Parasocial and Social Interactions with Celebrities
Parasocial and Social Interaction with
Celebrities:
Classification of Media Fans
Gayle S. Stever, Ph.D.
Arizona State University at the Polytechnic
Online Publication Date: July 10, 2009
Journal of Media Psychology, Volume 14, No. 3, Summer, 2009
Parasocial and Social Interactions with Celebrities
Abstract
This study developed a system of celebrity fan classification that addresses issues raised
in the literature with regard to motivations for becoming a fan, and levels of intensity for
fans, recognizing a dichotomy of interactive vs. isolated fans. There is a need to
differentiate the fan suffering from pathologies from fans who are healthy and who lead
normal and productive lives. This system of classification is based on 20 years of
participant observation in various fan communities. Nine motivations (task, romantic,
identification, and others) and five levels are described as the result of qualitative content
analysis of documents written by 150 fans who answered the question “Why are you a
fan of your favorite celebrity?” This system was developed after study of specific
celebrities and their fans. As such it may not apply to fans of texts, genres, or cultural
phenomena. While some fans were found to have very intense and obsessive interests in
celebrities, a large subgroup of fans were in a less obsessive and more socially motivated
category of fan, one motivated by interest in the work of the celebrity and in the potential
for networking with other fans. Extremely obsessive or high level fans have the potential
to do harm to both their celebrity objects or, more frequently, to themselves, but these
high level fans are only a small percentage of the people who identify themselves as
dedicated fans of a celebrity. Identifying specific fans who have the potential to be
troublesome would be more efficient than assuming that all dedicated fans have this
potential.
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Parasocial and Social Interactions with Celebrities
People who are principally known through mass media are playing a greater role
in the lives of media consumers. At least 50 years ago, the term “fan” was used to
describe someone who had a connection to a media personality or phenomenon. The
word derives from “fanatic,” but in common use the term “fan” describes a range of
interest from the casual follower to the obsessed person. Social science researchers have
tried to describe the interpersonal impact of relationships with media celebrities.
Although literature in the various social sciences has discussed fans, there have only been
the most basic of classification systems used when discussing and analyzing fans.
Tulloch & Jenkins (1995) distinguish between the follower and the fan. Fans claim social
identity with a fan group while followers (i.e. consistent watchers or listeners) do not.
Kozinets (2001) made a similar distinction. Hills (2002) used the term “cult fan” in
deference to genres that embrace that term. Because terms like “cult” and “fan” are
contested, both inside of academe and outside, rigorous definitions are difficult.
The principal goal of this article is to present a system of classification of fans of
specific celebrities. This system has a number of potential uses. Mental health counselors
could use it to help determine if a client’s interest in a celebrity is problematic.
Researchers could use the system in discussions of fans in the context of the growing
literature on celebrity worship (Maltby et al, 2004).
Data have been collected on fans of specific Star Trek actors, e.g. Alexander
Siddig or Nana Visitor, but not on generic Star Trek fans. This study recognizes that the
motivations for attachment to a single celebrity can be very different from motivations
for interest in a genre (i.e. science fiction) or media text (i.e. Lord of the Rings).
Sandvoss (2005) pointed out the need for more studies of fans of individual performers,
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Parasocial and Social Interactions with Celebrities
noting that studies of such fans have to date played a secondary role in discourses on
fandom.
Researchers from various disciplines all begin their reviews with Horton and
Wohl (1956), who described relationships that media consumers developed with
television personalities that had become intimate visitors in private living rooms. People
could get to know someone who wasn’t “really there” in the privacy of their own homes.
It was possible to learn the body language, facial expressions and other habits of
complete strangers. Horton and Wohl recognized the implication for this new kind of
social activity and called it parasocial interaction. They discussed talk show hosts who sit
with their guests in a circular configuration that includes the viewer, suggesting an
intimate setting. Thus the discussion of “intimacy at a distance” began, a discussion that
continues today in the context of television, movies, popular music, and most recently,
the Internet.
The presence of media fans and communities of fans has been pervasive in
American culture for at least half a century. However there has never been a
comprehensive system developed for classifying fans that recognizes distinctions among
levels of involvement or motivations for forming attachments to celebrities. Allen (1992)
suggested that we don’t have a very good understanding of the nature of our relationships
with media figures. Since then, meanings that viewers extract from media have only
begun to get research attention, and understanding of the parasocial domain is also
limited. Giles (2002) suggested the need for further descriptive research about parasocial
interaction and recommended ethnographic research, “particularly as a means of
examining the meaning of parasocial relationships for media users,” (p. 298) also
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Parasocial and Social Interactions with Celebrities
pointing out the need to “identify the points of departure between ordinary fandom and
delusional behavior” (p. 300). This paper describes a classification system that addresses
issues raised in previous literature, building on models that already exist (Caughey, 1978;
Kozinets, 2001; Rubin & McHugh, 1987; Stever, 1991a; Stever, 1994b).
The Literature
Parasocial interaction was defined as a one-way relationship to a person, most
often of higher status, whom you know intimately but who hardly knows you, if at all.
Although Horton and Wohl’s (1956) paper presented new concepts, early empirical
research was not done. Television was in its infancy and the full scope and range of its
influence was still being explored in other ways. It was not until the late 1970’s that
citations for “parasocial interaction” emerged again in the literature. Levy’s (1979) study
looked at viewers’ reactions to newscasters. One of the key findings was that, contrary to
classic research (Lazarsfeld, Berelson & Gaudent, 1948) on opinion leadership, it was
possible for media figures to double as opinion leaders. This was one of the first studies
to suggest a specific way a media persona could fulfill a role previously taken only by an
interpersonal communicator. Further research looked at the ways parasocial interaction
imitated ordinary interaction. Researchers were interested in viewers’ expectancies and
also ways of using media to meet their own needs (Babrow, 1987; Perse & Rubin, 1990;
Rubin & McHugh, 1987; Rubin, Perse & Powell, 1985; Rubin & Rubin, 1985)
Parasocial interaction is not something unique to modern mass media society
(Caughey, 1984). In the past, parasocial interactions were carried out between readers
and fictional protagonists, citizens and major political figures, or even individuals with
gods or spirits. Giles (2002) further explained that parasocial interaction and attachment
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Parasocial and Social Interactions with Celebrities
could take place with real persons, fictional characters or even cartoon characters. The
term “parasocial interaction” described the imaginary relationship between media users
and media figures (from celebrities to fictional characters). While the term initially
referred to television personalities, it has expanded to include other domains of mass
media. Research has explored parasocial interaction with soap opera stars (Rubin &
Perse, 1987), television shopping hosts (Grant, Guthrie, & Ball-Rokeach, 1991), and
more generally, celebrities of all types (Conway & Rubin, 1991; Rubin & McHugh,
1987; Reeves & Naas 1996; Turner 1993).
The earlier notion that viewers were passive recipients of media messages was
challenged by uses and gratifications theory, which proposed that people are goal
directed in their behavior, are active media users, and are aware of their needs, and select
media to gratify those needs (Rubin & McHugh, 1987). People use media relationships to
relieve boredom, fight loneliness, or give focus and direction to their lives. They look for
romance, understanding, inspiration, communion, and identity, meeting these needs
through mediated relationships.
More recent research in the area of popular communication suggested that fans’
tastes are tied to a class system in the wider structure of society that rewards certain kinds
of media consumption while disdaining others. In such a structure, fans of popular
musicians or television programming (i.e. science fiction, soap operas) are “less than”
fans of opera, classical music or classical theater (Gray, Sandvoss & Harrington, 2007).
Such a focus has moved away somewhat from what motivates individual consumers and
towards a more sociological perspective on motivation. However Sandvoss (2005) argued
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Parasocial and Social Interactions with Celebrities
that fandom provides a place for self-reflection for the purpose of “shaping one’s identity
and place in the world” (p. 154).
These researchers recognized that for many fans, the investment is emotional on
the part of the individual. They also stressed the important point that in the twenty-first
century, most experiences of the larger world in general are mediated. It thus becomes
crucial to understand the ways media engage our emotions and cause us to form
emotional bonds with those met through media (Gray, Sandvoss, & Harrington, 2007). .
In anthropology and sociology, researchers discussed the ways that celebrities as
icons affect our culture and how individuals view those icons (Altheide & Snow, 1991;
Browne & Fishwicke, 1978; Schickel, 1985). A synonym for parasocial interaction was
imaginary social relationships (Caughey, 1978, 1984). Caughey concluded, “The basis of
most fan relationships is not an esthetic appreciation but a social relationship. Fans have
attachments to unmet media figures that are analogous to and in many ways directly
parallel to actual social relationships…” (1984, p. 40).
Within developmental psychology, being a fan plays a part in identity formation
for adolescents (Boon & Lomare, 2001; Giles & Maltby, 2003; Greene & Adams-Price,
1990; Le Bart, 2004). Adams-Price and Greene (1990) discussed “secondary attachment”
a viewer forms to a media figure, secondary because the real person is not the object of
the attachment. Fans construct their own idealized internal representations of the object,
and become attached to this persona. This is a normal part of adolescent development.
Caughey (1988) paralleled the process of adolescent identity formation to the process by
which novelists develop fictional characters, taking on their fictional identities and
becoming those fictional beings, as one becomes the emulated hero or heroine.
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Parasocial and Social Interactions with Celebrities
Some research has emphasized the negative associations with being a fan. Focus
is on the fan as a lonely person, a social isolate, pursuing parasocial gratification in their
individual homes (Annese, 2004; Canary & Spitzberg, 1993; Chorey-Assad & Yanen,
2005; Cohen, 2003; Green et al. 2004; Hoffner and Buchanan, 2005; Papa et al., 2000;
Rubin, 2000; Schiappa, et al., 2005; Sood & Rogers, 2000). The isolated fan meets his or
her social needs through imaginary interaction. In contrast, the bulk of activity for some
fans is conducted within a community (Halnon, 2006; Kozinets, 2001; Williams, 1995).
Ferris (2001) concurred stating “none of the respondents had the profile of a social
isolate” (p. 29). It is an implicit assumption in most of this work that the fan never meets
the celebrity and that most “interaction” is secondary or on a fantasy level.
However, Harrington and Bielby’s (1995) work described in detail the real-life
relationships that soap opera fans of the 1980’s and 1990’s formed with actors. It was not
uncommon for fans to meet and become friends with celebrities in this context, a
phenomenon observed in work on Star Trek and other media fans (Stever, 1994). Indeed
fans of Lord of the Rings gained access to movie sets and insider information via
relationships with people like Peter Jackson (director of the three films) and various Lord
of the Rings producers and actors (Thompson, 2007).
Some research focused on the pathological end of the spectrum with respect to
fans, referring to such interest as “celebrity worship,” and using terms like “idolatry” and
“erotomania” to describe participants. This work dealt with the unhealthy end of the
spectrum of fan behavior, discussing fandom as a pathology (e.g., Ashe et al., 2005;
Houran, et al., 2005; Maltby et al., 2006; Maltby et al., 2004; Maltby et al., 2005; Maltby
et al., 2002; Maltby et al., 2001; McCarley & Escoto, 2003). One of the complex issues
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Parasocial and Social Interactions with Celebrities
that all researchers face is sorting out normal fan behavior from pathological fan behavior
(Dietz, 1991; Leets et al., 1995; Ferris, 2001). Ironically, in this literature, the first level
of “celebrity worship” begins when the fan seeks out social interaction with other fans,
with the other two levels presuming escalating levels of loss of touch with reality. A
weakness in this literature is the absence of a conceptual definition for “celebrity
worship” and also the persistent use of samples of convenience (i.e. available student and
community populations) rather than samples of fans.
An outspoken scholar against the pathologizing of fans is Jenkins (Giles, 2000;
Jenkins, 1992). Jenkins sees fan activity as one way of opposing the media’s power to set
the cultural and expressive agenda for our era. Fans, by redefining popular media through
fiction, artwork, videos and other forms of expression, are attempting to make mass
media a more democratic representation of our culture. As the tools of media become
more sophisticated while less expensive, fans become more able to participate in the
creative process through the writing of their own stories using media characters. The
emphasis in the work of Jenkins (1992),Bacon-Smith (1992) and Penley (1991) is on
these alternative forms of expression for fans, most notably the writing of fan fiction.
Fan communities can be a positive influence on members. Halnon (2006) used the
metaphor of the carnival to suggest a parallel with heavy metal. She concluded, “Heavy
metal carnival challenges, exposes, and transcends the limits between body and world,
interior and exterior, and life and death” (p.43). The fan community is an experience of
rebirth and energy. Kortarba (1994) had similar conclusions and said “…Metallica serves
as a primary cultural resource for many of its audience members. This cultural resource
provides viable meanings for life, its problems and its possibilities” (p. 142). Research on
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Parasocial and Social Interactions with Celebrities
The Grateful Dead (Adams & Sardiello, 2000) addressed some of the qualities of the
Deadhead community as it related to themes in that fan community. There was much
emphasis on the spiritual and community aspects of being a fan. In a dissertation on Led
Zepplin fans, Williams (1995) collected data from 46 fans and provided a discussion of
the impact of the fan community on its members. One fan reported, “When I think of
other Led Zepplin fans, I think of them as a family…. We all help each other….These are
the friends I correspond with very regularly and most of them are very special to me”
(p.130). Harrington and Bielby (1995) concluded “connecting with other fans and sharing
viewing experiences is vital to both the social construction of shared meanings and to the
persistence of long-term viewing patterns” (p. 47).
The work of sociologist Ferris (2001, 2004, 2005) emphasized fans who behaved
like stalkers in contrast with fans who understood unwritten rules about encountering
celebrities in the private realm of their lives (i.e., not at a public appearance). Fans are in
search of mutuality with favorite celebrities, sometimes knowing how to go about that,
but sometimes doing inappropriate things. Fans live in fear of being perceived as a stalker
in today’s social climate of suspicion. Which behaviors qualify for stalking and which do
not is an area that needs further exploration.
Some limited attempts at fan classification have been made. Several articles
classify three main motivations for parasocial attachment: physical attraction, social
attraction and task attraction (Caughey, 1978; Rubin & McHugh, 1987; Stever, 1991a).
Kozinets (2001) argued that fans should be classified into categories that he called fans
and consumers. Consumers are the more passive recipients of the media product while
fans are part of a more active fan subculture “linked to the preexisting groups of
9
Parasocial and Social Interactions with Celebrities
speculative fiction fans, i.e., fans of fantasy and science fiction” (p. 71). While these
categories are useful, they are not comprehensive in describing types of fans.
Parasocial interaction is, by definition, a one-way interaction. However Bandura
(2002) pointed out that human behavior is shaped by “triadic reciprocal causation” rather
than unidimensional causation where behavior is only shaped by the either the
environment or by internal dispositions (p. 121). Triadic reciprocal causation, based on
Bandura’s model of reciprocal determinism, outlines a three way interactive model
between a person, his or her social environment and his or her own behavior. In such a
model, the person is affected by the response of others in the environment, in this case the
celebrity. Triadic reciprocal causation recognizes that the other person is also affected
and changed by the interaction and the process is reflexive.
Consequently when considering the effect that celebrities have on the public, the
present research suggests that these effects can be reciprocal and dialogical between the
celebrity and his or her followers. Past studies of fan behavior have considered the
relationship between fans and celebrities in a one-way fashion, overlooking the
interactive nature of communication between celebrities and fans. This oversight is
particularly significant when considering the Internet and its impact on the way
celebrities interact with and reach out to the public using things like MySpace pages,
personal websites, and blogs. Often celebrities seek out and want to meet fans, but most
current research doesn’t address that situation. The assumption that interaction with
celebrities is mostly parasocial is one that needs to be called into question. A number of
studies have proceeded under this assumption (Adams-Price & Greene, 1990; Caughey,
1984; Leets, de Becker & Giles, 1995). However, fans who are active in fan communities
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Parasocial and Social Interactions with Celebrities
very often have met the fan club honorees. The interactive nature of recent Internet
developments for social networking between celebrities and fans, things like Facebook,
Twitter, and MySpace, adds to the implications of the discussion on levels of fans. The
proposed classification system attempts to demonstrate the complexity of fan behavior
and its reflexive nature by differentiating fans that interact from those who do not.
Method
Procedures
Research conducted from 1988 through the present supports the proposed
classification system (Stever, 2008, 1995, 1994a, 1994b, 1991a, 1991b). An analysis of
written fan narratives (Stever, 1994b) forms the core of the system while researcher
observations, field notes, and subsequent interviews with a wide variety of fans were
used for validation and elaboration of the system. The researcher chose each sampled fan
group based on who the high profile popular celebrities were for that time. In each case
key informants were sought out for that group. For Madonna, Springsteen, Prince, and
George Michael, fans were contacted through ads in magazines like Black Beat and
Rolling Stone. Initial participants were generous with their mailing lists. Lists were
obtained for 60 Madonna fans, 65 Springsteen fans, 65 Prince fans, and 40 George
Michael fans. Each fan was sent a set of questionnaires that included the Celebrity
Appeal Questionnaire (Stever, 1991) and the Myers Briggs Type Indicator (Stever, 1995).
Each fan was also asked to write a narrative explaining what being a fan meant to that
person’s life. It is worth noting that 100% of these fans sent back their questionnaires and
many of them also wrote narratives. Narratives that spoke to the issue of motivation for
being a fan were included in the analysis of documents mentioned below.
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Parasocial and Social Interactions with Celebrities
This research used grounded theory (Glaser & Strauss, 1967). Content analysis is
frequently used in grounded theory to analyze qualitative data, including texts. This form
of analysis searches for themes, ideas, words, images, or meanings that have been
expressed within the data. Both ethnographic content analysis (ECA) and qualitative
content analysis (QCA) were used to verify relationships between data and concepts that
describe that data (Altheide, 1987). Beginning with a Grounded Theory construction of
coding categories using constant comparative method, these were used in the subsequent
content analysis of the data collected from fans. These concepts described the meanings
that parasocial relationships could have for participants, and were found in the research
literature and in the documents and early interviews with fans to explain the meanings
that these relationships had for them. The coding protocol was developed based on this
analysis using ECA. The investigator read documents from participants, developed
themes or concepts that explained those documents, and then read more documents to see
if current themes reoccurred or new ones emerged.
Participants
The objective was to describe the meanings that participants find in parasocial
relationships, so participants were selected if they self-reported involvement in such
relationships. The sample for this study was selected based on theoretically-driven
behavioral criteria associated with fans and parasocial interactions. Participants were
included in the study if they engaged in more than one of these behavioral criteria:
1. Wrote letters to celebrities;
2. Attended events where fans gathered and there was access to celebrities;
3. Were members of a fan club;
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Parasocial and Social Interactions with Celebrities
4. Extensive memorabilia collections reflected an interest in a single celebrity.
IRB human subjects approval for this study was received. Participants were asked
“Why are you such a big fan of X?” and “What meaning has your relationship with X had
in your life?” Responses ranged in length from a short paragraph to 14 pages. Each
document represented the fan’s description of motivations for attachment to the object.
Most documents were letters. Letters were retyped, eliminating identifying information.
Each document was headed by demographic information about the subject including
gender, age, ethnicity, and nationality. Marital status was included if available. The
sample for this study was comprised of 104 females and 46 males (Stever, 1994b).
For the collection of these documents and also for subsequent data collection,
participants were found in fan communities of pop stars and science fiction shows at
events where fans had gathered and these events included 70 science fiction conventions,
65 pop star concerts (including14 for Michael Jackson, 6 for Madonna, 4 for Janet
Jackson, and 31 for Josh Groban), an additional dozen charity events, and a dozen media
events like the American Music Awards, Soul Train Awards, or Good Morning America
tapings. The researcher traveled to 25 US states plus Canada, England, Scotland, Ireland,
Holland, Wales, and Germany to attend fan events, such as Beatlefest, Michaelfest, Star
Trek conventions, and local club gatherings.
Coders
The QCA of the data followed a process whereby coders were instructed in how
to code the documents. Their reactions to the documents were quantified in order to
generate descriptive statistics for the categories. Five coders were used, two men and
three women, ranging in age from 37-46. All were white middle-class residents of the
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Parasocial and Social Interactions with Celebrities
Phoenix Metropolitan area. They represented somewhat diverse educational and
professional backgrounds (i.e. they were not all psychology graduate students). Coder #1
was a white married female age 42 with an AA degree. Coder #2 was a white married
female age 46 who was a doctoral candidate. Coder #3 was a white married male, age 47
with an MBA. Coder #4 was a white married male, age 37 with a B.A. Coder #5 was a
white divorced female, age 44 who was also a doctoral candidate.
Raters were asked to use two coding classification systems on these documents,
both developed by the researcher after constant comparative analysis of the overall data.
Tables 1 and 2 present these coding systems. Coders were trained on these categories,
rating sample documents to insure that they were interpreting them consistently. Using
Wright’s (1967) formula, an inter-rater reliability was computed for the coders using all
of the ratings from the first round of coding in the computation. The overall consistency
coefficient for the coders was .78. Two coders coded each document. If there was
disagreement between the two coders, a third was used for that document. The “maybe”
column on Table 1 represents instances where two coders disagreed and the third coder
was used.
Table 1: Incidence of Each Category for All Participants (N=150)
Task Attraction
Romantic Attraction
Identification A
Identification B
Filial
Coworker
Hero Worship
Infantile
Parental
Yes
120 (80%)
58 (39%)
42 (28%)
28 (19%)
19 (13%)
10 (7%)
84 (56%)
50 (33%)
15 (10%)
Maybe
13 (9%)
19 (13%)
28 (19%)
20 (13%)
14 (9%)
5 (3%)
34 (23%)
38 (25%)
17 (11%)
No
17 (11%)
73 (49%)
80 (53%)
102 (68%)
118 (79%)
135 (90%)
32 (21%)
62 (41%)
118 (79%)
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Parasocial and Social Interactions with Celebrities
Since 1988, field notes and interviews were kept and analyzed using QCA. Early
fan groups (of pop stars) have already been indicated. Subsequent fan groups included
Star Trek, Lord of the Rings, Josh Groban and others. Conclusions about isolated vs.
interactive fans are taken from these data.
Analysis
The classification system described herein has three parts. Each part will be
described separately and then the three parts will be used together in examples.
Part One: Levels of Intensity
Coders rated the documents for levels of intensity using codes presented in Table
2 describing each level. Inter-rater reliability for these levels was included in the
computation of the correlation coefficient already reported above (r=.78). Five levels (4
through 8) were used (levels 1-3 were not used in this study since individuals at these
levels did not meet the criteria for this study). Overall findings showed that, grouping the
levels into low intensity fans (levels 4 and 5) and high intensity fans (levels 6, 7, and 8),
females in the sample were of higher intensity than males (Chi Square=12.901; p<
.0003). There was no age affect for intensity (Chi Square= .006; p< .9998).
15
Parasocial and Social Interactions with Celebrities
Table 2: Levels of Fan Intensity:
Level
*Level 1
*Level 2
*Level 3
Level 4
Level 5
Level 6
Level 7
Level 8
Description
Negative interest in the star. Is an “anti-fan.”
No interest in stars or in being a fan of anyone.
Average interest in celebrities but without any clear interest
in any individual or individuals.
Above average interest in stars or media without the emphasis
on one particular star. Obviously a media fan but not a specific
fan of one individual.
Interest in a star or small group of stars to the exclusion of
Others but interest is limited to the stars’ work (not the
Stars as people).
Interpersonal interest in star that exacts considerable cost to
The fan in time, money and effort to follow the star. In spite
Of this cost, interest is not obsessive and does not chronically
Interfere in daily life.
Obsessive interest in the star to the point where the interest
Intrudes on the everyday reality of the fan. High functioning
In everyday life in spite of the obsession (has a job, family
Etc. and meets obligations in this area).
Interest is clearly pathological in that it affects the fan’s health
In a negative way, prompts occasional (or chronic) suicidal
Ideation, or in some other way is clearly not in the best interests
Of the fan. Interferes with the pursuit of normal employment
And/or family and significant relationships.
* For reference only. Only people levels 4 and higher were included in this study. For purposes of analysis
and discussion, fans were grouped into “Low intensity” (level 4 and 5) and “High intensity” (level 6, 7 and 8).
Part Two: Motivations for Parasocial Interaction
Fans had three main motivations for being attracted to celebrities, most commonly
referred to as social, physical, and task motivations (Rubin & McHugh, 1987; Stever
1991a). For this analysis, social motivation is renamed as identificatory attachment and
broken into two categories, one where “the celebrity is like me,” and one where “I want
to be like the celebrity.” Hoffner and Buchanan (2005) called this second type “wishful
identification.” Bandura (1986) called it role modeling. Because these concepts are found
in many different places in the literature of different disciplines, there is an absence of
16
Parasocial and Social Interactions with Celebrities
uniformity in the terms being used, making them hard to identify and pull into a
comprehensive theory.
In addition to three main categories, other categories emerged in the analysis,
including filial attachment, the interest in the target as a potential friend or family
member, a category also suggested by the work of Adams-Price & Greene (1990). Their
classification included “be the celebrity’s friend” and “be the celebrity’s family member.”
Also identified was the desire to be the celebrity’s coworker. In addition, classical
attachment theory was applied so that “infantile attachment” was the belief that the
celebrity could fulfill some need for the fan while “parental attachment” was the belief
that the fan could fulfill some need for the celebrity. Hero Worship was also coded as
described in Table 3.
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Parasocial and Social Interactions with Celebrities
Table 3: Motivations for Parasocial Attraction:
Task Attraction
Romantic
Attachment
Identificatory
Attachment A
Key Words
Talented, Musical,
Creative, Artistic,
Entertainer,
Expressive
Sexy, Good
Looking, Attractive
Appealing, Welldressed, Strong,
Athletic
Identificatory
Attachment B
Filial
Attachment
Role Model,
honest, generous,
caring, wise,
religious etc.
Relates target to
self
Friend, brother,
family etc.
Coworker
Attachment
Collaborate, coworker etc.
Hero Worship
Legend, larger than
life etc.
Infantile
Attachment
Parental
Attachment
Powerful, over
others, meets needs
Protective, nurture
etc.
Description
Shows clear attraction based
on the target’s talents and capabilities in his/ her
chosen field.
Shows clear attraction based on the target’s
physical characteristics or potential as a romantic
partner. References are made to a relationship,
marriage, sexual and/or physical attractiveness or
other indicators of interest in a personal
relationship.
Wants to be like the celebrity.
The celebrity is like me.
Interest in the target as a friend or potential
family member in a context that is clearly not
romantic.
Wanting to be the target’s collaborator or coworker and be involved in creative endeavors
together.
The target has heroic status including discussions
of the target as a legend, being more than just an
ordinary person.
Celebrity is fulfilling unmet needs in the fan’s
life. Dependent on for those needs
Fan is protective and nurturing or otherwise
parental towards the celebrity.
Task Attraction. Task attraction or “I like this celebrity because he/she is really
good at what they do” was the most frequently coded category in the documents. Most
participants included this kind of attraction in their descriptions (84% of males; 91% of
females). While it might seem obvious that a fan would mention this as part of his or her
interest in the attachment object, what was interesting was the relative importance given
to the category. For some fans, it was the whole picture. They talked about the star’s
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Parasocial and Social Interactions with Celebrities
work and little else. The following quote from a 38-year-old female talking about George
Michael is an example that coded as primarily being task attraction:
The beginning of my fascination with George has its foundation in the liner
notes for “Faith.” I was amazed to read, “Written, produced and arranged by
George Michael” and was even more amazed when I read more about him and
discovered how young he is. I began to collect his earlier music with “Wham!”
and again, as I had done with the Faith album, I enjoyed delving into his lyrics.
He has a way with words that paint such vivid pictures in my mind and I’m totally
fascinated with that ability.
For other fans, initial task attraction led to the subject considering other attributes of the
person that they also found attractive, but the task attraction was primary:
Whether or not I admire a celebrity as a person has little to do with whether or not
I become a fan. That has no bearing on talent (nor do looks for that matter). And
you can never really know what they might be like in their personal life, though
you might have an idea about it. Those things would be bonuses, but not deciding
factors. They might influence the degree to which I’m devoted. For instance, I
was riveted by “Siddig El Fadil’s performance in “A Dangerous Man” but didn’t
think about him being cute…until later.
Finally some fans mentioned task attraction but it was secondary to identification,
romantic attraction or one of the other categories.
Hero Worship. In the coded documents, there were 118 fans that were coded for
hero worship. The following quote from a fan illustrates this category:
He has an underlying attitude that he has received a gift and that his purpose is to
give back. At his core, I believe he is a compassionate and down to earth person.
He is kind to his fans and well liked by those he encounters and works with. He
has a wonderful and interesting personality…. He has a quick and killer wit and
is extremely intelligent…. I think the fact that he is so humble, causes those of us
who feel we 'get' him to be especially enthusiastic.
Romantic Attachment. Of the male fans, 9 of 13 (69%) fans of female celebrities
indicated some romantic attachment. Of the females, 68 of 92 (74%) showed some
romantic attachment to male celebrities. There were no clear cases of same-sex romantic
19
Parasocial and Social Interactions with Celebrities
attachment in this sample. Examples of quotes showing romantic attachment include this
one by a 21 year old female from Spain: “
I liked Michael Jackson’s music but it was just that. I didn’t start being a fan until
listening to the press conference in Rome at the beginning of the European tour.
They spoke a lot of his personality, his love for children and animals, his
enormous generosity….I started falling in love with him and then his music, his
dance, and everything!
A quote from a 40 year old female fan was coded for romantic attachment:
Try as you might, you can’t succeed in coming between me and my beloved. You
just can’t tell me “my” man isn’t brilliant. I am dreaming of Michael almost every
night again. I love that.
This quote from a 30 year old man reflects the romantic attachment men reported
for female stars:
Yes I love the women in Star Trek. I like Majel and Nichelle and I think Marina
and Nana are great, but I really love Terry and Gates….you hear stories about
stalkers in Hollywood. I think most guys are nervous about saying how they feel
and that may be the reason a lot of men don’t want the actresses to feel they’re
obsessed lovers!
And finally, a Kyle Petty fan happened to make it into the sample (she was also a
Star Trek fan) and had this to say about him:
…because Kyle is so wonderful about making personal appearances, it’s
guaranteed that I’ll see Kyle at least twice a year. He’s devastatingly gorgeous,
but it’s his skill and talent that I admire most of all. The last time he got a haircut,
he wrecked and broke his leg. He’s not taking any chances and neither am I. I’ve
not had a haircut since, myself, and now it’s down to the base of my spine. I
almost always develop a crush on a male celebrity that I admire.
These quotes exemplify typical features of romantic attachment, fantasizing and
dreaming about the celebrity, talking about his or her physical attractiveness, and longing
for a real relationship with the celebrity. Those who have romantic attachments are
among the most intense fans in any fan base.
20
Parasocial and Social Interactions with Celebrities
Infantile Attachment. Most of those who were coded in this category were also
coded for hero worship (80 of 88 or 91%). In addition, 64% of this category was also
coded for romantic attachment. Most were high intensity fans. All of these fans described
the celebrity as meeting their needs in some way. A 35-year-old single female had this to
say about Michael Jackson:
He has inspired me with his music in such a way that whenever I am feeling
depressed all I have to do is listen to one of his records and I feel so much better!
He meets a special need in my life, sometimes when I want to be alone I watch
one of the videos or play his music and it’s funny but it is almost like he is in the
room with me.
Some categories were not necessarily independent of one another. Indeed, Shaver
and Hazan (1987) found distinct similarities between infant-caregiver attachments and
adult romantic love. However the fact that fans of same sex celebrities were coded for
infantile attachment in the absence of romantic attachment suggests that these were
different constructs. This example comes from an adult male Michael Jackson fan:
My relationship with Michael is the best I have with anyone because I know he
can’t hurt me. People that we have to deal with in our everyday lives have the
power to hurt us, whether they know it or not. People can do things and not
realize they are hurting you. Michael cannot hurt me. He can only help me.
In this case, the term “infantile” represents the immaturity of someone who is avoiding
real relationships with their resulting responsibilities and vulnerabilities. He wanted only
to be helped and not to be hurt. There was no concern for what he might be able to do for
someone else as would be the case in an adult reciprocal relationship, only this selfprotective concern for not being hurt by anyone. Michael Jackson, for this person,
becomes a protective barrier from the real world.
Identification. Two separate kinds of identification are found in these data. In
Erikson’s (1959) more classical definition of identification, the subject finds areas that
21
Parasocial and Social Interactions with Celebrities
he/she and the object have in common and these areas become the basis for identity
formation for the subject. However, Adams-Price and Greene (1990) define identificatory
attachment as “wanting to be the celebrity.” In this kind of attachment, the subject looks
at the object and sees characteristics worth emulating. In the first case, the subject is
saying, “You and I are alike.” In the second case, the subject is saying, “I want to be like
you.” The first allows for subject and object to be on the same level. The second
presumes that the object is superior in some way to the subject. The “he is like me” kind
of identification was common among male Springsteen fans. One had this to say:
To understand Springsteen fans, Springsteen’s lyrics are the key. Springsteen
writes about struggle and hope, despair and redemption. His songs have spoken to
me deeply and have affirmed my journey.
For both males and females, more participants said they wanted to “be the celebrity” or
“be like the celebrity” (41% of males; 49% of females) than said, “we are alike (37% of
males; 31% of females). One 31-year-old female Bruce Springsteen fan described the
identificatory role he played in her life:
The passion of that one “River” show was his greatest gift to me. It filled up my
gasping paucity of spirit. A child of the bloodless ‘70’s, I was so-called intelligent
but utterly miserable and miserably passive university student. He was wiry,
commanding, fearlessly sad, inexorably joyful, the only human being lacking in
all cynicism I had ever seen.
A similar 28-year-old Michael Jackson fan talking about her identification with him this
way:
Most people do not understand the feelings I have for Michael. Michael makes me
feel very happy; it’s like he puts you in a trance. He makes you forget your
troubles, lets you release all the bad energy and turn it into good energy. He gives
me the courage to try things that I was always afraid of doing. I think Michael and
I have a lot in common. We think a lot alike.
22
Parasocial and Social Interactions with Celebrities
Parental Attachment. Of 32 fans in this category, all but two were female. Those
in the study under 30 were coded for this type of attachment 22% of the time while those
over 30 were coded 45% of the time. Fans in this category were nurturing, protective and
defensive of their attachment objects. Of the 30 females in this category, 23 also were
coded for romantic attachment. These women wanted to both love and take care of the
object. A 30-year-old female Jackson fan said,: “With Michael, we’re concerned about
him. He makes us feel motherly.” A divorced female who had lost her children in a
custody battle said:
I do not see Michael as a sexual object as so many of his fans do, but rather as a
replacement for the children I miss so much. Michael is another child…I can’t
mention Michael and my children in the same sentence without crying.
Coworker Attachment. There were 15 documents, seven males and eight females,
coded for coworker attachment. Thirteen of these fans were high intensity and 14 wrote
long (2 pages or more) documents. Fourteen of those were also coded for hero worship.
Eleven were under 25. Most documents where this was coded contained a straightforward
statement about working with the celebrity. This comment made by a woman from
England is typical: “My ambition is to actually dance with Michael. I hope that one day I
will be able to fulfill that ambition.” That co-worker attachment occurred with fans that
also showed hero worship and other kinds of attachments leads to the conclusion that
working with the celebrity, rather than being a reflection of career goals, might have just
been an excuse to get close to the celebrity in some cases.
Part Three: The isolated fan and the interactive fan
A third classification dichotomy is necessary based on observations in the field
and extensive field notes taken throughout the research. This describes the distinction
23
Parasocial and Social Interactions with Celebrities
between fans that practice their fandom in social isolation and fans that are part of a fan
community. Within interactive fans, are those who network with other fans only, and
those who interact both with other fans and with the celebrity or celebrities connected to
the fan community. Parasocial interaction literature to date has focused on the isolated
fan. Interactive fans appear to have the following characteristics in common:

A level of affluence that allows them to pay fan club dues, attend fan events or
concerts, and travel to various places to participate in fan club activities. There is
a range that includes the fan that attends one event with some financial difficulty
all the way up to fans that travel extensively and attend multiple events.

A level of social facility that allows them to become a part of the community,
form affiliations within the community, and interact with social success.

By the years 2007-2009, most fans have developed a level of technological
expertise that allows them to access their fan base on the Internet. In earlier fan
studies (i.e. the early 90’s) this activity was carried out through the mail and on
the telephone.

A motivation to meet and interact with the celebrity in a real world sense.
Discussion of fans that meet and interact with celebrities is scarce in the literature.
Some researchers indicate a belief that desire to meet celebrities is unrealistic (Dietz et
al., 1989; Leets et al., 1995). However, many celebrities are quite easy to meet if the fan
is willing to travel to events where the celebrity is appearing. The interactive fan is
largely missing from the literature and those who pursue meeting a celebrity are
sometimes categorized with “stalkers” and other criminals in some work (Ferris, 2001).
24
Parasocial and Social Interactions with Celebrities
Many of the celebrities observed or interviewed recognized the value of having
fan support and embraced their fan communities. In these cases, the interaction between
fan and celebrity ceased to be parasocial and moved into the more ordinary domain of a
real social relationship. It is still a fan/celebrity relationship with the implied status
differential and lack of access to the celebrity. However, celebrities “know” people in
their fan base in a real world sense and interact with them as familiar and known within
the social context of the fan community. Three case examples support this point.
Star Trek: Deep Space Nine. In the fan community for Star Trek Deep Space Nine
(DS9), many of the actors were involved in their fan clubs, most often collaborating in
charity events. Fans also met these celebrities at commercial Star Trek conventions, held
throughout the world on an almost weekly basis. From 1994 to 2003, the combined
efforts of the DS9 fan clubs raised over $350,000 for their chosen charities.
In Nana Visitor’s fan club, many fans knew Visitor and she knew them. About 75
people participated in the group of fans described. When DS9 ended, Visitor went back to
a Broadway musical career, playing Roxie Hart in the musical Chicago during the years
2000 and 2001. Many fan club members traveled to see this musical and she met with
them after the show and sometimes went for coffee or a meal with them if time allowed.
Rene Auberjonois, a successful television star with credits as a cast regular on
Benson, DS9 and Boston Legal has a large active fan base of people who are very well
known to him. They have helped raised thousands of dollars for charity. While single
actor fans often start fan clubs on their own and are then later “adopted” by the celebrity
(or not), Auberjonois started his own fan club in collaboration with a fan/friend in order
25
Parasocial and Social Interactions with Celebrities
to do charity work. That Auberjonois contacted this person in order to start the fan club
speaks to the social relationship they shared.
Alexander Siddig, who after DS9 has gone on to a continued successful film and
television career, was the first DS9 actor in 1994 to hold his own fan club charity event,
attended by 65 people. Through the years, that nucleus of 65 people grew to include over
200 people who knew Siddig personally and interacted with him as friends. The nature of
that friendship was brought into sharp relief during the year 2001 when Siddig and
Visitor, who had married in 1997, were divorced. The editorial staff of the fan club sent
out a note to club members asking them to respect the privacy of their friends and to not
gossip about the split or speculate as to its cause. This memo was sent to over 200 fan
club members who received a regularly mailed out newsletter. Six months later at a major
Star Trek convention, Visitor mentioned the divorce and over 8000 fans attending
expressed their shock and dismay. The news had not reached the fan base at large, even
though 200 people had been told. The fans respected the request not to gossip.
Josh Groban. Josh Groban is a singer whose professional career began in 2001
with the release of his first album. Since then he has sold over 23 million albums and has
experienced a meteoric rise in success that has resulted in sold out concerts at venues like
the MGM Grand and Madison Square Garden. Groban has built his fan following based
on grassroots interactions. Reports of these interactions abound on his fan web site. In
2002, Groban attended radio station sponsored lunches or breakfasts where fans were in
attendance and were afforded the chance to speak with him one-on-one. Through the
ensuing years, events called backstage “Meet and Greets” were held where Groban met
fans, signed autographs, and posed for photos. In looking through photo archives of these
26
Parasocial and Social Interactions with Celebrities
events both on the Internet and in private fan photo collections, it was clear that the same
individuals participated over and over again and became known to the artist. Groban
spoke of these fans in a television interview:
Who are the Grobanites? They’re a very dedicated, very, very loyal, very
energetic group of fans…. They’re the ones on that web site, and they chat every
day…. they’re the best. And they’re mine…. and I’m theirs. There’s a major kind
of mutual respect and mutual love for one another. And they’ve been very, very
helpful. They’re the main, hardcore, die-hard fans, and they’re the ones that will
be with me for the rest of my life, I’m sure. (CBC Canada, February 18, 2003).
On August 31, 2006, Groban was honored by his alma mater for his contributions
to humanitarian causes and support of education. There were 110 attendees and 65 of
them represented the heart of his fan base. Groban moved easily among these people,
chatting comfortably, signing autographs, and posing for photos. It was clear from his
actions and attitude that he felt he was among friends. More recently on the 2007 Awake
tour, Groban interacted with his fan base. One fan was ecstatic when she approached for
an autograph and was greeted by Groban with “I know you!” Large numbers of fans were
familiar to him from repeated meetings in this kind of setting.
Groban is also reflective of the newest trend among Hollywood celebrities, in that
he engages extensively in online blogging. In June 2008, he posted his first video blog on
a site called VIMEO which offers free accounts for users where they can post video
messages for other users. He has video-blogged at least once a month since then, most
often in an informal setting from home or a hotel room. In addition, he conducted an
online video chat where he appeared on camera and interacted with fans who sent him
questions from “rooms” on the chat site. Then in May, 2009, he began a Twitter account.
Twitter is one of the most recent phenomena in fan/celebrity interaction, and is unique
compared to Facebook, MySpace and other Internet sites in that one can “follow” a
27
Parasocial and Social Interactions with Celebrities
celebrity without being followed in return. If the celebrity is bothered by something a
follower does, he or she can “block” the person, but otherwise it is possible for anyone to
“follow” a celebrity and read his or her posts. Many of these messages are among
celebrities, but Groban also “Tweets” back to fans on a regular basis, thus creating the
first online environment since his very early (2001) message board where fans can
interact with him on an informal basis. It is clear that Groban posts for himself on his
blogs and Twitter account, but it is just as clear that some celebrities have others who
post on their behalf, for example President Obama who has messages posted on Twitter
on his behalf on a regular basis.
Michael Jackson. From 1988 to 1992 I attended concerts in England, Washington,
D.C., Los Angeles and Irvine, CA, and fan gatherings like Michaelfest in conjunction
with the Bad album and Dangerous album tours. Jackson was the biggest superstar I
studied and yet even he had an inner circle of fans that knew him in a real sense as well
as he knew them. In this study I had a group of a dozen or more key informants some of
whom had attended every one of the 128 shows on the 1987-1989 Bad tour. Other fans
informants had attended dozens of these shows. Jackson showed a great deal of care and
respect for his most devoted fans and was generous with autographs for those fans and
spoke with them whenever possible. The fans knew that he would arrive ahead of a
concert through a main stage door and they waited for him there. He always opened the
window of his car to speak to or wave to fans that he knew.
More examples like the ones above could be shared for other celebrities. The
science fiction convention circuit, in particular, has made a large number of actors very
accessible to fans. Concert tours make those artists accessible to those fan groups. Today
28
Parasocial and Social Interactions with Celebrities
in the 21st century, it is not difficult at all to meet many famous celebrities.
Discussion and Implications
A model of fan classification is needed that recognizes the distinction between the
typical member of a media fandom and the troubled fan who is suffering from mental
illness. The fan, who seeks out the fan base for social reasons and meets the celebrity in a
respectful way, respecting the boundaries of that celebrity, is rarely discussed in the
current social science literature. In addition, a model that allows researchers to consider
heterogeneity in media fans is helpful in discussing types of social interactions that fans
have with other fans, with celebrities and within themselves, i.e., parasocially.
Using the Model
This model is useful in understanding behaviors of fans at each level and also
charting how they might move from one level to another over time as they engage in
relationships with celebrities. Using the system provided, fans easily classify across the
three dimensions described. Three case examples make this point:
Case A: A 26-year-old fan of a pop star spent the better part of 18 months following his
tour around the world, attending almost every one of 128 shows. When first encountered,
she met the criteria for a Level 8 fan. She was obsessed with the celebrity and
meeting/seeing him consumed her life, with no room for regular employment or the
pursuit of any other relationships. All friendships were formed in alliance with other fans
who shared and could help in meeting her goals of meeting and knowing the celebrity.
Her motivations were coded for hero worship, romantic attachment, parental attachment
and coworker attachment. She was an interactive fan, pursuing contact with not only the
celebrity but also with other fans who shared her interest.
29
Parasocial and Social Interactions with Celebrities
Case B: A 49-year-old Star Trek fan with affiliations to several single actor fan clubs, this
woman had an extensive collection of Star Trek memorabilia. She was a professional
(surgical nurse) and had a happy marriage of 20 years. Her commitment of time, money
and effort combined with her normal and high functioning personal life would categorize
her as a Level 6 fan. She fit the codes for task attraction, filial attachment and
identificatory attachment B (the celebrity is like me). This fan was highly interactive and
knew at least half a dozen actors who knew her by name. This woman passed away in
2003, and several of the actors went out of their way to see and visit with her one last
time during the last Star Trek convention she was able to attend.
Case C: A 45-year-old fan of a pop star with no affiliation to any fan club, this woman
easily identified a favorite pop star and met the criteria for a Level 5 fan. She fit the codes
for task attraction, romantic attraction, and parental attraction. This fan was an isolated
fan without fan club affiliations and without any real-life interaction with the pop star she
identified as her favorite.
This model can be applied longitudinally with the same fan over time:
Case A: Four years after I had first met her, she was no longer a Level 8 fan. In fact, she
was pretty much over being a fan altogether. She reported that when she started as a fan
of this pop star, she was a drug addict and knowingly traded one addiction for another.
After getting off drugs and staying off them for a period of years, she was able to wean
herself away from her obsession with the pop star. At the time of our last interview, she
was leading a normal life with a job and real relationships. She had no contact any longer
with the celebrity and little if any contact with other fans.
Case B: This fan is deceased, and her classification remained stable until her death.
30
Parasocial and Social Interactions with Celebrities
Case C: Over a period of 15 years, this fan’s interest shifted from the original celebrity to
other celebrities. She is still a Level 5 fan of the media she enjoys, at any given time
having an easily identified favorite. She continues to choose her favorites based on task
attraction and romantic attraction. She has had occasion to be a more interactive fan and
at one point joined a fan club and met some Star Trek actors. Consequently she has
shifted from being an isolated fan to an interactive fan over the years of her media
consumption.
Conclusion
The twentieth century saw the introduction of numerous new forms of mass
communication and the twenty-first century continues this trend. Today, a great deal of
what a person knows or experiences about the world is known or experienced through
mass media. This is true for world events, for places, and also for people. If the drive to
know people even better than they can be known through media causes people to seek out
and get to know celebrities in a real-world sense, then clearly it is important to
understand that process and how it affects all the people involved.
Clearly the study of mass media fans as they relate to celebrities is a complex
topic that involves many different types of fans, as well as many different types of
celebrities, each with a unique motivation. For some fans, their obsession with a media
star is problematic. However for a good percentage of participants, the activity appears to
be a positive social experience and often involved the opportunity to get to know a
celebrity or celebrities.
Celebrities are motivated to communicate with fans for a myriad of reasons.
Commercially, it makes sense to form a good relationship with your customer base, and
31
Parasocial and Social Interactions with Celebrities
clearly one of the roles that fans play is that of consumer. However, the celebrities
interviewed for this research have indicated that other motivations come into play when
celebrities reach out to fan audiences. For Siddig (of Star Trek: Deep Space Nine) it was
a motivation to meet fans and hear their thoughts about his work and form a connection
with them along with a desire to respond to his good fortune by doing charity work that
motivated him to set up his first intimate fan club event in 1994. Rene Auberjonois was
also motivated by the desire to do charity work when he set up his fan club. Josh Groban
had been candid in media interviews about the fact that his audience is not easily reached
through traditional means (like radio and MTV) so he reaches out to them on the Internet.
But he also meets fans and autographs for them in settings where there is no obvious
personal gain, and his charity work is extensive as well, providing fans with the chance to
support his charity and meet him at events where he appears. Mentioned earlier was the
role that fan affluence plays in all this. Clearly the fans with the most money are most
often the ones who get to meet the celebrities. This has been consistently true in all the
observations made in these studies over the past 20 years (Stever, 1991, 1995, 2008,
2009).
The preponderance of work in this area has been done on samples of convenience.
We know a great deal about parasocial interaction as it affects college students (Boon &
Lomore, 2001; Canary & Spitzberg, 1993; Hoffner & Buchanan, 2005; Houran, Navik &
Zerrusen, 2005; Maltby, Giles, Barber & McCutcheon, 2005; McCarley & Escoto, 2003;
McCutcheon et al., 2002; McCutcheon et al., 2003; Perse & Rubin, 1989; Perse & Rubin,
1990; Rubin & McHugh, 1987; Rubin, Perse & Powell, 1985; Rubin & Step, 2000;
Schiappa, Gregg & Hewes, 2005). We know a fair amount about fan letters written to
32
Parasocial and Social Interactions with Celebrities
celebrities (Dietz et al., 1991; Leets, deBecker & Giles, 1995; Sood & Rogers, 2000).
What is needed is more fieldwork with actual fans of all ages and types in the
settings where fans and celebrities most often interact, concerts, conventions and other
mass media related events. The application of the fan classification system proposed in
this article will help field researchers to organize their thinking about the fans that they
meet. Using the system as a structure for organizing thoughts about fan behavior would
be a logical next step in research on classification of media consumers into groups that
include fans and nonfans.
33
Parasocial and Social Interactions with Celebrities
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