Operationalising Human Security for the Empowerment
of People with a Gender Perspective in a Post Conflict
Nation: Lessons from Timor Leste
Gabrielle Eva Carol Groves
With a focus on Timor Leste and gender, this paper explores how human security can be
operationalised in a nations’ post-conflict period as a framework and tool to not only to
protect citizens “free from fear and want” but also to empower vulnerable groups, most
notably women, in the process of peace building and national reconstruction.
Introduction
Quick to declare Timor Leste a poster-child for the success of United Nations guided
nation building, the world was shocked at the news that the world's youngest nation was
descending into a near civil war like state and rapidly slipping onto the edge of being a
failed state. In May 2006 regional peacekeeping forces were once again brought into to
restore peace; however, this time is was not because of the devastation caused by foreign
occupation, but in a period of violence which was being led by Timorese youths and half
of the nations military. As a result thousands of buildings were destroyed and one in eight
Timorese were forced from their homes. Over 100,000 people currently remain internally
displaced by last year’s violence. Eventually the government was also brought down and
has recently been restored with UN supervised elections. Not only is this a failure for
Timor Leste but also a failure of the international community. The UN now
acknowledges that mistakes were made, the complexity of the situation was overlooked
and a long term approach should have been taken. The questions remains how did the
United Nations and the international community failed so dramatically and what
fundamental and key factors were overlooked leading to this setback.
In order to explore the above mentioned questions and issues, this article is
divided into three main sections. The first section will examine the shift in the security
paradigm and its broadening definition to include human security. How human security is
now being incorporated in the post-conflict society to guide national reconstruction and
peace building will also be touched upon.
The second section will focus on Timor Leste and gender from a human security
perspective. This section will focus on the United Nations Transitional Administration in
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East Timor (UNTAET) (1999-2002) approach to the post-conflict situation. Extending
into the current period this article will explore how the lack of human security further
pushed women to the peripheries of the current system. As a result women continued to
face a disproportionate level of insecurity in the post-conflict period, however, continue
their ongoing fight for gender and women’s rights in nation’s process of recovery.
After reviewing the United Nations current approach to national reconstruction
and peace building, while focusing on the role of women in Timor, the final section of
this paper will offer simple but practical recommendations. Human security can, as this
paper proposes, with the correct mechanisms be used to deconstruct the multiple layers
and dimensions of both the traditional and newly created democratic systems which exist.
This will allow for a tailor fitted approach for individual nations to be created during their
process of reconstruction. Human security also presents the opportunity to be utilized as a
‘universal’ tool, along with pre-existing international norms and rights, regardless of
geographical area, to ensure that the rights and requirements, as outlined in the principles
of human security, are attained.
Human Insecurities, Post- Conflict Nations and Gender
Shifting the Security Paradigm
Exemplified during the United Nations act of counter balancing security during the Cold
War but dating to long before the creation of the United Nations itself, the concept of
security denoted the protection of States sovereignty. The realists’ approach favoured
State actors and mechanisms that were based on the principle that believed in ‘zero-sum
gain’ or that the State acted in order to gain power whiles the other side lost. Therefore,
the security paradigm encompassed, “territorial integrity, issues surrounding political
stability, military and defense arrangements and economic and financial activities”
(UNDP 2006: 3). However, with the end of the Cold War there was a shifting of the
security paradigm from “containment to prevention” and the United Nations found that
the traditional approach to security was no longer suited. The world now faced a number
of new security challenges including civil war, global terrorism and therefore greater
individual insecurities. Other related insecurities came from “socio-political violence,
economic distress and environmental degradation” (UNDP 2006: 4). As Cornelio
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Sommaruga states, “we [now] know that security means far more then the absence of
conflict” (Sommaruga 2004: 208) and in response, the international community
attempted to address the shift by adopting a comprehensive and contextual approach that
reflected the realities of the modern security concerns along with the needs and
requirements of not only the State but also that of the people.
Defining Human Security
In 1994 UNDP published the Human Development Report written by Amartya Sen and
Mahbub ul Haq. The authors presented the concept of human security which has since
been adopted by the United Nations. It has also been adopted by various governments
including Canada, Japan and Norway who championed the concept and have since
implemented it within their defense and foreign policies. Although the concept of human
security became a hugely debated topic in academic and policy making circles it still
struggles to be implemented as a working concept.
In 1999 a joint meeting was held at United Nations in Bangkok (UNESCAP) to
engender human security. The meeting emphasized that while the concept of human
security was accepted, it was required to broaden its view to include gender equality. The
working group stated that security for men and women were fundamentally different and
therefore so were requirements and needs of the individual. Five specific inter-related
issues were proposed to be incorporated. This included: violence against women and
girls, gender inequalities in control over resources, gender inequalities over power and
decision making, women’s human rights, and women (and men) as actors, not victims.
The group also emphasized gender mainstreaming strategies in human security
intervention designed to be empowering. Interestingly a three tiered approach was also
created and proposed to gage the path of empowerment; this included: survival, security
and autonomy (IANWGE 1999). Although gender and human security would be detailed
in the later reports, the definition of human security still did not adequately deal with
gender impact on human security or security issues as influenced by gender. Charlotte
Bunch, a women’s right activist who does support human security, stated that gender
continues to not adequately develop because the concept “is still operating with a male
gender bias” (Schwartz 2004). In post-conflict periods in which societies such as Timor
Leste remain highly militarized, gender analysis although often well intended does not
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extend beyond focusing on gender equitable employment as a means of achieving gender
equality.
In 2001 the United Nations created the Human Security Commission (HSC) as a
response to the Secretary General’s Millennium Development Goals (2000) that called
for a world “free of deprivation, want and fear”. The HSC’s 2003 Report entitled Human
Security Now outlined the inter-disciplinary nature of security, human rights and
development. Human security, as the Report stated, can be summed up in four words:
interconnected, universal, people centered and multidimensional. So regardless of the
various regional debates on human security, this Report proved human security was not
limited by geographical boundaries.
Human security now refocused security from primarily that of the State to that of
the people. The Report defined human security as the following:
Human security in its broadest sense embraces far more than the absence of
violent conflict. It encompasses human rights, good governance, access to
education and health care and ensuring that each individual has
opportunities and choices to fulfill his or her own potential. Every step in
this direction is also a step towards reducing poverty, achieving economic
growth and preventing conflict. Freedom from want, freedom from fear and
the freedom of future generations to inherit a healthy natural environment—
these are the interrelated building blocks of human, and therefore national,
security (Commission of Human Security 2003: 4).
The Report goes on to state that while defining what human security is important,
deconstructing the causations of human insecurity is essential. These insecurities include
the threat to socio-economic conditions and political conditions, food, health and
environmental, community and personal safely. Importantly in addition to protection,
empowerment is considered a vital component of human security:
Human security also reinforces human dignity. People’s horizons extend far
beyond survival, to matters of love, culture and faith. Protecting a core of
activities and abilities is essential for human security, but that alone is not
enough. Human security must also aim at developing the capabilities of
individuals and communities to make informed choices and to act on behalf
of causes and interests in many spheres of life. That is why human security
starts from the recognition that people are the most active participants in
determining their well-being. It builds on people’s efforts, strengthening
what they do for themselves (Commission of Human Security 2003: 4).
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Chapter four of the 2003 Report entitled, “Recovering from violent conflict” focuses on
the importance of adopting human security in post-conflict situations. It acknowledges
that many gaps remain within the current approach to nation building. This includes gaps
in security, governance, internal response and resources; however, if properly approached
“provides[s] opportunity to recast social, political and economic bases of power” in the
recovering nation (Commission of Human Security 2003: 58).
The Human Security Approach: “Recovering From Violent Conflict”
The period following peace-agreements or ceasefires in which violence is ended does not
always translate into the end of conflict but “rather a new phase in its evolution.”
Therefore the process of recovery after conflict remains “one of the most complex
challenges confronting the international community” (Resolution of Conflicts and Peace
Building 2006).
The Report making recommendations on how to use human security in post
conflict recovery identifies five interrelated key clusters that should be incorporated in
the human security framework (refer to Figure 1):
Protecting people and communities requires guaranteeing public safety,
providing lifesaving humanitarian relief and essential services and returning
and integrating people affected by the conflict. Empowering people and
communities requires building social capital, nurturing the reconciliation
and coexistence of divided communities, and restoring governance
(Commission of Human Security 2003: 58-61).
The Report goes on to state that all actors involved in the process should work as
partners under one central leadership and to the utmost use all available resources,
mechanisms and instruments available to achieve human security requirements. Also
human security aims not to replace State security but rather reinforce, from the
perspective of the individual. The Report further emphasizes that the human security
approach is most effective when flexible and inline with the needs of the people.
Gender
awareness
is
important
to
the
overall
effectiveness
of
the
operationalisation of the human security approach to recovery. Gender, which is
embedded in all societies and intersects the political, social and economic sectors allows
for their deconstruction to expose norms and hierarchies. Gender provides for a more
comprehensive understanding of the different needs and inequalities which exist within
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the very complex process. Importantly the human security approach is also not complete
unless all implemented projects and policies are gender mainstreamed. Empowerment for
all builds the foundation of a future stable nation.
Timor Leste: From the Ashes
Country Context
In 2002 Timor Leste became the world’s newest democracy after enduring 24 years of
Indonesian occupation and over 400 years of Portuguese colonization. It is estimated that
by the time Indonesia withdrew its forces in 1999, over 200,000 or one-third of the
population of Timor Leste had been killed or from the suffering of war. The legacy of
terror against the civilian population in which men, women and children were
imprisoned, tortured and enslaved has had a lasting impact on the survivors of Timor
Leste. While men were more often killed, imprisoned and tortured, women were subject
to gender-based violence and other forms of insecurities which were very gender based.
Women experienced rape, forced marriages correctly called sexually slavery and forced
pregnancies as a result of being enslaved. They were also the subject of forced
sterilization programs and medical testing. During this period women often headed
households and were responsible for providing security and livelihood for their
communities and families. Concurrently women were also heading the clandestine
liberation movement challenging their traditional roles as second class citizens in the
midst of crisis.
The United Nations Transitional Administration for East Timor arrived in 1999 to
a nation that had been absolutely destroyed by the past occupation and in particular the
events of that year. As a result of Timor Leste resistance war which had included an
external delegation, the Timorese people successfully won the support of the international
community, who had for the large part previously ignored their pleas for help. The
international community pressured the Indonesian government to call for a referendum
on independence. Overwhelmingly the people of Timor chose independence. On the
same day as the results of the election were made public Indonesian troops still in Timor
retaliated against the Timorese people. As a result 300,000 people fled, both returning to
the jungles or across into West Timor. It is estimated 1,500 people were executed and
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two-thirds of the national infrastructure was destroyed in a scorched earth policy. The
tragic history of Timor Leste’ occupation has had a lasting and dire effect on the nation’s
socio-political and economic sectors, natural resources and infrastructure which is now in
desperate need of repair and revival.
Sadly, in 2006 the nation descended back into turmoil after one-third of the
nation’s military, which earlier in the year was sacked, attacked the capital Dili. The
renegade soldiers were accompanied by large numbers of angry and violent youths. This
group quickly pitted ethnic eastern people against those from the west. Gang violence
caused mass insecurities among the civilian populations, houses and buildings were
torched and over 150,000 fled their homes. It is estimated that currently 100,000 people
remain internally displaced and face threats of physical violence and lack of basic needs.
The reason cited for the near-civil war was the weak political system, lack of national
development and aid and social inequalities. Other factors not cited by the soldiers which
contributed to the breakdown was the fact that military and police force was only half
developed. Reconciliation and trauma counseling was also largely passed over for this
group. Eight years after the UNTAET arrived little has changed for the people of Timor
Leste.
The questions which remains are; what went wrong with the UN guided nation
building and how could human security be operationalised to “protect from fear and
want” while empowering the population in the post-conflict period. Using the
components of the human security framework, with an emphasis on gender which
intersects all issues, the following presents just some of the mishandling of post-conflict
development which continues to see people suffer in their daily lives. This situation could
have been prevented if even the basic human security approaches’ key clusters to
recovery would have been operationalised in the UNTAET development of Timor Leste.
United Nations Transitional Period 1999-2002
In 1999 the UN Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET), established itself
in Timor Leste to fulfill its mandate according to Resolution 1272 set by the Security
Council. This mandate included the following objectives:
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



To provide security and maintain law and order throughout the territory of
East Timor;
To establish an effective administration;
To assist in the development of civil and social services;
To ensure the coordination and delivery of humanitarian assistance,
rehabilitation and development assistance;
To support capacity-building for self-government;
To assist in the establishment of conditions for sustainable development
(S/RES/1272, 1999).
When the United Nations arrived it was largely a military led mission and remained this
way until their planning was complete in mid-September 2001. It included the
employment of over 10,000 military personal and civilian police. And while the United
Nations had authority over the political and military matter all of the development aspects
were managed by the World Bank. Humanitarian aid was supplied by international nongovernmental organizations and the Red Cross, while the development of civil society
was largely managed by national non-governmental organizations. Social development,
including women’s and minority rights was largely supported by civil society with a
strong presence of those women’s organizations which had played an important role
during the war of independence. There was very weak coordination between actors as
well as conflicts of interest. Often, as a result gaps in distributing immediate
humanitarian aid occurred, food ran low and public safety was not ensured.
Reconstruction projects were also delayed or cancelled while actors attempted to sort out
their differences. In many cases development projects overlapped and value resources
were wasted or misdirected.
Interestingly it would be civil society, both national and international NGOs and
not the State nor UN peacekeeping forces that Timorese turned to for public safety, aid
and an attempt to reconcile the divided nation. People are very aware that since the
development of the nation was constructed by different actors the approach was much
disjointed. Unfortunately this reality has also left many Timorese disillusioned and
without hope for the future of their nation, a nation for which previously they had
sacrificed so much for.
The UNTAET, especially its military leadership relied heavily on lessons from
the past nation buildings, in particular the Cambodia experience, rather than relying on
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local knowledge and context. Therefore many issues were overlooked. According to Alita
Verdial, a former independence activist and current national NGO staffer, the local
context was ignored,
During time of national building many programs were not properly
implemented because issues of context and communities were not known.
During Indonesia occupation projects were tailored to each community and
imposed on them. However, during the UNTAET local knowledge was not
consulted or used. It is only now [2006] that community needs and
empowerment is being used as a strategy to deal with issues. This is the
same with gender issues. The reason why inequality existed was not
understood. Programs [created by national NGOs] are now designed to fit
communities (A.Verdial, personal communications, October, 17, 2006)
The timeframe allocated for the UN mission was very short. Therefore even the
most well intentioned individuals were pressured to produce results. Consequently, the
development of the nation from ground zero was approached with very short term goals.
The objectives of recovery projects were State focused and not focused on the individual.
It was believed that the stability of the State would trickle down to the community level
and provide opportunities for the individual. It was also erroneously assumed that the
State would provide public safety for the population. However, the State mechanisms for
public security, the police and military, ended up being half completed because of
conflicting interest at the State level and were trained by the United Nations in less than
three months.
Initially the United Nations joined together with the then already defunct
resistance unity party with the objective of setting up an interim government comprised
of Timorese nationals. The interim government would eventually take complete control
of the government until elections could be held shortly after independence which was set
for 2002. The Timorese nationals were to be selected by the former resistance leadership.
They recruited leaders from the elite of the resistance structures for the new political
hierarchy. Suitable representatives were appointed by Timorese resistance leaders while
others were elected by communities. The elections for the most part were not democratic.
The actual elections were based on a traditional system in which candidates were selected
by traditional elders based on the correct royal descent. It cases where the selected leader
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did not fill this criteria it was considered acceptable because they were only ‘transitional’.
Also important was a candidates’ participation and achievements during the resistance.
In the urban areas the situation was different. Although candidates with resistance
experience gained much credibility and respect, other requirements including political
experience and education were also important. Usually those who were already among
the resistances’ elite were the select few in society that had education, political
experience and resistance experience. In response the urban population openly
disapproved of the rural areas return to a traditional system, which included traditional
forms of justice and the Administrative power center in Dili started to become very
exclusionary. As a result political control remained very much in the capital and the
urban-rural divide continues to challenge national development and reconciliation.
Recovery projects, which are State based, rarely benefited the rural areas. During the
recent unrest the renegade soldiers “fighting for justice and the rights of the people”
enjoyed the support of much of the population which resides in the rural area. The now
fugitive renegade soldiers are being provided for and protected in the jungles of Timor
Leste and continue to evade capture.
For women the reinstatement of traditional hierarchies and justice with the new
system was not welcomed. While it could be argued that both systems are gender blind,
Timorese saw independence as an opportunity for change and empowerment. In the
traditional system women were considered second class citizens. They were previously
denied education, employment opportunities and leadership or decision making role in
both the private or public sphere. Traditional justice was cited by many women’s rights
activists in Timor Leste as a force denying them their human rights. For example, in the
case of domestic violence, the community elders would deal with the problem, if
reported, in favour of reconciliation between partied rather than justice in the form of
punishment for the abuser. Often the couple was sent home and expected to deal with the
situation. In many communities domestic violence was unfortunate reality. If, in the rare
case the woman would left her marriage she would be further excluded from her
community. Without education or skills to work, women rarely had a wide range of
empowering choices. Although women activists did not want to lose their culture in the
new period, they also did not want to live in the past.
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In terms of rehabilitation and reconstruction very little had been done. The
infrastructure of the nation, even within the capital remains in ruins. Roads outside of the
capital Dili are not sealed. Transportation is provided by servers that existed since the
Indonesia period. Basic services such as water and garbage collection in some
communities, mostly in the capital provide inadequate services but most of the
populations realize of the private sector of civil society. This is the same with health care
which is also provided by private individuals or state run clinics employed mostly by
doctors on loan from the Cuban government.
Food is mostly obtained by subsistence farming, however, because of the
Indonesian plunder of natural resources the nation is faced with desertification. Fish are
plentiful; however, after twenty four years of occupation, a generation of skills was lost.
Civil society, in an attempt to rebuild Timor and empower the people is the main provider
of training, which included livelihoods and agricultural and capacity building projects.
The State, since 2006, provides public education. Employment opportunities are
limited in Dili and even more so in the rural areas. Civil society is also focusing on adult
literacy and another potential conflict issue, the complex issue of language. The official
languages of Timor Leste are Portuguese, which the elite and a small percentage of the
population speak and Tetum which the majority speak. Timor Leste also has up to 15
indigenous languages and many people speak the Indonesian or English. Very rarely can
one person be understood by everybody. This is very problematic since most government
documents about recovery and development plans were published in English and
Portuguese. Again those who could access and later participate within the government or
development were restricted to the elite of the nation. As a result, people were left
disenfranchised and disillusioned.
Reconciliation with the objective of coexistence was also only slightly touched
upon and not very much considered an immediate requirement for recovery. Divisions in
Timor Leste are historic and date to before the Indonesia invasion. In 1974, after
Portugal’s departure there was a short but deadly civil war. These divisions remained
although the nation united to fight a common enemy under a unity liberation front. Since
gaining independence these divisions are resurfacing and dividing the young nation
between the ethnic west and east. Since then another division in addition to the east-west
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ethnic issue, that of an urban and rural split which has since been fostered in anger as a
consequence of unequal national development. A Truth and Reconciliation Commission
was established which produced an excellent document, although it focuses primarily on
the Indonesian period. Currently reconciliation is a requirement in dealing with the many
human insecurities including public safety. Reconciliation is also needed in beginning the
process of peace building in which divided groups can once again co-exist peacefully and
internally displaced people can return home.
Both the psychological and physical scars of war, as evident from all interviews
conducted, have greatly impacted society. This has left a legacy of violence with the
young nation. Many political as well as social and private issues continue to be resolved
through violence; this is very evident with the high level of domestic violence and the
activities of martial art gangs that cause unrest throughout the nation. Programs
developed to provide support for populations exposed to violence during the Indonesia
time continue to exist and are largely provided by civil society. However, these programs
are also subject to gender blind approaches. As a result insufficient services are provided
to the victims. For example, since men are rarely viewed as victims and are often seen as
the perpetrators of violence many do not receive adequate mental or physical treatment,
although many local NGOs are dealing with this it is largely women victims, not men
which receive support. This is, however, a reflection of societal norms that also judge that
men do not want to talk about it and therefore do not require counseling. However, in a
nation that is currently being overrun by gang violence in which the membership is
exclusively made up of young men and where there are reports of a high level domestic
violence, one could conclude that this group also requires support.
Demobilization and reintegration programs which include training, education and
a pension for former combatants are also aimed at the rehabilitation of the individual. The
programs are run by the State with funding from the World Bank and the United Nations.
The program is very gender blind as by policy it does not recognize women as
combatants. Therefore they do not receive veteran pensions nor have access to training
which would lead to gainful employment opportunities. Many of the women veterans
with disabilities are unable to work contributing to their living under the poverty line and
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therefore unable to provide even the basics for their children. Often these women also
head households.
Reflecting on the past UNTAET mission many contradictions between promoting
gender equality and women’s empowerment with gender blind policies and sexism within
the organization are now apparent. One of the reasons cited for this, is that again the
military Peacekeeping Department (DPKO) of UNTAET was the “powerbase” of the
mission and had little coordination with other organization that had conducted gender
needs assessments. Gender mainstreaming was therefore very challenging. Joshi, former
staff of UNTAET gives her explanation:
Increasingly, we are seeing the military overtake and influence the functions
of civilian institutions. In humanitarian work, reconstruction and
development, the military is often partnered with or replaces civilian
organizations as the lead institution. Needless to say, when this happens, the
military and its members bring their own socialisation to these processes. In
other words, civilian institutions, such as the UN, are being militarised. But
this militarisation has a male face (Joshi 2005: 34).
As a result it was difficult to place women’s activism within the pre-set structures,
although a Gender Unit was installed in 2001.
Not only was the UN not actively aware of gender issues, as reflected above, but
also it is not an equitable employer. Although it would be a fair assumption to believe
that equitable hiring practices would improve gender blind projects, it was also an
opportunity for the UN to promote their own practices which they impose on national
governments. In 2001 the UNTAET increased its recruitment and hired more national
staff. The UNTAET, on advice from the Gender Unit, also attempted to gender
mainstream all sectors.
Insecurities were not only caused by the high levels of domestic violence but also,
as revealed in cases that were made public, were caused where women complained about
rape or sexual harassment by UN military personnel. These cases were handled internally
and not disclosed. Many women’s groups suggested that the incidents were tossed aside
and the UN could act with impunity. However, women were not just victims of gender
blind projects and violence; they were also active agents who have supported the concept
of human security for protection and empowerment since 1999.
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Using the Components of Human Security
Parallel to the development of Timor Leste, women were also mobilizing themselves and
demanding a greater role in the transitional period. Although women in Timor are
disadvantaged by poverty and illiteracy which is exacerbated by cultural practices, many
women, especially young women were finding the courage to speak out and demand
equal rights, even overcoming their own internalized lower status (Pires and Scott 1998:
141).
Questioning the concept of ukun rasik an (self-governing and independent),
understood at the level of national liberation, many women started to ask what it
translated into for them as individuals and how could their basic needs and human rights
now be realized (La’o Hamutuk Bulletin Vol.2 No. 5 August 2001). Women’s historic
involvement in the Timor Leste fight for independence was unquestionable however they
had been excluded in the international and national dialogue for peace. Women not
already within the elite group were also excluded from the military and administrative
structures of UNTAET and CNRT. At no level were women outside of the Fretilin
hierarchy even being consulted in the process of national reconciliation or reconstruction.
Women joked that they were not even included as token ‘dolls’ during the reconstruction
and reconciliation processes.
Women created opportunities for themselves with resources provided by both the
United Nations and other international organizations. International norms and laws were
pursued which created mechanisms for advancing their cause. Most of the organizations
advocated women’s empowerment and gender mainstreaming; however, they also
actively provided social services and education for disadvantaged men, women and
children and actively shaped civil society. At the same time they experienced some
major set-backs that would act as a catalyst for deeper and expanded activism in the
equitable development of Timor Leste.
At the national level one of the greatest achievements was the First Women’s
Congress and women’s demands to be a part of the constitution making process and to be
able to influence the development of their nation during its transition. The demand for a
Gender Unit was met. This organization was responsible for gender mainstreaming
throughout UNTAET and for providing resources of both the developing Government
and civil society. It also allowed for a mechanism for gender equality to be created
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through adopting international laws, including the principles of CEDAW. This would
then be applied to the creation of the first national government.
At the local level women were also challenging the systems which had
historically oppressed them. Women supported civil society and their initiatives, actively
supporting many Community Empowerment Projects that included water and
sanitization, agriculture and livelihood development. Women sought help in cases of
domestic violence, even in some cases reporting to UN civilian police. This was a very
significant development since the majority of the population believed that conflict
resolution should be dealt with inside the kinship structure by traditional elders.
It is evident that even when war is over women in the post-conflict period
continues to face insecurities based on their gender. And although women continue to
challenge gender norms and stereotypes, in the process of recovery they are most often
situated between the traditional and modern systems that are not always aware of
women’s specific disadvantages and continue to marginalize them. Domestic violence
remained a huge obstacle to ensuring women’s human rights, security and development.
Also in many areas women still lacked access and control to land, education and health
services. They also struggle over controlling their reproductive rights. The human
security approach which can not be successfully implemented without gender will
hopefully incorporate women and other marginalized groups into the process.
Conclusion and Recommendations
In conclusion, reflecting on lessons learned from Timor Leste this article argues
that social hierarchies in which gender intersects are embedded in all societies. These
inequalities are further exacerbated during war and reproduced in the post construction
era creating gender differentiated experiences and needs. This, however, is often not
properly acknowledged in the current United Nations approach to national reconstruction
that consequently later creates a very unbalanced, ‘one size fits all’ foundation for
national development and people’s empowerment. Concentrating on short term goals in
an attempt to develop and stabilize the political and economic sectors of the State with
little attention paid to the overall needs of the nation erroneously ignores the
requirements of social development for the people. As a result this approach also
excludes some of the major non-State actors, which not only cuts out local knowledge
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which could provide required analyses of the conflict, cultural norms, and traditional
systems, but also ignores the populations’ requirements for development and security. As
a result this disjointed approach wastes aid, financial and human resources.
For the population itself, not only are their needs ignored but already deeply
rooted social hierarchies are further reproduced, within the political and economic sectors
which were targeted. These include gender roles and norms, in which inequality exists
and already disadvantaged groups are marginalized, including women who in the postconflict period often continue struggling to fulfill basic needs and security. The reality
and sentiment of inequalities, which affects many groups in post-conflict nations, fosters
frustration and further instability and consequently often leads to violence. Traditionally
there has been limited research on this topic, therefore appreciation is lacking of factors
influencing marginalization of vulnerable groups and its correlation with violence and
instability in post-conflict nations. Clearly the lack of human security in post-conflict
situations has contributed to this, thus undermining overall security objectives.
It is acknowledged that the while UNTAET mission ended in 2002, the Five
Clustered Framework and other human security mechanisms to post-conflict recovery
were published in 2003, a year after the mission ended. However, the United Nations did
not leave after the end of mission and an active office remained. In 2006 the United
Nations Integrated Mission in Timor-Leste (UNMIT) was created in response to the
recent near-civil war situation and therefore drawing on their experiences and lessons
learned from the Timor Leste case study is necessary. The following recommendations
presented are intended to operationalise human security in the process of Timor Leste
recovery which could be further adopted by the new UN mission.

In the initial post conflict period the UN must provide immediate public
security and humanitarian aid must be provided. The priorities for
recovery must be “survival, security and autonomy”;

An single authority accepted by all actors to oversee the process of national
recovery must be established and must implement the human security
approach by using the Five Clustered Framework with a Gender
Perspective, which are all interrelated topics, to not only deconstruct the
social hierarchies that impacted all clusters but also to have a greater overall
national context. Once analyzed the needs of the people must be established
and a development plan must be created according;
17

Once established, a budget which is placed under the sole control of the
authority is required. Money will therefore be allocated according to needs of
the mission and not politicized or influenced by individual or other
international or national agendas. Gender awareness should influence and be
of interest in the development of a budget;

The authority must have the capacity within to oversee the development of all
five clusters with a Gender perspective. Since it is a large task, teams with a
group leader must oversee each cluster. A senior gender advisor should also
be hired; the authority should also employ a public relations office to inform
the public about their ongoing activities. Transparency through publications in
the local languages, written, on television and the most popular media
medium, radio is a must. Public Relations officers should also be available for
contact by anybody interested. Gender mainstreaming within the
organization is necessary. The authority must also be a gender equitable
employer and allow for the participation of women and men equally;

Cooperation is key to success. Under the authority key actors, including the
State will come together and create an approach in which all available
resources and pre-existing mechanisms can be used to the fullest extent
without risk of overlap in which resources are wasted or projects not
implemented because of conflicting agendas. The political will which is
always a problem will be given teeth because the recovery of a nation is under
one authority;

Empowerment pillar of the human security approach must not be forgotten
or ignored. The protection of the individual from fear and want will only be
sustainable if human security allows for change through already available
mechanisms and tools. Individuals can be agents of change and therefore have
more opportunity to lead dignified lives. This should always be accompanied
with a gender perspective;

A monitoring section must be established. The road to recovery is not a
linear or static process and different sectors, groups and individuals are
affected differently by programs. The impact, both weakness and strength in
protecting and empowering the individual must be continuously assessed,
reassessed and adjusted accordingly to fulfill the objective of the human
security approach to national reconstruction and peace building;

The human security approach for post-conflict societies is a LONG TERM
APPROACH and the time, resources and political will must acknowledge
this for sustainable results in national reconstruction and lasting peace.
Prevention to human insecurities allows for progress.
18
Figure1. The Five Clusters Framework in the Human Security Approach
(Source: Human Security Commission Report 2003)
19
References:
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