Volume 2, Issue 6
2005
By James D. Brightman, CRC
AAPI Culture Brief: Japan
The purpose of this brief, developed as part of a series of Asia and Pacific Island culture
briefs, is to present readers with a quick overview of the Japanese culture and to introduce
references that will provide more in-depth perspectives.
Introduction
Every discussion about culture should begin with the acknowledgement that culture is a
fluid, not static, concept. Moreover, changes within cultures are influenced by many factors,
from other cultures to movies and mass media. A society, for example, may slowly change its
way of living to be more like a popular culture or a different country seen on television or in the
movies. The Asian American and Pacific Islander (AAPI) segment of the U.S. population is
growing faster than any other. One author reports that from approximately 1.5 percent of the
population in 1980, the Asian Pacific American population - the term he prefers - grew to
comprise almost 3 percent in 1990, for a growth rate of more than 100 percent (Leung, 1996).
The majority of AAPIs live in the five states of California, Hawai’i, New York, Illinois, and
Texas; however, AAPIs can be found in all areas of the country. AAPIs are projected to increase
to more than 10 percent of the total U.S. population by 2050. Japanese Americans account for
many of those AAPIs.
A Snapshot of Japanese Culture
In Japan, each person is expected to conform to societal ways and norms, though there
are exceptions with much of the radical younger generation and a few individuals that
intentionally mock conformity. Japan is a collectivist society where group needs and wants are
placed above those of the individual and Japanese people tend to be other directed (Ritts, 2000).
Subsequently, they are extremely sensitive to and concerned about relationships. A noteworthy
Japanese quote, "The nail that sticks out is hammered down" (Russo, 2003-05) indicates how
individualism is negatively viewed in Japanese society. Japanese Americans are guided by their
heritage, or possibly parental teachings, consciously or unconsciously, to conform to societal
expectations. American society, on the other hand, values individualism and uniqueness.
American parents frequently want their children to stand apart from the crowd. Japanese culture
discourages individualism whereas American culture embraces it.
In American schools, for instance, students are valued and frequently receive better
grades if they speak up and participate, even if their participation is unnecessary. Japanese
society views such contributions as rude and disruptive and active participators might very
possibly receive lower grades. Japanese people believe that sensei (teachers) always know best
and students should listen only to them. Assimilating to American society may be difficult for
someone of Japanese heritage because of such divergent thought patterns. Several other
traditional values that may make assimilating to American society difficult for someone with
Asian heritage include: filial piety, shame as a method of reinforcing expectations and proper
behavior, self-control, emphasis on consensus, fatalism, and inconspicuousness (Ho, 1992).
A Brief History of Japanese in America
In May 1868, a ship sailed out of Yokohama for Hawaii, carrying 153 Japanese migrants
bound for employment on the sugar plantations (JANET, 1996). These adventurers constituted
the first mass emigration of Japanese overseas. Emigration and immigration continued at a
steady pace until May 26, 1924, when President Calvin Coolidge signed the 1924 immigration
bill into law to slow the flood of immigrants into the US - essentially a quota system - effectively
ending Japanese immigration to the U.S. Then, in 1942, following the bombing of Pearl Harbor,
the Western Defense Command of the United States Army decided the military situation at that
time required the removal of all Japanese Americans in the area. Roosevelt subsequently created
the War Relocation Authority (WRA), which established 10 relocation camps that would house
more than 110,000 persons of Japanese ancestry who lived chiefly along the Pacific Coast
(Relocation of Japanese Americans, 1943). The WRA closed its doors on June 30, 1946 but not
until 1952, did the McCarran-Walter Immigration and Naturalization Act end racially based
naturalization and the 1924 ban on Asian immigration.
About the time of the Vietnam War protests, the Asian American Movement began,
which was essentially a middle-class reform effort for Asian Americans to achieve racial
equality, social justice, and political empowerment (Wei, 1995). That movement helped develop
unique, yet cohesive, ethnic identities and led to Japanese American involvement in electoral
politics and the quest for political empowerment. It was not until the 1980s, however, that the
United States Congress even began to consider some kind of redress for the victims of the
wartime incarceration, eventually passing the Civil Liberties Act of 1988. More than twenty
years prior to the passage of the 1988 Act, Petersen (1966) wrote about a basic change taking
place in the minds of many Americans toward Asians, specifically those of Japanese descent:
they became known as a model minority, a group of people that many Americans believed
strives for success based on merit alone.
Family and Community Structure
Historically, the family rather than the individual has been the basic unit of Japanese
society, however, that is changing to some degree (Imamura, 1990). Whereas the traditional
family ways and norms no longer strictly apply in many Japanese families, neither do
contemporary individualistic norms. There is also still a strong gender-based division of labor.
Husbands are perceived as the primary breadwinners and wives as primarily responsible for the
home. However, it is important to remember that Japanese Americans live in the United States,
not in Japan. Subsequently, they may have an even more difficult time fitting in if they happen to
be only second generation Japanese Americans as opposed to third or fourth generation. They
may also have different levels of difficulty depending on whether their ancestors resist or
embrace culture change. Put another way, as acculturation increases, acculturative stress
decreases for individuals trying to assimilate to a dominant culture (Organista, Organista, &
Kurasaki, 2002). Cultures also are in a constant state of flux; family structure is culture-bound.
View of Disability
The cultural and societal norms and values mentioned previously seem to be reflected in
the Japanese view of the elderly and individuals with disabilities.
The concept of disability is
inconsistent with the Japanese concept of conformity. From openly admitting the existence of a
disabling condition to rehabilitation, Japanese people would historically view such concerns as
family business and see little need to involve others. Pain may even be endured as a matter of
family honor (Sharts-Hopko, 2003). This way of thinking will influence the Japanese American
way of thinking. Thus, Japanese Americans may view a disability as a personal or familial issue
and try to keep every aspect "all in the family." Unfortunately, one of the adverse side effects of
keeping disability all in the family is not actively seeking rehabilitation services. Additionally,
being perceived as a model minority results in the belief that Japanese Americans have no
problems because they have literally made it in American society and, therefore, rehabilitation
professionals may believe that they have no need for services. Those reasons all contribute to
large numbers of AAPI not receiving or not seeking rehabilitation services.
Providing Rehabilitation Services to Japanese Americans
Services for AAPIs with disabilities need to match the cultural, religious, linguistic and
psychosocial characteristics of each individual (Hampton, 2000). Leung (1995) further
recommends in working with a Japanese American consumer it is important to take the family
into consideration. The rehabilitation professional has to examine the impact of a disability on
the whole family as well as the individual consumer. It would not only be important to look at
how any physical impairment, if one exists, will affect the family, but also how the disability
psychologically affects them. Rehabilitation providers should also keep in mind that, even
though American society is instructing and expecting all rehabilitation consumers to be
individuals, their Japanese heritage and/or parents are guiding and instructing them not to stick
out and to conform. Moreover, it may be useful for rehabilitation counselors working with all
Asian Americans to network with community agencies and other culturally sensitive providers in
allied professions (Hong, 1995).
Recommendations to Rehabilitation Service Providers
Hong (1995) believes rehabilitation professionals are currently ill-prepared to assist
AAPIs with disabilities. Considering the limited training and employment available to ethnic
and linguistic persons from minority groups such as Asians a rehabilitation counselor, for
example, has to be especially resourceful and persistent (Hong, 1995). He or she will likely need
to be an advocate for consumers, arguing their cases before government agencies and locating
legal assistance when needed. He or she must also serve as the liaison between different
agencies, such as medical services, job training, and welfare services, to ensure the consumer
will not get lost in the shuffle between them. That person should also consider utilizing different
techniques and strategies depending on how many generations removed rehabilitation consumers
are from their immigrating ancestors. Given the traditional importance of the family in Japanese
society, the counselor has to be careful to include relevant family members in the decisionmaking process (Hong, 1995). How the family is affected by the disabling condition, but also
how they might perceive it. Another author further recommends using courtesy and
thoughtfulness, as well as an empathetic, blameless, and problem solving approach, especially in
counseling situations, which are preferable to a direct and blunt approach (Tanabe, 2005).
Ways you can become more familiar with Japanese culture
First and foremost, for any professional serving a Japanese American, reviewing
literature about Japanese culture would be invaluable (see Bachnik, 2004; Sharts-Hopko, 2003
and Ritts, 2000). Without first having a common frame of reference/perspective,
misunderstandings are probable. Moreover, it is important to remember that Japanese Americans
will each have different views of family, disability and conformity depending on their different
circumstances. Courtesy and thoughtfulness, as Tanabe (2005) recommends, are wise until more
clearly understanding each individual’s unique paradigm.
References
Bachnik, J. (2004). At home in Japan: What no one tells you. Retrieved May 11, 2005, from
http://athome.nime.ac.jp/menu/sitemap.html.
Hampton, N. Z. (2000). Meeting the unique needs of Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders
with disabilities: A challenge to rehabilitation counselors in the 21st century. Journal of
Applied Rehabilitation Counseling, 31(1), 40-46.
Ho, M. K. (1992). Minority children and adolescents in therapy. Newbury Park, CA: Sage
Publications.
Hong, G. K. (1995). Rehabilitation counseling for Asian Americans: Psychological and social
considerations. Retrieved April 21, 2005, from
http://www.dinf.ne.jp/doc/english/Us_Eu/ada_e/pres_com/pres-dd/hong.htm.
Imamura, A. E. (1990). “Video letter from Japan II: A young family” Retrieved April 26, 2005,
from http://www.askasia.org/frclasrm/readings/r000128.htm.
Leung, P. (1996, Spring). Asian Pacific Americans and section 21 of the rehabilitation act
amendments of 1992 - includes related information American Rehabilitation, 22(1) 2-6.
Organista, P. B., Organista., K. C., & Kurasaki, K. (2002). Overview of the relation between
acculturation and ethnic minority mental health. Retrieved April 22, 2005, from
http://www.apa.org/books/431890As.html.
Petersen, W. (9 January, 1966). Success story, Japanese American style. New York Times
Magazine. pp.20-21, 33, 36, 38, 40.
Relocation of Japanese Americans (1943, May). Washington D.C.: War Relocation Authority.
Retrieved April 22, 2005 from http://www.sfmuseum.org/hist10/relocbook.html.
Ritts, V. (2000). Culture and aging. Retrieved April 22, 2005, from
http://users.stlcc.edu/vritts/aging.html#top.
Russo, R. (2003-2005). World of quotes. Retrieved April 21, 2005, from
http://www.worldofquotes.com/proverb/Japanese/2/.
Sharts-Hopko, N. C. (2003). “People of Japanese heritage.” In Purnell, L. D. & Paulanka, B. J.,
Eds. Transcultural health care: A culturally competent approach (2nd ed.). [pp. 218-233]
Philadelphia: F. A. Davis Company.
Tanabe, M. K. G. (2005). Health and healthcare of Japanese American elders. Retrieved May 2,
2005, from www.stanford.edu/group/ethnoger/japanese.html.
The Japanese American Network (JANET) (1996). A brief Japanese American chronology.
Retrieved April 21, 2005, from http://www.janet.org/janet_history/ja_history.html.
Wei, W. (1995). The Asian American movement (Book review). Retrieved April 22, 2005, from
http://www.colorado.edu/history/publications/taam.htm.
Author Note: James David Brightman is a Certified Rehabilitation Counselor and spent
two years in Japan as a research student in the Graduate School of Medicine at Tokyo University
after completing coursework for a Ph.D. in Rehabilitation Counseling at Florida State University.
The information in this brief can be provided in accessible formats upon request.
NTAC-AAPI Information Brief Series, Steven E. Brown, Ph.D. Series Editor
http://www.ntac.hawaii.edu/
Center on Disability Studies • 1776 University Avenue, UA4-6 • Honolulu, HI 96822