1 Towards Wild Psychometrics: Linking Individual Cognitive Differences to 2 Fitness 3 Alex Thorntona,*, Jess Isdenb and Joah R. Maddenb 4 a 5 Penryn Campus, Treliever Road, Penryn, TR10 9FE, UK Centre for Ecology and Conservation, Department of Biosciences, University of Exeter, 6 7 b 8 Exeter, Perry Road, Exeter EX4 4QG, UK Centre for Research in Animal Behaviour, School of Psychology, University of 9 10 * Address correspondence to Alex Thornton 11 Email: alex.thornton@exeter.ac.uk 12 Tel: +44(0)1326 255081 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 Running title: Towards wild psychometrics 22 Towards Wild Psychometrics: Linking Individual Cognitive Differences to 23 Fitness 24 25 Abstract 26 Our understanding of the processes underlying animal cognition has improved 27 dramatically in recent years, but we still know little about how cognitive traits evolve. 28 Following Darwinian logic, to understand how selection acts on such traits we must 29 determine whether they vary between individuals, influence fitness and are heritable. 30 A handful of recent studies have begun to explore the relationship between variation 31 in individual cognitive performance and fitness under natural conditions. Such work 32 holds great promise, but its success is contingent on accurate characterisation and 33 quantification of the cognitive differences between individuals. Existing research has 34 typically adopted a “problem-solving” approach, assuming that individuals that 35 complete novel tasks have greater cognitive prowess than those that do not. We 36 argue that this approach is incapable of determining that individual differences are 37 due to cognitive factors. We propose the adoption of psychologically-grounded 38 psychometric testing and discuss the criteria necessary to examine the fitness 39 consequences of cognitive variation in the wild. 40 41 42 43 Key words: cognition; evolution; heritability; individual differences; natural selection; 44 psychometrics 45 The evolution of cognition remains one of the most poorly understood issues in 46 biology. Traditionally, studies of cognitive evolution have employed a comparative 47 approach, relating between-species or between-population differences in brain size 48 or cognitive performance to differences in ecology, social systems or life history (e.g. 49 Balda and Kamil 2002;. Pravosudov and Clayton 2002). A recent upsurge of interest 50 in cognition among behavioural ecologists has stimulated the emergence of a 51 powerful new approach, shifting the focus to differences between individuals. Just as 52 field studies linking individual phenotypic differences to reproductive fitness have 53 furthered our understanding of selection acting on behavioural and morphological 54 traits (Clutton-Brock and Sheldon 2010), a focus on the causes and consequences 55 of variation in individual cognitive performance can provide crucial insights into 56 cognitive evolution (Thornton & Lukas 2012). A few pioneering studies have 57 generated tantalising indications of how cognitive differences may impact on fitness 58 correlates such as mating success (Keagy et al. 2009; 2011), reproductive success 59 (Cole et al. 2012; Cauchard et al. 2013) and competitive ability (Cole and Quinn 60 2012). We support this approach wholeheartedly, but are concerned that the 61 cognitive tests used in these field studies differ substantially from established 62 psychological theory and practice. 63 reliably characterised individual cognitive differences in wild animals. Here, we 64 examine the criteria necessary to examine the fitness consequences of individual 65 cognitive variation, and suggest refinements and improvements to current methods. Thus, it is questionable whether they have 66 67 First and most importantly, we must ensure that we are measuring cognitive 68 differences and not variation in other traits or random noise. Cognition, broadly 69 defined, encompasses the mechanisms by which animals acquire, process, store 70 and act on information from the environment (Shettleworth 2010). Whereas 71 morphology and behaviour can be measured accurately under natural conditions, 72 cognitive processes cannot be observed directly and must be inferred through 73 experimentation (Shettleworth 2010). Few studies in the wild have employed 74 experimental protocols that can explicitly quantify individual differences in specific 75 cognitive processes (but see Boogert et al. 2010; Nachev & Winter 2012; Isden et al 76 2013). Instead, research has more commonly relied on what we term the “problem- 77 solving approach”, whereby animals in the field or temporarily brought into captivity 78 are presented with novel problems, under the explicit or implied assumption that 79 individuals that solve tasks at all, or do so faster than others, possess higher levels 80 of cognitive ability (Keagy et al. 2009; Cole et al. 2012; Cole and Quinn 2012; 81 Cauchard et al. 2013). Some of these tests elicit behaviour that is part of the 82 standard repertoire of the species (e.g. male satin bowerbirds removing red objects 83 from their bowers: Keagy et al., 2009; great tits removing obstructions from their 84 nest-boxes: Cauchard et al., 2013). Others use more artificial tasks to elicit 85 apparently innovative behaviour (e.g. pulling a lever to obtain food rewards; Cole et 86 al. 2012). Such tests have been used to great effect in animal innovation literature to 87 determine the physical and behavioural factors that influence individual tendencies to 88 perform novel behaviours (e.g. Morand-Ferron et al. 2011), but we strongly doubt 89 their ability to measure cognitive variability reliably. Under Shettleworth’s broad 90 definition, all behavioural outcomes involve some cognitive processing, but this does 91 not imply that solvers are necessarily more generally cognitively adept than non- 92 solvers. Solving a new problem on a single presentation may be due to chance (e.g. 93 knocking away an obstacle or lever by luck) or variation in factors such as strength, 94 dexterity, motivation or persistence (e.g. Overington et al. 2011; Benson-Amram and 95 Holekamp 2012; Thornton and Samson 2012). The studies we critique here certainly 96 provide important controls for some of these variables, but all suffer from shared 97 problems: contrary to standard practice in experimental psychology, they do not 98 target any defined cognitive process and make no theoretically grounded, 99 quantitative predictions as to what constitutes a correct outcome (see also Healy 100 2012). Consequently, there is no psychological basis for concluding that, for 101 instance, a bird that pulls a lever is more cognitively able than one that does not. We 102 suggest that future work should adopt lessons from psychometric research, where 103 tests are designed to target specific cognitive processes and test outcomes can be 104 clearly evaluated on the basis of correctness, giving quantitative scores of individual 105 performance. One obvious improvement to the current approach is to present 106 problem-solving tasks repeatedly to derive measures of individual instrumental 107 learning ability from rates of improvement over successive trials. Tasks incorporating 108 functionally relevant and irrelevant features could be particularly useful in assessing 109 not only differences in speed of solving (which may reflect strength or dexterity) but 110 also in the ability to learn the instrumental contingencies of a given task, and/or to 111 transfer learned rules from one task to others with similar features (Thornton & 112 Samson 2012). An additional approach is to design choice tests that make specific, 113 defined cognitive demands such that once a subject is engaged in a task it must rely 114 on its cognitive abilities to choose correctly between alternative options. Such an 115 approach forms the basis for numerous robust psychometric tests (see Plomin 2001; 116 Matzel et al. 2003) and has been applied in free-living animals. For instance, 117 animals’ choices in field experiments have been used to determine whether they 118 have remembered the location of food sources (Healy and Hurley 1995; Flores- 119 Abreu et al. 2012), learned to associate rewards with specific shapes or colours 120 (Boogert et al. 2010; Isden et al. 2013) or selected tools with appropriate functional 121 properties (Visalberghi et al. 2009). The challenge is now to harness similar 122 paradigms to quantify cognitive differences across large numbers of individuals, as is 123 widely done in psychometric studies of humans and other animals (Plomin 2001; 124 Matzel et al. 2003; Herrmann et al. 2010). Fortunately, recent technological 125 advances have great promise in enabling rigorous, standardised testing. For 126 instance, Nachev & Winter (2012) used computer-controlled artificial flowers to 127 quantify the ability of individual pit-tagged wild bats to discriminate between different 128 sugar concentrations. Similarly, building on their automated problem-solving tasks 129 (Morand-Ferron 2011; Cole et al. 2012), Morand-Ferron and colleagues are 130 developing instrumental conditioning choice tasks to record individual learning 131 curves for hundreds of wild pit-tagged birds over repeated visits (Morand-Ferron, 132 pers. comm.). These innovative applications of established psychological test 133 paradigms to wild animals provide a much-needed impetus to the development of a 134 robust science of wild psychometrics. 135 136 Having obtained robust measurements of individual cognitive differences, we must 137 then determine whether these are associated with differential fitness outcomes. The 138 relationship between cognitive performance and fitness may not be straightforward. 139 Neural and cognitive phenotypes are often highly plastic, so performance measures 140 may be sensitive to the conditions under which they are taken. Some birds, for 141 example, undergo seasonal changes in hippocampal volume, which is likely to affect 142 spatial memory (Smulders et al. 1995). “Problem-solving” measures in great tits are 143 also sensitive to testing conditions: individuals’ success in captivity did not predict 144 their success in the wild (Morand-Ferron et al. 2011). Where possible, we advocate 145 testing animals repeatedly to determine the consistency and plasticity of cognitive 146 traits. It is also important to note that investment in the neural tissue necessary for 147 improved cognitive processing may generate concomitant costs for other important 148 traits (Kawecki 2010; Kotrschal et al. 2013). We thus need measurements across a 149 range of fitness associated parameters to determine whether elevated cognitive 150 ability generates net benefits (Cole et al. 2012). Finally, we must consider whether 151 elevated cognitive performance could result in benefits accruing across several 152 behavioural contexts, or only in specific situations. Natural selection is often 153 assumed to fine-tune distinct cognitive mechanisms to meet specific ecological 154 challenges (Shettleworth 2010). However, some cognitive processes such as 155 associative learning are deployed across a broad range of contexts (Heyes 2012) 156 and human psychometric tests indicate that an individual’s performance across a 157 battery of disparate tasks can be summarised by a single measure of “general 158 intelligence” (g) (Plomin 2001; Boogert et al. 2011 and Thornton and Lukas 2012 159 review the equivocal evidence for g in animals). To help resolve long-standing 160 debates regarding modularity versus domain-generality and begin to pinpoint the 161 selective advantages of elevated cognitive ability, we advocate the use of batteries 162 of tests across different cognitive domains, coupled with measures of multiple fitness 163 parameters. Following psychometric conventions, test batteries should incorporate 164 tasks covering a range of pre-defined cognitive domains (e.g. association formation, 165 instrumental learning, transitive inference, inhibitory control, spatial memory), with 166 tasks designed to minimise effects of experience in one task on performance in 167 others (c.f. Matzel et al. 2003; Herrmann et al. 2010; Isden et al. 2013). 168 169 Finally, selection can only act on cognitive traits if they are heritable, an issue which 170 has attracted little attention beyond humans and a handful of laboratory studies on 171 other species (Plomin 2001; Kawecki 2010). Measures of heritability in wild 172 populations are likely to be complicated, with non-genetic factors including 173 developmental conditions (Buchanan et al. 2013) and past learning opportunities 174 (Thornton & Lukas 2012) affecting cognitive phenotypes. Nevertheless, there are 175 grounds for optimism that future studies will begin to disentangle ontogenetic and 176 heritable traits. In particular, there is much to be learned from the animal personality 177 literature, where techniques including cross fostering, experimental manipulation of 178 individual developmental trajectories, selection experiments and quantitative genetic 179 analyses are beginning to unravel genetic contributions to complex behavioural traits 180 (van Oers et al. 2005). 181 182 Individual-based studies offer huge potential to inform our understanding of cognitive 183 evolution. Laboratory research on human and non-human animals has generated 184 overwhelming evidence that individuals differ in their cognitive abilities (Boogert et al. 185 2011; Thornton and Lukas 2012). A suite of pioneering studies have recognised that 186 to understand how selection acts on cognitive traits we must now step out of the 187 laboratory and examine this variation and its fitness consequences under natural 188 conditions. However, the challenges of such an endeavour should not be 189 underestimated. Critically, if this exciting new avenue of research is to progress, we 190 must develop rigorous, psychologically-grounded experimental methods to identify 191 and quantify explicit cognitive processes and their heritability, ideally using batteries 192 of tests that call upon cognitive decision-making processes, spanning cognitive 193 domains. 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