The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism
Max Weber et al
Introduction
Weber begins his study with a question: What about Western civilization has made it the only civilization to
develop certain cultural phenomena to which we like to attribute universal value and significance? Only in the
West does science that we consider valid exist. While empirical knowledge and observation exist elsewhere in
science, history, art and architecture, they lack the "rational, systematic and specialized" methodology of the
West. In particular, the development of bureaucracy and the trained official are unique to the West, as is the
modern rational state.
The same is true of capitalism. It is important to understand that capitalism is not the same thing as the
pursuit of gain and the greatest possible amount of money. Rather, capitalism implies the pursuit of foreverrenewable profit. Everything is done in terms of balances, the amount of money gained in a business period
over the amount of money spent. The point is that economic action is based on the amount of profit made.
Now, in this sense, capitalism has occurred in every civilization. However, the West has currently developed
capitalism to a degree and in forms that have never existed elsewhere. This new form is "the rational
capitalistic organization of (formally) free labor." This form reflects rational industrial organization, the
separation of business from the household and rational bookkeeping. However, ultimately these things are
only significant in their association with the capitalistic organization of labor. "Exact calculation--the basis of
everything else--is only possible on the basis of free labor."
Therefore, the problem for us is not the development of capitalistic activity, but is rather the roots of "this
sober bourgeois capitalism with its rational organization of free labor." In terms of cultural history, it is to
understand the development of the Western bourgeois class and its "peculiarities." Weber says that we must
try to understand what it was about the West that encouraged the technical utilization of scientific knowledge
through things like bookkeeping. Similarly, we must ask where the rational law and administration of the
West came from. Why didn't the political, artistic, scientific or economic development of other countries
follow the same path of rationalization?
Our first concern, then, is to work out and explain the peculiarity of Western rationalism. The correlation
between this rationalism and Western economic conditions must not be ignored in either direction. This work
begins by looking at the influence of certain religious ideas on the development of an economic spirit (in this
case, the connection between the spirit of modern capitalism and the rational ethics of ascetic Protestantism).
In looking at economic ethics and the world religions, Weber hopes to find points of comparison with the
West. He observes that such investigations are necessarily limited by his lack of specialization in these areas.
This cannot be avoided in doing comparative work. While some people think that specialization is
unnecessary, Weber argues that dilettantism could be the end of science. He also says that he will avoid
talking about the relative value of the cultures he studies. He also admits that while there is much to be said
for the argument that many of the differences of culture have to do with heredity, he does not see a way as yet
of measuring its influence. Thus, he believes that sociology and history have the job of analyzing all of the
causal relationships due to reactions to environment.
Commentary
This introduction gives a sense of the breadth of Weber's overall interests and studies. His book is a study of
the ways in which the values of ascetic Protestantism contributed to the development of the spirit of
capitalism. However, he argues that there are also causal links between the Protestant ethic and the spirit of
capitalism that run the other way. Furthermore, he links the development of modern capitalism with a larger
rationalization of the Western world, which is itself a matter of great interest. He also declares his interest in
comparing the role of Protestantism in developing culture with the role of other world religions. Weber also
pursues many of these ideas, among others, in other writings; it is worth noting, then, that Weber saw The
Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism as only the tip of the iceberg in the study of the complex
interrelations among religion, rationalization, and social and economic institutions. Precisely because of his
understanding of this complexity, his conclusions are typically cautious and limited in scope. He encourages a
flexible method of analysis, which uses different perspectives in order to gain a fuller picture of social reality.
This introduction also suggests a bit about Weber's approach to sociology. He is analyzing unique
formulations of social institutions, looking at the ways in which certain contingent ideas affected the
development of capitalism. Thus, he assumes that all societies are on different paths. He does not believe in
one universal path of progress that all civilizations are currently on, but rather argues for the particularity of
culture. This is quite different from many of the popular theories of his time. For example, according to
Marxism, history is on an inevitable path, and the development of capitalism was not culturally contingent.
Weber rejects such universalism, and sees the Western experience as due to specific cultural developments.
Chapter 1 - Religious Affiliation and Social Stratification
Weber observes that according to the occupational statistics of countries of mixed religious composition,
business leaders and owners, as well as the higher skilled laborers and personnel, are overwhelmingly
Protestant. This fact crosses lines of nationality. Weber observes that this could be partly explained by
historical circumstances, such as the fact that richer districts tended to convert to Protestantism. This,
however, leads to the question of why, during the Protestant Reformation, the districts that were most
economically developed were also most favorable to a revolution. It is true that freedom from economic
traditions might make one more likely to also doubt religious traditions. However, the Reformation did not
eliminate the influence of the Church, but rather substituted one influence for another that was more
penetrating in practice. Weber also says that though it might be thought that the greater participation of
Protestants in capitalism is due to their greater inherited wealth, this does not explain all the phenomena. For
example, Catholic and Protestant parents tend to give their children different kinds of education, and
Catholics have more of a tendency than Protestants to stay in handicrafts rather than to go into industry. This
suggests that their environment has determined the choice of occupation. This seems all the more likely
because one would normally expect Catholics to get involved in economic activity in places like Germany,
because they are excluded from political influence. However, in reality Protestants have shown a much
stronger tendency to develop economic rationalism than Catholics have. Our task is to investigate the
religions and see what might have caused this behavior.
One explanation that has been given is that the Catholics are more "otherworldly" and ascetic than the
Protestants, and are therefore indifferent to material gain. However, this does not fit the facts of today or of
the past, and such generalities are not useful. Furthermore, Weber argues that there might actually be an
"intimate relationship" between capitalist acquisition and otherworldliness, piety, and asceticism. For
example, it is striking that many of the most ardent Christians come from commercial circles, and there is
often a connection between otherworldly religious faith and commercial success. However, not all Protestant
circles have had an equally strong influence, with Calvinism having a stronger force than Lutheranism. Thus,
if there is any relationship between the ascetic Protestant ethic and the spirit of capitalism, it will have to be
found in purely religious characteristics. In order to understand the many potential relationships here, it is
necessary to try to understand the characteristics of and differences among the religious thoughts of
Christianity. It is first necessary, though, to speak about the phenomenon we wish to understand and the
degree to which an explanation is even possible.
Commentary
Throughout his essay, Weber will be making both empirical and theoretical arguments. It is therefore
important to understand the differences and connections between the two kinds of arguments. An empirical
argument is based on observation or experiment; it describes facts that can be proven. For example, Weber's
claim that Protestants are more involved than Catholics in capitalistic activities is an empirical argument,
based on his observations in Germany and elsewhere. Other studies might question the validity of such a
claim, and in fact Weber has been criticized for many of the empirical arguments that underlie his study.
Theoretical arguments are more speculative; their purpose is to give meaning to empirical observations. For
example, Weber notices a correlation between ascetic Protestantism and the spirit of capitalism. What could
explain such a connection? It is not possible to simply run an experiment or do a statistical study; this might
show correlations, but it will not tell a causal story. Thus, Weber explores more about the "spirit" of
capitalism, and about ascetic Protestantism, hopefully getting an accurate description of each (this is empirical
work). He then attempts to tell a coherent story about what happened, given the information available (this is
theoretical). He looks at his information through the lens of his theory, and ideally his theory would account
for all of the relevant facts available. In reality, the world is far too complex for any theory to possible capture
all of its intricacies, and Weber himself is very cautious about the limited ability of any theory to explain the
world. However, theory is still useful, since it is the only way to give empirical facts any broader meaning.
Weber's study has important implications for how we look at religion. Weber does not simply take religion
on its own terms, seeing what it means to its founders and followers. For Weber, religion also has another
function. It can create broader social values and be instrumental in the creation of social institutions
completely unrelated to its own goals and ends. Religion has a generative power, and the influence of its ideas
should be studied in areas seemingly unrelated to its theological principles, such as the creation of economic
institutions.
Chapter 2 - The Spirit of Capitalism
What does the term "the spirit of capitalism" mean? This term can only be applied to something that is "a
complex of elements associated in historical reality which we unite into a conceptual whole from the
standpoint of their cultural significance." The final concept can only come out at the end of an investigation
into its nature. There are many ways to conceptualize the spirit of capitalism. We must work out the best
formulation based on what about that spirit interests us; this, however, is not the only possible point of view.
To come up with a formulation, Weber presents a long excerpt from the writings of Benjamin Franklin. He
says that Franklin's attitudes illustrate capitalism's ethos. Franklin writes that time is money, that credit is
money, and that money can beget money. He encourages people to pay all of their debts on time, because it
encourages the confidence of others. He also encourages people to present themselves as industrious and
trustworthy at all times. Weber says that this "philosophy of avarice" sees increasing capital as an end in
itself. It is an ethic, and the individual is seen as having a duty to prosper. This is the spirit of modern
capitalism. While capitalism existed in places like China and India, and in the Middle Ages, it did not have
this spirit.
All of Franklin's moral beliefs relate to their usefulness in promoting profit. They are virtues for this reason,
and Franklin does not object to substitutes for these virtues that accomplish the same ends. However, this is
not simply egocentrism. The capitalist ethic does not embrace a hedonistic life-style. Earning more and more
money is seen completely as an end in itself, and is not simply the means for purchasing other goods. This
seemingly irrational attitude towards money is a leading principle of capitalism, and it expresses a type of
feeling closely associated with certain religious ideas. Earning money reflects virtue and proficiency in a
calling. This idea of one's duty in a calling is the basis of the capitalist ethic. It's an obligation that the
individual should and does feel toward his professional activity. Now, this does not mean that this idea has
only appeared under capitalistic conditions, or that this ethic must continue in order for capitalism to continue.
Capitalism is a vast system that forces the individual to play by its rules, in a kind of economic survival of the
fittest.
However, Weber argues that in order for a manner of life so conducive to capitalism to become dominant, it
had to originate somewhere, as a way of life common to a large number of people. It is this origin that must
be explained. He rejects the idea that this ethic originated as a reflection or superstructure of economic
situations. In Massachusetts, the spirit of capitalism was present before the capitalistic order took shape, as
complaints of profit-seeking emerged as early as 1632. Furthermore, the capitalistic spirit took stronger hold
in places like Massachusetts that were founded with religious motives than in the American South, which was
settled for business motives. Furthermore, the spirit of capitalism actually had to fight its way to dominance
against hostile forces. In ancient times and during the Middle Ages, Franklin's attitude would have been
denounced as greed. It is not the case that greed was less pronounced then, or in other places that lack the
capitalist ethic.
The biggest opponent the capitalist ethic has had in gaining dominance has been traditionalism. Weber says
that he will try to make a provisional definition of "traditionalism" by looking at a few cases. First, there is the
laborer. One way in which the modern employer encourages work is through piece-rates, for example paying
an agricultural worker by the amount harvested. In order to increase productivity, the employer raises the rate
of pay. However, a frequent problem is that rather than work harder, the workers actually work less when pay
increases. They do this because they can reduce their workload and still make the same amount of money.
"He did not ask: how much can I earn in a day if I do as much work as possible? but: how much must I work
in order to earn the wage, 2 1/2 marks, which I earned before and which takes care of my traditional needs?"
This reflects traditionalism, and shows that "by nature" man simply wants to live as he is used to living, and
earn as much as is necessary to do this. This is the leading trait of pre-capitalistic labor, and we still encounter
this among more backward peoples. Weber then addresses the opposite policy, of reducing wages to increase
productivity. He says that this effectiveness of this has its limits, as wages can become insufficient for life. To
be effective for capitalism, labor must be performed as an end in itself. This requires education, and is not
simply natural.
Weber then considers the entrepreneur in terms of the meaning of traditionalism. He observes that capitalistic
enterprises can still have a traditionalistic character. The spirit of modern capitalism implies an attitude of
rational and systematic pursuit of profit. Such an attitude finds its most suitable expression through
capitalism, and has most effectively motivated capitalistic activities. However, the spirit of capitalism and
capitalistic activities can occur separately. For example, consider the "putting-out system." This represented a
rational capitalistic organization, but it was still traditional in spirit. It reflected a traditional way of life, a
traditional relationship with labor, and traditional interactions with customers. At some point, this
traditionalism was shattered, but not by changes in organization. Rather, some young man went into the
country, carefully chose weavers whom he closely supervised, and made them into laborers. He also changed
his relationship with his customers by making it more personal and eliminating the middleman, and he
introduced the idea of low prices and large turnover. Those who could not compete went out of business. A
leisurely attitude towards life was replaced by frugality. Most importantly, it was usually not new money that
brought about this change, but a new spirit.
Those people who succeeded were typically temperate and reliable, and completely devoted to their business.
Today, there is little connection between religious beliefs and such conduct, and if it exists it is usually
negative. For these people, business is an end in itself. This is their motivation, despite the fact that this is
irrational from the perspective of personal happiness. In our modern individualistic world, this spirit of
capitalism might be understandable simply as adaptation, because it is so well suited to capitalism. It no
longer needs the force of religious conviction because it is so necessary. However, this is the case because
modern capitalism has become so powerful. It may have needed religion in order to overthrow the old
economic system; this is what we need to investigate. It is hardly necessary to prove that the idea of
moneymaking as a calling was not believed for whole epochs, and that capitalism was at best tolerated. It is
nonsense to say that the ethic of capitalism simply reflected material conditions. Rather, it is necessary to
understand the background of ideas that made people feel they had a calling to make money.
Commentary
Many commentators on capitalism tend to assume or argue that its existence is inevitable, that it is
fundamental to human nature, or reflects an important step in a universal series of stages. Weber's account
brings such claims into question. According to Weber, the "spirit" necessary for successful capitalistic
activities is not natural. Striving for profit is not the only way to approach economic activities; one could, for
example, simply strive for subsistence or a traditional way of life. According to Weber, when capitalism does
prosper, it does so because people have embraced and internalized certain values. These values, and not just
human nature, make capitalism possible. Capitalism cannot then simply be a necessary step in the world's
development, because in order for it to emerge, particular values must be present. Weber thus leaves space for
the importance of ideas and culture in the history of human development.
He is also specifically replying to one approach to sociology and history, promulgated by many Marxists and
often called "materialism." This approach sees all ideas and developments, including the spirit of capitalism,
as a reflection or superstructure of economic situations. Economic interactions are the basis for all social
institutions. Religion itself is a product of such interactions; it cannot be a driving force of history. Weber's
point is that for Western civilization to ever emerge out of feudal traditionalism, it needed to embrace a new
set of values. These values couldn't simply have emerged out of the economic situation; we needed these
values in order to rid ourselves of that situation. The formation of the values was influenced by economic
situations, but not completely caused by them. According to Weber then, the materialist view is overly
simplistic and not supported by the facts. Any complete understanding of historical progress would include a
multiplicity of causes, and appreciate that the causal relationship between economic situations and religious
outlooks goes both ways.
It is also important to notice the ways in which Weber attempts to define concepts like traditionalism and the
"spirit" of capitalism. Weber relies heavily on anecdotes and case studies in order to give a sense for what
these terms might mean; his discussion of the spirit of capitalism relies extremely heavily on the writings of
Benjamin Franklin. This approach has both positive and negative attributes. His examples are carefully
chosen and give a good grounding to his definition. However, because they are simply examples, they can
potentially be attacked as not representative of a larger ethos. Weber's characterizations have indeed been
attacked by some, and he has been criticized for not relying on more quantitative surveys.
Chapter 3 - Luther's Conception of the Calling. Task of the Investigation.
Weber begins this chapter by looking at the word "calling." Both the German word "Beruf" and the English
word "calling" have a religious connotation of a task set by God. This type of word has existed for all
Protestant peoples, but not for Catholics or in antiquity. Like the word itself, the idea of a calling is new; it is
a product of the Reformation. Its newness comes in giving worldly activity a religious significance. People
have a duty to fulfill the obligations imposed upon them by their position in the world. Martin Luther
developed this idea; each legitimate calling has the same worth to God. This "moral justification of worldly
activity" was one of the most important contributions of the Reformation, and particularly of Luther's role in
it.
However, it cannot be said that Luther actually had the spirit of capitalism. The way in which the idea of
worldly labor in a calling would evolve depended on the evolution of different Protestant churches. The Bible
itself suggested a traditionalistic interpretation, and Luther himself was a traditionalist. He came to believe in
absolute obedience to God's will, and acceptance of the way things are. Thus, Weber concludes that the
simple idea of the calling in Lutheranism is at best of limited importance to his study. This does not mean that
Lutheranism had no practical significance for the development of the capitalistic spirit. Rather, it means that
this development cannot be directly derived from Luther's attitude toward worldly activity. We should then
look to a branch of Protestantism that has a clearer connection--Calvinism.
Thus, Weber makes his starting point the investigation of the relationship between the spirit of capitalism and
the ascetic ethic of the Calvinists and other Puritans. The capitalistic spirit was not the goal of these religious
reformers; their cultural impact was unforeseen and maybe undesired. The following study will hopefully
contribute to the understanding of how ideas become effective forces in history.
Weber then adds a few remarks to avoid any confusion about his study. He is not trying to evaluate the ideas
of the Reformation in either social or religious worth. He is only trying to understand how certain
characteristics of modern culture can be traced to the Reformation. We shouldn't try to see the Reformation as
a historically necessary result of economic factors. Many historical and political circumstances, fully
independent of economic law, had to occur in order for the Churches to even be able to survive. However, we
should also not be so foolish as to argue that the spirit of capitalism could only have occurred as the result of
particular effects of the Reformation, and that capitalism is therefore a result of the Reformation. Weber's
goals are more modest. He wants to understand whether and to what degree religious forces have helped form
and expand the spirit of capitalism, and what aspects of our culture can be traced to them. He will examine
when and where there are correlations between religious beliefs and practical ethics, and clarify how religious
movements have influenced material culture's development. Only when this has been determined can we try
to estimate the degree to which the historical development of modern culture can be attributed to those
religious forces, and to what extent to other forces.
Commentary
This chapter is the final stage of Weber's presentation of the "problem" of the potential connection between
the Protestant ethic and the spirit of capitalism. It is illustrative of Weber's method that presenting the problem
takes him three chapters of writing. Once again, in this chapter Weber spends significant time telling us what
he will not be studying, and how limited his examination really is. Consider the significance of this approach,
both as a methodological and rhetorical tool. Does such caution add to or detract from his writing?
Weber also introduces the idea of a "calling" to worldly activity. This will be an important concept when
Weber develops his theory in later chapters. Notice first that Weber does not think that belief in a calling is
sufficient to explain the spirit of capitalism. A calling can be consistent with traditionalism, since it can imply
that a person should accept his role in life and not strive for more. However, it could also potentially support a
more capitalistic ethic. According to Weber, before the Reformation, people did not see their "worldly"
activities (such as their occupations and businesses) as being in service to God. Rather, worldly activities
were perceived more like necessary evils. The monastic lifestyle, where people removed themselves from the
world in order to contemplate God, was glorified. The Reformation rejected this attitude. It was seen as wrong
to remove yourself from the world; serving God meant participating in worldly activities, because this was
part of God's purpose for each individual. Thus, labor and business became part of one's duty to God.
According to Weber, with the right theological developments, this worldliness could be transformed into a
belief in the duty to prosper. This connection will be made in the next two chapters. Once again, some have
questioned Weber's empirical claims. It has been argued that the concept of the calling was not as new as
Weber contends, and that it was already a presence in Catholic scriptural interpretation. Consider, as you read
the next two chapters, the degree to which this argument could affect Weber's conclusions.
Chapter 4 - The Religious Foundations of Worldly Asceticism (Part 1, Calvinism)
Historically, the four major forms of ascetic Protestantism have been, Calvinism, Pietism, Methodism, and
the Baptist sects. None of these churches are completely independent of each other, or even from non-ascetic
churches. Even their strongest dogmatic differences were combined in various ways, and similar moral
conduct can be found in all four. We see, then, that similar ethical requirements can correspond with very
different dogmatic foundations. In examining these religions, Weber explains that he is interested in "the
influence of those psychological sanctions which, originating in religious belief and the practice of religion,
gave a direction to practical conduct and held the individual to it." People were concerned with abstract
dogmas to a degree that can only be understood when we see how connected these dogmas were with
practical religious interests.
The first religion Weber describes is Calvinism. Calvinism's most distinctive dogma is the doctrine of
predestination. Calvinists believe that God preordains which people are saved and which are damned.
Calvinists came to this idea from logical necessity. Men exist for the sake of God, and to apply earthly
standards of justice to God is meaningless and insulting. To question one's fate is similar to an animal
complaining it wasn't born a man. Humans do not have the power to change God's decrees, and we only know
that part of humanity is saved, and part damned. In the Calvinist outlook, God becomes "a transcendental
being, beyond the reach of human understanding, who with His quite incomprehensible decrees has decided
the fate of every individual and regulated the tiniest details of the cosmos from eternity."
Weber argues that Calvinism must have had a profound psychological impact, "a feeling of unprecedented
inner loneliness of the single individual." In what was the most important thing in his life, eternal salvation,
each person had to follow his path alone, to meet a destiny already determined for him. No one could help
him, and there was no salvation through the Church and the sacraments. This was the logical conclusion of
the gradual elimination of magic from the world. There were no means at all to attain God's grace if God had
decided to deny it.
On the one hand, this account shows why the Calvinists rejected all sensual and emotional elements of
culture and religion. Such elements were not a means to salvation and they promoted superstition. On the
other hand, we see the origins of today's disillusioned and pessimistic individualism. The Calvinist's
interaction with God was carried out in spiritual isolation, even though he did belong to a church. There was
social organization because laboring for impersonal social usefulness was believed to be required by God.
This account of Calvinism brings up an important question, however. How could the doctrine of
predestination have developed in an age when one's afterlife was the most important and most certain part of
existence? Each believer must have wondered if he or she was one of the elect; it must have dominated their
thoughts. Calvin was sure of his own salvation, and his answer to such concerns was simply to be content
with the knowledge that God has chosen, and trust in Christ. Calvin rejected in principle the assumption that
people could learn from other's conduct whether they were saved or damned--this would be trying to force
God's secrets. However, this approach was impossible for Calvin's followers. It was psychologically
necessary that they have some means of recognizing people in a state of grace, and two such means emerged.
First, it was considered an absolute duty to consider oneself to be one of the saved, and to see doubts as
temptations of evil. Secondly, worldly activity was encouraged as the best means of gaining that selfconfidence.
Why could worldly activity take on this level of importance? Calvinism rejected the mystical elements of
Lutheranism, where humans were a vessel to be filled by God. Rather, Calvinists believed that God worked
through them. Being in a state of grace meant that they were tools of divine will. Faith had to be shown in
objective results. What results did Calvinists look for? They looked for any activity that increased the glory of
God. Such conduct could be based directly in the Bible, or indirectly through the purposeful order of God's
world. Good works were not a means to salvation, but they were a sign of having been chosen.
Weber observes that Calvinism expected systematic self-control, and provided no opportunity for forgiveness
of weakness. "The God of Calvinism demanded of his believers not single good works, but a life of good
works combined into a unified system." This was a rational and systematic approach to life. Since people had
to prove their faith through worldly activity, Calvinism demanded a kind of worldly asceticism. It led to an
attitude toward one's neighbor's sins that was not sympathetic, but rather full of hate, since he was God's
enemy, bearing the signs of eternal damnation. This implied a "Christianization" of life that had dramatic
practical implications for the way people lived their lives.
Furthermore, religions with a similar doctrine of proof had a similar influence on practical life. Predestination
in its "magnificent consistency" was the foundation for the Puritans' methodical and rationalized ethics. The
different branches of ascetic Protestantism had elements of Calvinist thought, even if they did not embrace
Calvinism as a whole. Weber again emphasizes how fundamental the idea of proof is for his study. His theory
can be understood in its purest form through the Calvinist doctrine of predestination. Calvinism did have a
unique consistency and an extraordinarily powerful psychological effect. However, there is also a recurring
framework for the connection between faith and conduct in the other three religions to be presented.
Commentary
This chapter is somewhat disjointed from the rest of Weber's study, but does attempt to show some of the
main aspects of Puritan life. Calvinism is Weber's primary focus here, but in the next section he will more
briefly present three other ascetic Protestant religions. In this section, Weber presents some of the most
fundamental doctrines of Calvinism, as well as discussing how dogma affected practical living. There are a
few key ideas to notice in Weber's discussion here. First, Calvinism was important because it stressed grace
by results; there was a need for proof of one's preordained fate. This was not part of the original doctrine, but
came out of psychological necessity. Second, notice the connection to the previous chapter's discussion of the
Protestant calling. The sorts of "results" that Calvinists were looking for were part of worldly activity.
Calvinists did not lead an isolated monastic lifestyle. They participated in the life of their communities,
because this was part of God's expectations of them.
It is also important to notice how Weber presents Calvinism as the height of rationalism. It has a
"magnificent consistency" and encourages systematic living and the absence of magic. What does Weber
mean when he says that Calvinism is "rational"? The word has important meaning to Weber, and he uses it
throughout this and other works. In the context of religion, "rationalization" implies systematization and
consistency, elaboration, and extension of doctrine. In terms of social institutions, rationalization implies
ever-increasing knowledge in areas like calculation and efficiency. How is Calvinism rational? According to
Weber, it is completely logically consistent. If you accept the Calvinists' presuppositions (such as the
existence of God), then their doctrines contain no inner contradictions. Furthermore, Calvinism rejects all use
of "magic," such as sacraments that will save those who partake in them. In contrast, the only hints of
salvation are based on a systematic and methodical life of virtue. Calvinism was uniquely rational in these
regards. Look for Weber's use of the idea of rationalization throughout this work.
Chapter 4 - The Religious Foundations of Worldly Asceticism (Part 2, Pietism, Methodism, The Baptist
Sects)
After presenting the doctrines of Calvinism, Weber turns to three other ascetic Protestant religions, the first
being Pietism. Historically, the doctrine of predestination was also the starting point of Pietism, and Pietism is
closely linked to Calvinism. Pietists had a deep distrust of the Church of the theologians, and they tried to live
"a life freed from all the temptations of the world and in all its details dictated by God's will." They looked for
signs of rebirth in their daily activity. Pietism had a greater emphasis on the emotional side of religion than
orthodox Calvinism accepted, and Lutheran strains of Pietism existed. However, insofar as the rational and
ascetic elements of Pietism were dominant, the concepts necessary for Weber's study remained. First, Pietists
believed that the methodical development of one's state of grace in terms of the law was a sign of grace.
Secondly, they believed that God gives signs to those in states of perfection if they wait patiently. They too
had an aristocracy of the elect, although there was some room for human activity to gain grace. We see that
Pietism had an uncertain basis for its asceticism that made it less consistent than Calvinism. This is partly due
to Lutheran influences, and partly due to emotionalism. This study thus explains some of the differences in
the character of people under the influence of Pietism instead of Calvinism.
Methodism represented a combination of emotional yet ascetic religion with an increasing indifference to
Calvinism's doctrinal basis. Its strongest characteristic was its "methodical, systematic nature of conduct."
Method was primarily used to bring about the emotional act of conversion, and the religion had a strong
emotional character. Good works were only the means of knowing one's state of grace. The feeling of grace
was necessary for salvation. From our viewpoint, the Methodist ethic had an uncertain foundation similar to
Pietism's. Like Calvinism, they looked at conduct to assess true conversion. However, as a late product,
Methodism can generally be ignored, since it doesn't add anything new to the idea of a calling.
The Baptist sects (Baptists, Mennonites, and Quakers) form an independent source of ascetic Protestantism
other than Calvinism; their ethics rest on a different basis. These sects are unified by the idea of a believers'
church, a community of only the true believers. This worked through individual revelation, and one had to
wait for the Spirit and avoid sinful attachments to the world. Despite having a different foundation than
Calvinism, they too rejected all idolatry of the flesh as a detraction from the respect due God. They believed
in the continued relevance of revelation. Like the Calvinists, they devalued the sacraments as a means to
salvation, which was an important form of rationalization. This led to the practice of worldly asceticism. An
interest in economic occupations was increased by their rejection of politics; they embraced the ethic of
"honesty is the best policy."
Now that we have seen the religious foundations of the Puritan idea of a calling, we can now look to the
implications of this idea for the business world. The most important commonality among these sects is "the
conception of the state of religious grace...as a status which marks off its possessor from the degradation of
the flesh, from the world." This could not be attained by magical sacraments or good works, but could only be
proved through particular kinds of conduct. The individual had an incentive to methodically supervise his
own state of grace in his conduct, and thus to practice asceticism. This meant planning one's whole life
systematically in accordance with God's will.
Commentary
These forms of ascetic Protestantism are less central to Weber's study than Calvinism, and it is therefore less
important to get a complete understanding of the doctrine and lifestyle of their followers. These religions are
less rational than Calvinism, because they have a strong emotional element that introduces some of the
"magic" that Calvinism rejected. These religions do encourage systematic and methodical living, however,
which is an important trait of rationalization. The most important tie among these different religions is their
worldliness and their belief in signs of religious grace. This leaves these religions with a concept of the calling
that is centered in the practical world. Look in the next chapter for how Weber connects these ideas back to
the spirit of capitalism.
It is important to be aware of the fact that Weber is not trying to present these beliefs in their full complexity.
Each religion is being presented as what Weber called an "ideal-type." An ideal-type is a simplified version of
a concept or institution, which captures its most relevant characteristics for the study at hand. In this case,
Weber is ignoring much of the diversity of religious belief among these different sects, as well as many
important aspects of their theology. These issues are not relevant to his study, and simplifications are
necessary because of the infinite number of perspectives that could be taken on each belief, and the infinite
complexity of those beliefs. All of Weber's characterizations, including the spirit of capitalism and the ethic of
ascetic Protestantism, are ideal-types.
Chapter 5 - Asceticism and the Spirit of Capitalism
Weber now turns to the conclusion of his study, and attempts to understand the relationship between ascetic
Protestantism and the spirit of capitalism. To understand how religious ideas translate into maxims for
everyday conduct, one must look closely at the writings of ministers. This was the primary force in the
formation of national character. For the purposes of this chapter, we can treat ascetic Protestantism as a single
whole. The writings of Richard Baxter are a good model of its ethics. In his work, it is striking to see his
suspicion of wealth as a dangerous temptation. His real moral objection though, is to relaxation, idleness, and
distraction from the pursuit of a righteous life. Possessions are only objectionable because of this risk of
relaxation; only activity promotes God's glory. Thus, wasting time is the worst of sins, because it means that
time is lost in promoting God's will in a calling. Baxter preaches hard and continual mental or bodily work.
This is because labor is an acceptable ascetic technique in the Western tradition, and because labor came to be
seen as an end in itself, ordained as such by God. This does not change, even for those people who are
wealthy, because everyone has a calling in which they should labor, and taking the opportunities for profit
that God provides is part of that calling. To wish to be poor is similar to wishing to be sick, and both are
morally unacceptable.
Weber then attempts to clarify the ways in which the Puritan idea of the calling and asceticism influenced the
development of the capitalistic way of life. First, asceticism opposed the spontaneous enjoyment of life and its
opportunities. Such enjoyment leads people away from work in a calling and religion. Weber argues, "That
powerful tendency toward uniformity of life, which today so immensely aids the capitalistic interest in the
standardization of production, had its ideal foundations in the repudiation of all idolatry of the flesh."
Furthermore, the Puritans rejected any spending of money on entertainment that didn't "serve God's glory."
They felt a duty to hold and increase their possessions. It was ascetic Protestantism that gave this attitude its
ethical foundation. It had the psychological effect of freeing the acquisition if goods from traditionalist ethics'
inhibitions. Asceticism also condemned dishonesty and impulsive greed. The pursuit of wealth in itself was
bad, but attaining it as the result of one's labor was a sign of God's blessing.
Thus, the Puritan outlook favored the development of rational bourgeois economic life, and "stood at the
cradle of the modern economic man." It is true that once attained, wealth had a secularizing effect. In fact, we
see that the full economic effects of these religious movements actually came after the peak of religious
enthusiasm. "The religious roots died out slowly, giving way to utilitarian worldliness." However, these
religious roots left its more secular successor an "amazingly good" conscience about acquiring money, as long
as it was done legally. The religious asceticism also gave the businessmen industrious workers, and assured
him that inequality was part of God's design. Thus, one of the major elements of the spirit of modern
capitalism, rational conduct based on the idea of a calling, was "born" from the spirit of Christian asceticism.
The same values exist in both, with the spirit of capitalism simply lacking the religious basis.
Weber observes, "The Puritan wanted to work in a calling; we are forced to do so." Asceticism helped build
the "tremendous cosmos of the modern economic order." People born today have their lives determined by
this mechanism. Their care for external goods has become "an iron cage." Material goods have gained an
unparalleled control over the individual. The spirit of religious asceticism "has escaped from the cage," but
capitalism no longer needs its support. The "idea of duty in one's calling prowls about in our lives like the
ghost of dead religious beliefs." People even stop trying to justify it at all.
In conclusion, Weber mentions some of the areas that a more complete study would have to explore. First,
one would have to explore the impact of ascetic rationalism on other areas of life, and its historical
development would have to be more rigorously traced. Furthermore, it would be necessary to investigate how
Protestant asceticism was itself influenced by social conditions, including economic conditions. He says, "it
is, of course, not my aim to substitute for a one-sided materialistic an equally one- sided spiritualistic causal
interpretation of culture and of history."
Commentary
In this chapter, Weber attempts to connect asceticism with the modern capitalistic spirit. His first describes
how the Puritan ethic encouraged hard work and the pursuit of profit. These claims are closely linked to
Weber's observations until now. These ascetic Protestants were looking for signs of their own salvation, and
their concept of the calling made them look for those signs in worldly achievements. Spending their money on
luxuries was disrespectful to God, and they were expected to pour any profits back into their callings. These
values are all closely linked to the capitalistic ethic, and Weber does a good job of drawing out the sources of
these values. However, the next connection Weber makes is more troubling. Weber says that from this ethic, a
system of capitalism emerged that no longer required ascetic values to sustain itself. These values became the
capitalist spirit, and now we are all forced to follow them. However, Weber does not tell the story of how the
capitalist system emerged, and by what mechanism ascetic Puritan values were replaced by something else.
This suggests a gap in Weber's theoretical model. Do you consider this to be a serious gap, or is its content
suggested in other parts of his work (such as Chapter 2, on the spirit of capitalism)?
This section also suggests that Weber's attitude toward the modern capitalistic system is ambivalent at best.
Notice his use of the imagery of an "iron cage" to describe the situation of individuals in the modern world.
They are trapped in a larger system of institutions and values that define their opportunities in life. While
capitalism needed ascetic Protestantism in order to become powerful, once it gained that power it took on a
life of its own. We see, then, Weber's belief that capitalism's development was contingent on historical
circumstances such as the Reformation. We also see Weber's belief that culture and institutions play an
important role in defining people's values and opportunities.