other records. In some
cases this section displays some discrepancies between the traditional and documentary
history, particularly in regard to the recording of certain historical events.
Waugh, Frederick W.
1916 Iroquois Foods and Food Preparation. Geological Survey of Canada;
Memoir 86, Anthropological Series 12. Government Printing Bureau,
Ottawa.
Iroquois NM09. Field Date:1912-1915. New York
This book is a detailed ethnobotanical description of Iroquois food plants and foods.
Waugh includes information on non-food plants as well as the non-food uses of some
animal and mineral products. Some folkloric material is also included. Data for this
source were gathered by Waugh among both the New York and Canadian Iroquois. The
author also makes use of historical sources.
Wedel, Waldo R.
1936 An Introduction to Pawnee Archaeology. Bureau of American
Ethnology Bulletin 112, U.S. Government Printing Office,
Washington.
Pawnee NQ19. Field Date: 1930. Skidi (Skiri), Chawi, and Kitkahahki bands; northern
Kansas and Nebraska, Protohistoric period
Page: 58
This monograph, written by an archaeologist, is a study of Pawnee archaeology and
culture history based primarily on artifacts in the Hill Collection at the Hastings Museum
in Nebraska that were excavated from the thirteen archaeological sites described here in
detail, and from the journals and records of early explorers and adventurers to the region.
Although new archaeological fieldwork makes the archaeological data described in this
monograph outdated, the historical information and analysis of material culture make this
document a useful addition to an understanding of the Pawnee. The monograph is divided
into four major parts, the first of which is introductory, the second, dealing in detail with
the historical background of the Pawnee, the third with Pawnee archaeology as viewed
through the various bits of evidence obtained from the excavation of prehistoric, and
early historic sites, and the fourth, the material culture of the early Pawnees as derived
from a study of the artifacts themselves. Pages 94-102 contain a summary of all data
presented in the monograph.
Weisman, Brent R.
1989 Like Beads on a String: A Culture History of the Seminole Indians in
Northern Peninsular Florida. University of Alabama Press,
Tuscaloosa.
Seminole NN16. No Field Date. N. Peninsular FL, Prehistory - late 19th century
This book is primarily a study of the historical archaeology of the Seminole Indians of
north peninsular Florida from prehistoric times to the twentieth century. Weisman
integrates archaeological data with that obtained from the accounts of missionaries,
explorers, travelers, and ethnologists to present a well-rounded ethnography of the
Seminole people. Three major historical periods are given special attention in this
document: the colonization period from 1716-1767; the enterprise period from 17671821; and the revitalization period from 1821-1841. The study presents a wide range of
ethnographic topics, but some of the major ones deal with Seminole-United States
government relations, settlement patterns, political and social organization, trade, the
BUSK or Green Corn Ceremony, and associated ball game, and archaeological
excavations in the region of study.
Weltfish, Gene
1965 The Lost Universe with a Closing Chapter on 'The Universe Regained.'
Basic Books, New York.
Pawnee NQ19. Field Dates: 1928-1936, 1954. Skidi (Skiri), Chawi, Kitkahahki, and
Pitahawirata bands; Pawnee, Oklahoma, late 1800s - early 1900s
This work, the product of a number of years of research among the Pawnee of
Oklahoma, is a sensitive and illuminating portrayal of the Pawnee as they existed in the
late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The information presented is based on
memory ethnography provided by Weltfish's informant, Mark Evarts. Evarts was a
Pawnee of the Skidi band who experienced reservation life during the period of 18611875. Weltfish authenticated this information with ethnographic documents and data that
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he collected during his fieldwork. The first part of the monograph provides background
on Pawnee history and culture, followed by a series of brief chapters reconstructing the
daily and seasonal round of life of a group of Pawnee in Nebraska during the year 1867.
The book concludes with a section of end notes, a lengthy bibliography, and an index.
Wheeler-Voegelin, Erminie
1974 The Red Lake and Pembina Chippewa. Garland, New York.
Ojibwa NG06. Red Lake & Pembina, Royce Area 445, NE MN & NE ND
This ethnohistorical study was written to provide background for the Indian Claims
Commision in the settlement of numerous suits and claims by Native Americans against
the federal government. The monograph presented here, derived from documents of the
Indian Claims Commision, the National Archives, and numerous historical journals and
narratives, relates to the Chippewa occupying what is now northwestern Minnesota and
northeastern North Dakota (generally referred to in the text as Area 445). The material in
this report falls into four main periods: the traditional, early contact, the settlement and
the treaty periods, which range from the early eighteenth century to the 1860s. Much
reliance is placed on the journal and narrative accounts of Alexander Henry, Lewis and
Clark, Tanner, Ross, and West, as well as other historical sources. Ethnographic topics
relate to the fur trade, warfare, early locations and settlements, the food quest (mostly
hunting and fishing), and treaties between the U.S. government and the Chippewa and the
Chippewa and the Sioux.
White, Bruce M.
1982 'Give Us a Little Milk': The Social and Cultural Meanings of Gift Giving in the Lake Superior Fur Trade. Minnesota History 48(2): 6071.
Ojibwa NG06. No Field Date.Lake Superior, US & Canada. "traditional" to ca. 1850
Among the Ojibwa gift giving was an important social act, whether in personal
relationships, trade, or diplomacy. White notes that without participating in the process of
gift giving, a foreigner, regardless of whether or not he was a trader or diplomat, could
not hope to achieve his political or social needs (p. 71). This document explores the
various ways in which gift giving functions in Ojibwa society.
Wissler, Clark
1908 Mythology of the Blackfoot Indians. Anthropological Papers 2(1).
American Museum of Natural History, New York.
Blackfoot NF06. Field Date: 1902-1907. Montana, Alberta
This monograph presents Blackfoot narratives "in which the tone of the mythical age
predominate(s)." A good deal of notation on the regional distribution of the tales
accompanies the text.
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1910
Material Culture of the Blackfoot Indians. Anthropological Papers
5(1). American Museum of Natural History, New York.
Blackfoot NF06. Field Date:1902-1906. N. Montana, S. Alberta, ca. 1800-1905
This monograph presents a descriptive survey of the material culture of the Blackfoot,
comparing the Peigan, Blood and Northern Blackfoot with each other and with the
neighboring Prairie, Plains, Plateau, Shoshone, and occasionally Eastern Algonkian
societies. Since Wissler intends "to present Blackfoot material culture in perspective
rather than in isolation" (p. 7) a brief ethnographic summary is included in the
introduction. Wissler concludes, on the basis of distributional evidence, that the
Blackfoot, though linguistically distinct from other groups in the Missouri-Saskatchewan
region, share a large proportion of cultural traits with their neighbors. While the author
collected some data on the Blackfoot while in the field, much additional material is taken
from historical accounts and comparative material comes from both historical accounts
and American Museum collections.
1912
Ceremonial Bundles of the Blackfoot Indians, Part 1. Anthropological
Papers 7(2). American Museum of Natural History, New York.
Blackfoot NF06. Field Date: 1903-1911. N. Montana, S. Alberta
This monograph, based upon data collected by Wissler, augmented by interviews and
narrative texts recorded by his native field assistant and interpreter, is an extremely
detailed description of the Blackfoot medicine bundles and the associated ceremonials.
Seven case histories of medicine experiences, or power-acquisition experiences, through
visions and dreaming, are presented, followed by a carefull description of the contents of
each of the medicine bundles and of the related ceremonies. A concluding section
discusses the various features or parts of the power and bundle acquisition and transfer
ceremonies and the nature of ownership of such impersonal power and its physical
representation in the bundles. An appendix follows with general notes and new data
interpreted since the writing of the author's monograph series on the Blackfoot.
Throughout the text and appendix, the author compares the Blackfoot to other Plains and
Prairie societies, drawing conclusions about the origins of various ceremonial and
material traits. The index included is for the entire monograph series.
1913
Societies and Dance Associations of the Blackfoot Indians, Part 1.
Anthropological Papers 11(4). American Museum of Natural History,
New York.
Blackfoot NF06. Field Date:1903-1912. Montana, Alberta
This monograph written by Wissler on the basis of his own field notes and information
supplied by D.C. Duvall and James Eagle-child, is a descriptive study of the agegraded
men's societies, women's societies, religious cults, and dance associations of the three
Blackfoot subdivisions. The three ceremonies, paraphernalia, dances and songs, and
special behavior of the members of these societies are minutely described, as are the
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procedures for transferal of membership from one society to another. However, little
information is included on the function and integration of these groups in Blackfoot
society as a whole.
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