TUNING INTO DIVERSITY
IMMIGRANTS AND ETHNIC MINORITIES IN MASS MEDIA.
REPRESENTATION AND POLICIES
All information on the Tuning into Diversity project can be found in the Multicultural
Skyscraper website (http://www.multicultural.net/index.asp).
Rome, April 2002
PROJECT FUNDED BY THE EUROPEAN COMMISSION,
DIRECTORATE GENERAL EMPLOYMENT AND SOCIAL AFFAIRS
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Part I The representation of immigrants and ethnic
minorities in Italy
1. Introduction
2. Television
3. Daily newspapers and periodicals
4. Methodology
Part II The multicultural productions in radio, tv and
print media in Italy
1. Introduction
2. The multicultural provision in Italian radio,
television and newspapers
3 Conclusions
4. Methodology
Part III The European research on media and ethnic
minorities
1. Introduction
2. European media situation
3. Mapping existing and ongoing research
5. Overview and analysis of European conferences on
media and minorities
6. A selection of good practice in Europe
7. Outline for a ‘blueprint’ for media and minority
policies in European countries
8. Further recommendations
Part IV Codes of Practice and Media Performance: A
Systems Approach
1. Introduction
2. Codes of Practice and Media Ethics
3. A Systems Approach to Codes of Practice
4. Conclusion
Part V Media and ethnic minorities policies: three
National case studies
1. Italy: Freedom of the Press and Racial
Discrimination A Review of the legislation and an
Analysis of the Role of Codes of Conduct
2. France: The representation of ethnic minorities in
the french television and codes of practices for
minors in TV
3. The Netherlands: Media and minority policy
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PART I
THE REPRESENTATION OF IMMIGRANTS AND
ETHNIC MINORITIES IN ITALY
The analysis of the representation of immigrants and ethnic minorities in
Italy was conducted by a group of Censis researchers coordinated by Elisa
Manna with the support of Carla Scaramella. The date collection has been
realised by Centro d’Ascolto dell’Informazione Radio Televisiva.
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1.
Immigrants and ethnic minorities in mass media. Representation and policies
Introduction
The basic assumptions behind the analysis of the representation of
immigrants and ethnic minorities in Italian mass media refer to a wider
theory that we have already “verified” in all our previous media monitoring
studies.
This theory stems from a highly critical assessment of the styles and means
of mass media communications in Italy which highlights the considerable
“incapacity” of communications (in its various forms: news, fiction, etc.) to
take into account the complexity and above all the variety of realities and
actors of the social fabric.
This approach of ours is echoed in some of the more reliable reflections that
are made in the international sphere, for example, at the Media for Children
World Summit held in Thessalonica from 23 to 26 March 2001, organised
by the European Children Television Centre. During this summit (which
followed those held in Sydney and London on the same issue) the global
dimension of the contrast between cultural standardisation arising from
processes of economic concentration and the growth of awareness among
emerging countries and their cultures, emerged in an unequivocal fashion.
However, one of the most interesting trends in the sociology of cultural
processes concerns the study of the influence of the mass media on forming
opinions, perceptions, and collective emotions relating to phenomena, facts,
and social actors.
For example, there is no doubt that the opinion that children have of the
“dangerousness of the world” is strongly conditioned by the harrowing,
catastrophist, barrage of many TV newscasts. And it is just as true that the
obsession that many adolescents have for the cult of slimness and the body
beautiful is strongly influenced by the dictates of the cosmetics and fashion
industry, which is promoted on television and in magazines on a daily basis.
Obviously, the debate goes much wider and touches upon highly varied
issues, ranging from shaping political opinion to making purchasing
decisions.
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However, the aspect that we wish above all to stress here concerns the
particular influence that the media have in defining collective perception of
various social actors. The elderly, women, men, and immigrants are, so to
speak, “socially designed” by television programmes and newspaper
articles. For example, in a continual game of reflecting mirrors women often
see themselves “at odds” with the feminine image imposed by the media and
at the same time are influenced by it. And if they discover that they are light
years off the mark, and thus feel inadequate and have all manner of
complexes, but are also to some extent proud of their lone assertion of
rights, they will end up changing the image - this time the real one - of the
world of women. Mediation and contamination between a symbolic reality which is more or less imposed - and actual experience, is the token that
encapsulates the overall phenomenon.
Therefore in Italy, the “defect” of communication about immigrants and
people originating from ethnic minorities comes within an overall
framework of inadequate representation of various social actors. In this
respect, one thinks of the trivialisation of the image of children, and bias in
representing women in the media, which we have reported in several of our
studies.
Overall, the “communicative defect” is characterised by:
1. a tendency to dramatise news and to turn day-to-day events into a show;
2. a tendency to use language that favours the emotional rather than the
rational dimension;
3. superficial checking of sources in favour of messages that create an
effect;
4. lack of critical function;
5. playing mirror games with the supposed “moods” of the masses; and
6. biased and misleading representation of various social actors.
These general characteristics of communications are obviously also
reflected in the representation of immigrants and ethnic minorities.
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With more specific regard to this argument, it seems to us that Italian
society does not manifest characteristics of “primary” racism that is deepseated “racial hatred”. There is sporadic violence against what are defined
en masse as “non-EU immigrants”, but it is rarely serious and constitutes an
exception; actually, the individuals and groups that perpetrate it (e.g. far
right-wing skinheads) cannot be considered as representative of Italian
society as a whole.
However, the “disturbance” in communications appears obvious.
Immigrants are mainly represented in association with criminal episodes and
the everyday aspect of integration processes does not appear in
communications. It suffices to consider that there is only one current affairs
programme in Italy that deals with immigration issues – Un mondo a colori
– which is scheduled to go on the air at a decidedly off-peak viewing time.
It could be counter-argued that the phenomenology of immigration really is
made up of extreme hardship, illegal entry, criminal trafficking, black work,
etc., but this is a biased description of reality. In fact, even though the
phenomenon is new in Italy, it is likewise true that there are countless
examples of accomplished and consolidated integration. In this respect, it
should be borne in mind that immigrant children in Italian schools now
represent a significant number. It is often forgotten, for example, that there
are many Italian families in which foreign babysitters, usually Filipinos,
provide peacefulness and mothering to the children.
The same terminology used by communications continually mixes up
various levels, thus bringing together under the imprecise term “immigrant”
conditions that are in fact quite different.
In the mirror game referred to, a journalist is on the one hand in the position
of interpreting feelings of fear and social mistrust, and on the other sometimes against his or her will - of stoking them up.
We therefore need to ask ourselves what might be the reasons behind this
kind of behaviour, as the development of media monitoring tools obliges us
to formulate better interpretative hypotheses regarding this widespread state
of mistrust.
The basic questions to ask could be the following:
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1. Is the fear of losing one’s identity and of someone who is different an
“anthropological” fear, a “basic instinct”, or is it rather linked to
perception of our own cultural fragility (the “strong” thought of the
other compared with our weak thought)?
2. Are we faced with phenomena of “silent racism”, usually kept under
control and not displayed, which occasionally burst out in sporadic
conflicts, or do the intolerance and xenophobic tones of communications
and public opinion rather have a cathartic function, acting as a scapegoat
for other stress and anxiety factors, such as unemployment, a widespread
sense of insecurity, and conflict between generations?
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2.
2.1.
Immigrants and ethnic minorities in mass media. Representation and policies
Television
Information programmes
“Who and how”
Supposing, by paradox, that Italians are familiar with people from ethnic
minority backgrounds only through television and only and solely through
this source do they gather elements for working out their opinions and
consequent attitudes, let us first of all try to understand who they see and
which person of ethnic minority background the viewer who is zapping the
channels sees. Who is “the typical person of ethnic minority background”
depicted on television? This person is a man, almost always an adult who is
more or less young, but fairly often also a child and he is involved in clearly
negatively connoted events, whether as a victim or as an active subject.
Indeed, adults are above all seen on television: 34.5% of them are only
between the ages of 31 and 65, and they become 56.2% if the 19-30 age
bracket is added. Children as well are amply depicted (23.6%) whereas the
absolute absence of elderly people is instead surprising: there is only a
scanty 0.2% that, among other things, corresponds to only one case of one
elderly man who appears in an episode of “Un Mondo a Colori”, a
programme that already in itself is atypical and certainly not representative
of the average of what is broadcast on television (table 1).
As regards distribution by gender, it deals with men in 81.8% of the cases
and with women in only 18.2%. Indeed, in comparing this simple structural
data with that regarding distribution by gender of foreigners legally present
in Italy (meaning in possession of a legal residence permit), one notices that
the television portrayal does not reflect reality. Unlike the “television
appearances”, the ratio between males and females in Italy is indeed much
less unbalanced (54.2% and 42.8%) (table 2).
If then we take a look at the ratio between males and females based on the
age bracket, it emerges that in the universe of males, except for people over
65 years of age, there is an enormous uniformity on the basis of age,
whereas there is a huge concentration of females between 31 and 65 years of
age (74.7% versus 10.1% children, 3.8% adolescents and 11.4% young
adults).
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Neither is the articulation by age bracket of the people from ethnic minority
backgrounds who “drop in” on the small screen is not very homogeneous
with reality. In 2000 those from ethnic minority backgrounds in Italy
between 0 and 18 years of age were 5.3% (versus the 43.5% of those in this
age bracket on TV) and 88.2% between 19 and 60 years of age, versus the
56.2% of the “television ethnic minorities”. What’s more is that the 6.5% of
elderly people in Italy completely disappears from the viewer’s horizon. If
one were to believe what is seen on television, he would think that people
from ethnic minority backgrounds over 60 years of age practically do not
exist.
Then, depending on the age bracket, we see them concentrated more in
some news items or programmes rather than others. Only the children are in
almost all the categories, except for culture and society, whereas adolescents
and young adults are found in the thematic section regarding news and
crime news (table 3).
But whether the person is male or female, a child, adult or elderly, the “role”
of the person of ethnic minority background as regards the related event is
always a negative role (83% overall), whether he is the moving force
(38.9%) or victim (40.2%, to which 3.9% of the victims of accidents is to be
added) (table 4). So the image gathered from what is seen on television
inevitably sways from the “poor person of ethnic minority origin” who is the
victim of a range of possible negative events, such as criminal acts,
discrimination, judicial errors, bureaucratic delays or malfunctionings, etc.
to the “violent foreigner” who is a criminal and boogieman.
One scope of extremely important analyses for rebuilding the way the media
depicts people from ethnic minority backgrounds and origin is that which
examines the elements that are rendered explicit, underlined, and
substantially used to present the person of ethnic minority background. First
of all, are we speaking of specific people and concrete subjects or groups
and general entities? In the absolute majority of the cases (78.2%), reference
is made to individuals (table 5). This demonstrates on the one hand that the
immigration theme as such is broached very rarely, and on the other hand
that, as is also confirmed by what comes out of the analysis of the contexts
and subjects, people of ethnic minority origin are talked about mostly in
relation to news events and therefore to people. It is nonetheless true that the
data reflects a characteristic of all of television, apart from the characters it
presents or from the subjects it deals with: its being centred on the events
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and on extreme personalization in order to “strike to the heart” in such a
way as to involve the emotional sphere and encourage dramatisation.
Talking about people of ethnic minority origin and for the most part
referring to concrete individuals therefore does not seem synonymous with
utmost propriety and tact. Another fact bears witness to this in a very
obvious way: in as many as 68.2% of the cases, the person of ethnic
minority background is first of all designated by describing his ethnic
features or referring to his country of origin, i.e. putting him into a category
– his nationality – in which his individuality tends to become lost, and the
person never seems to be considered as a person, but rather as the
representative of a category (table 5).
Nevertheless, there are 25.3% of cases in which the person of ethnic
minority background is addressed by defining him by name and surname.
Although this does not mean that his nationality or ethnic group is not
mentioned in the same programme or news report, it is however a sign of an
attempt to give these people back their individuality. This occurs much more
often for females than for males (50.8% of females are mentioned with
name and surname versus 22.3% of males), almost as if to prove that there is
greater attention and a more moderate recourse to generalisations for the
female world.
In particular, it is fairly widespread habit to cite the nationality, which is
used to define the person 64.8% of the times (table 6). Upon a first reading,
one would be tempted to say that such widespread use of referring to the
nationality represents the tendency to take the person of ethnic minority
background back to his standing as a foreigner, “putting him back” in his
country of origin. Nonetheless, it must be observed that on the other hand it
is quite rare, if not totally absent, the use of racial categories or epithets such
as “foreigner”, “immigrant” and “non-European” that could generally be
used in a derogatory sense.
The thematic coverage
Which are the programmes or broadcasts that talk about immigration or in
which foreign people or people of ethnic minority origin appear? What is
the televised coverage of this social category? The data catches the eye: it
concerns above all, so as not to say exclusively, television newscasts, which
cover nothing short of 95.4% of the cases.
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The remaining 4.6% of the broadcasts are broken down into surveys and
television news spots (totalling 2.4%), three debates, one variety show, two
custom and society magazine shows, a satirical programme and lastly, two
specific programmes on immigration, “Un mondo a colori”, a daily
programme that was aired in fifteen episodes during the period examined,
and “Shukran”, which went on the air only one time (table 7). The females,
however, prove slightly better “distributed” within the various types of
programmes, and this is above all thanks to the fact that during the sample
weeks “Un mondo a colori” dealt with them (table 8).
Naturally, in order to give the right value to this data we cannot but take into
account the fact that the survey was made almost entirely during the summer
period (which runs from June to September for television) for unavoidable
reasons of a practical nature, during which time many of the investigative
programmes suspend broadcasting. Nevertheless, the picture that emerges
however remains faithful to what is shown on TV over the span of an entire
year, as the analysis of the topics of the leading socio-cultural and political
programmes confirms.
On the whole, the people of foreign origin enter the world of information
almost solely through the narrow – and sad – links of the news. The same
absolute sameness regards the thematic coverage, or rather the context in
which the person of ethnic minority origin and the subject dealt with are
talked about, which is also extremely homogeneous and univocally
characterising. Just think about the fact that 90.8% of the news items in the
news programmes are reports (practically half of which are crime news
stories), compared to the 4% that falls within foreign news, a meagre 2%
news regarding domestic politics and 3.2% of culture and society items
(table 9). On the other hand, we must take into account that “Un mondo a
colori” significantly affects this latter data, without which the percentage
would have been close to zero.
Obviously, to have a broad overview that can to some extent embody
“standard” television representation of immigrants, it would have been even
better to have had a wider field of observation over a longer period in order
to “correct” the error arising from interference of external factors, and in a
sense to offset it. The period of a survey influences the number of current
affairs programmes analysed, as is manifested in our particular case. The
events of the general election in May, the G8 summit in July, and the attack
on the twin towers in September, are each in their own way a kind of
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escalation and “media bombs” that obviously had repercussions on daily and
in-depth news coverage – both on TV and in the press.
However, we should not fall into the error of believing that we are faced
with a “neutral” phenomenon exclusively linked to external events, as if
there was no “kind of representation” permanently underway.
The picture that emerges from content analysis is in line with what is
“shown on TV” over a whole year, as is shown by the amount of time
dedicated to the immigration issue by the main programmes that dealt with
socio-cultural and political matters between 1 January and 30 September
20011. The only programme in which coverage of this issue reaches 11.4%
of total annual broadcasting time is L’Elmo di Scipio. The remaining values
come within two brackets: the first ranging from 1% to around 5%,
including Porta a Porta (1.2%), Settegiorni Parlamento (1.5%), Italia
interroga (2.21%), and Mille e una Italia (4.9%); and the second which
includes all the other programmes that have spoken about immigration for
less than 1% of total broadcasting time.
These values are extremely low, which not only confirms the trend
identified in the survey, but also gives an idea of how little attention is
generally given, to immigrants on television apart from news items.
Immigration, while undoubtedly an emerging issue that appears to worry
many Italians, is unable to achieve sufficient dignity to be worthy of indepth treatment, as is the case for other issues of similar importance.
If then one looks at the topics dealt with on television when talking about
people from ethnic minority backgrounds or foreigners, there is
confirmation that the spotlight granted them by the small screen is decidedly
narrow and not very variegated at all. The topic that is by far dealt with most
is “crime / unlawful acts” (56.7%), remotely followed by “welfare /
solidarity” (13.4%) and “immigration” (8.0%). The other topics appear in a
marginal manner, especially those that lie outside the news or regard less
dramatic and, in a certain sense, more day-to-day aspects, such as “labour”
and “sports and entertainment” (table 10).
Given its clear predominance among items analysed from television
newscasts, especially relating to hard news, the issue dealt with is closely
1
This information was provided by Centro d’Ascolto dell’Informazione Radiotelevisiva
(Radio and Television Ratings Information Centre).
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linked to contingent events, as can be seen in the week-by-week breakdown
of the survey.
An example will provide an illustration. The item “crime/illegality”, is
always “popular” but reaches a peak (73%) in the second week of the survey
- during June - when in fact several news items were recorded involving
immigrants. A Macedonian woman killed her own children in Palombara
Sabina; a series of arrests and police operations took place aimed at curbing
illegal immigration; an operation was launched against exploitation of
Nigerian prostitutes; a Brazilian woman tried to abduct a child on a beach;
an illegal Nigerian immigrant was arrested after throwing stones from an
overpass; a Senegalese man was killed by a band of petty criminals after
intervening in defence of a baker; and a Peruvian detainee, under house
arrest and wearing an electronic tag, escaped.
Similarly, the item “immigration”, which has a very low average value for
the whole survey period (only 8%), rose to 35.3% in the third week. At this
time only one noteworthy news item was reported, involving a twelve-yearold Rumanian who ran away from a reception centre to which he had been
sold by his parents. Also, the day before the end of the survey, government
presented new legislation on immigration. Moreover, in the same week of
the survey, from 23 to 29 July, the events at Genoa also occurred and
undoubtedly monopolised television media attention. In fact, on examining
the absolute values, it is striking that there are far fewer analysed items in
this period than in other weeks: 25 compared with an average of more than
100 for the other four.
Like other social issues, such as those relating to the environment,
immigration has two elements: one that is linked to news items, and the
other to reflections that are legal, ethical, social, historical, etc. In this study,
results show that television plays down the issue and deals with it mainly in
terms of the first element.
If one analyses distribution by gender of the topic dealt with (table 11), an
unusual difference between males and females leaps to the eye: females are
definitely talked about less with regard to not only crime and unlawful acts
(27.8% compared to 52.1% of the males), but also as regards welfare and
solidarity (5.1% versus 19.7%). On the other hand, they are involved much
more often when discussing integration (22.8%), immigration (19%) and
health (16.5%).
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From the division of topics by age point of view, it is surprising to note how
crime / unlawful acts (85%) is predominantly talked about for children up to
the age of 10, whereas this area is involved to a much smaller extent for
adolescents (only 9.5%). The fact that the elderly are discussed only with
regard to the “socio-cultural” topics (100%) is explained by the fact that the
elderly were talked about only one time during the entire survey period, in
an episode of “Un mondo a colori” (table 12).
The news events that occurred during the weeks the survey was conducted
naturally had an impact on the data regarding the breakdown of the topics
by age. Indeed, there were events that completely attracted the media’s
attention. During the first week of May, for example, an adolescent of
Brazilian origin whom Italian parents had adopted and who is in turn Italian
to all intents and purposes, killed a six-year-old boy of Moroccan origin
(son of Moroccans who had immigrated to Turin) by making him fall under
a train. This explains why children were talked about 85% of the time with
regard to the topic of “crime / unlawful acts”. Within this figure, 78.8% of
the time children were discussed in a crime context was concentrated in the
first week.
Lastly, in examining the thematic coverage according to the type of
programme in the scope of which immigration is discussed, we notice that
in addition to the news programmes (59.3%), also debates (66.7%) and
custom and society magazines (75%) talk about people from ethnic minority
backgrounds and even to a greater extent, above all in relation to crime and
unlawful acts. These are followed by surveys (40%). It is surprising that
only the news programmes deal with “integration” and “labour”, even if not
to a very considerable degree (table 13).
On the whole, the picture that arises is that of a poor variety of subjects dealt
with and, in a certain sense, of a reduced “exploitation” of occasions
theoretically set out to study in-depth aspects that are not necessarily linked
to the fact and to the present, such as debates, variety shows, spots or
surveys. One would expect that these types of programmes would broaden
the theme to its less extempore aspects, starting with a contingent episode.
If one observes the context in which people from ethnic minority
backgrounds are placed when they appear on television, it is immediately
obvious that it is essentially depicted by the community they belong to
(30.9%) on the one hand, and by the criminal world (29.1%) on the other
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(table 14). The picture is therefore quite clear. On the one hand, the people
from ethnic minority backgrounds, being taken back to the community they
belong to, appear to be “isolated” and tied again to a separate sphere, in the
opposite direction of integration - on the contrary, suggesting a contrast of
worlds. On the other hand, the substantial association with the criminal
world reasserts the immediate association between immigration and
delinquency, which has already come out of the analysis of the topics.
This consideration, together with the analysis of the narrative style that is
prevalent in television, makes us reflect on the way in which the media puts
through implicit messages that could make as much of an impact on the
forming of opinions as the explicit ones, which are totally absent as we will
see farther on.
Lastly, a large percentage falls under the term “representatives of the
Islamic world”. It is pointless to say that in checking the data in relation to
the week of survey, this 19.4% is concentrated after 11th September, proof
of the typical bent the media has for creating associations.
As far as the nature of the relationships that people of ethnic minority origin
have with the context is concerned, the absence of “medium tones” leaps to
the eye. The relationships are above all connoted by collaboration (70.8%)
and, as an alternative, unrest or even hostility (24.1%). It is amazing that
there is practically a loss of other terms. In the eyes of the viewer, it could
seem that people from ethnic minority backgrounds, for example, never find
themselves faced with difficulties of dialogue or in conditions of objection
or claim, terms chosen in 1.3% and 2.5% of the cases, respectively (table
15).
If we then verify the type of relation that depicts the relationships of the
person of ethnic minority origin depending on the context, first of all a
foreseeable data arises, or rather, that his relationships are for the most part
characterised by collaboration with the community he belongs to (80,8%).
Next to this, however, we also notice that relationships characterised by
conflict are above all those with the criminal world (68.2%). This would
appear to be a window looking onto a scenario that is different from that
conjured up by the data shown up to this point (table 16)2.
2
Keep in mind, however, that these percentages correspond to very low numbers since it is
not always possible to determine the nature of the relationships the person of ethnic
minority origin has with the context.
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The style of narration
In order to evaluate the style of treatment of both the news programme
reports and the investigative programmes in which people from ethnic
minority backgrounds or immigration were discussed, first of all we
evaluated what the predominant narrative register and canon were, if there
was an explicit resort to stereotypes, and if sensationalistic tones were used
beyond the “normal” sensationalism that characterises television style, apart
from the subject (table 17).
In all cases the answers are strongly aggregate. As regards the canon and
register, without a doubt the descriptive mode prevails (93.3% in the case of
the register, and 92% in the case of the canon). This confirms the scarcity of
close examination already detected and in line with what arose with regard
to the extremely distinct predominance of news, which itself requires this
type of treatment. However, this also demonstrates the tendency to not take
up a position, as is deduced from the fact that the subject is discussed in
problematic – cognitive terms in only 7.4% of the cases.
On the other hand, at the same time a great deal of attention devoted to not
falling into explicitly racist or discriminatory behaviours arises; for
example, through recourse to stereotypes or to sensationalism that “takes
sides” (only in 3.4% and 10.3% of the cases, respectively).
Once again, nonetheless, this attention in actual fact proves disputed by
stylistic tendencies that are apparently neutral but that in reality can turn
result as being very “heavy”, such as alluding to the nationality or origin of
the person of ethnic minority origin as the sole identifying element
(“Albanian kills a six-year-old girl…” is one typical example). Similar
cases are a clear-cut minority (26.9% versus the 73.1% in which it is alluded
to as one characteristic among others), but the data becomes significant if
we consider the consequences of this way of presenting people in terms of
production of stereotypes, easy associations and generalisations and, in
general, of flat and monotonous construction of the social image of the
people of ethnic minority origin (table 18).
Lastly, we tried to see if and to what extent the chance was given to people
from ethnic minority backgrounds to personally express themselves about
what directly concerns them, a chance that turned out to be very small. In
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63.3% of the cases they are only mentioned, whereas they are interviewed
directly on 9.1% of the occasions. On the other hand, it is remarkable that
only in 1.6% of the cases a person of ethnic minority origin was consulted
as an expert (table 19).
If one observes the emotional reaction aroused by the news reports and
programmes on immigration, it immediately becomes clear where the
modality of depiction of the people of ethnic minority origin used by the
media leads. On a scale of 0 to 10, the news items in question create worry
(7.9), arouse compassion (9.5) and involve viewers (7.1). It is another way
of saying that they almost never give reassurance, do not leave viewers
indifferent (where indifference was considered the neutral modality), and
neither do they arouse rejection. The picture confirms what has already
begun to take shape. The depiction is in actual fact stereotyped. The
foreigner comes out as the poor soul (this explains the compassion) or the
delinquent (causing the worry), and in all cases the news stories are handled
in such a way as to involve, “strike at the heart” or rather at the emotional
sphere, more so than to give circumstantiated information and as devoid as
possible of emotional excesses (Fig. 1).
This is fully confirmed by another data: when faced with news items,
coverage or programmes that talk about immigration, involvement is
aroused in a way that is sharply prevalent by the tone (81.8% of the cases),
and therefore precisely by an element that “speaks” to the emotional
dimension, to which the images are added (12.9%) and that is to be ascribed
to the content in only a paltry percentage of cases (0.9%) (table 20).
Paradoxically, this same trend can also be found in investigative
programmes (debates, surveys, spots…), although to a slightly lesser degree.
Owing to their nature, they should instead focus on circumstantiated
information filled with elements and ideas for reflection on the contents
related.
The viewing times created in 2000 by the Radio and Television Information
Listening Centre for the Guarantees in Communications Authority represent
an indicator able to establish an equivalency of the maximum viewing time,
established on the basis of the audiences of the various television networks.
The second viewing time of RAI 1, for example, runs from 5:30 to 8 p.m.,
whereas that of RAI 2 runs from 12 to 3:30 p.m. Introduction of the times in
this way allows us to standardize the broadcasting times for all the
networks.
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There is naturally not much sense in evaluating the viewing times when
people of ethnic minority origin or immigration is discussed in the case of
news programmes, since the topic is brought about by external events. It is
instead meaningful to verify at what times the programmes that deal with
socio-cultural and political questions or that particularly deal with the
subject in question are aired (we are naturally referring to the only two
cases, “Un mondo a colori” and “Shukran”). The viewing time when these
two programmes go on the air indeed determines the number of viewers. Six
viewing times were identified, where time 1 is the most widely viewed
(keep in mind that time 6 has an audience ten times smaller than time 1).
If we observe how the news reports or broadcasts that talk about
immigration are distributed, we immediately notice that the absolutely most
“popular” viewing time is time 5, which corresponds to the morning hours
(approximately 7 a.m. to noon) and which has an audience about six times
smaller than that of time 1 (table 21).
As far as the news programmes are concerned, the news items regarding
people from ethnic minority backgrounds seem to be treated with the same
standard as all the other news reports in terms of “space taken up”, whether
it regards the average duration (generally between one and two minutes), the
positioning of the report inside the news programme (always among the first
or central ones, precisely as all of the news reports, according to the wellknown principle of “slam the monster on the first page”), or lastly, the
percentage of news provided with coverage and those put on the front page,
which are perfectly within the norm (69% and 33.2%, respectively). What
leaps to the eye instead is the fact that the news story is never an object of
comment by, for example, experts or politicians (table 22), thus confirming
for the umpteenth time the focusing on the news and the absence of any
attempt to turn it into a problem or study it in-depth.
The networks’ policies
The television networks that give more airtime to the subject are the three
RAI channels. On the whole, 63.1% of the news reports or programmes are
broadcast on the RAI channels, compared to 32.1% on the Mediaset
channels and then 4.8% on Telemontecarlo, which later became La 7.
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There is differentiation even among the three RAI channels. RAI 1 and RAI
3 are at the top and bottom, respectively, for the quantity of news broadcast
(29.4% and 14.1%, respectively). But the differentiation among the
Mediaset channels is much higher. On the one hand, we find Retequattro
and Canale Cinque with 14% and 12.2% of news, respectively, and Italia
Uno on the other hand, which seems to be characterised by a much poorer
attention, considering that only 5.9% of the news reports analysed went on
the air on this channel (table 23).
This data seems to suggest that public television, in comparison with private
television, is characterised by greater attention devoted to the phenomenon
in question. However, in order to arrive at this conclusion it is necessary to
verify the “quality” of this presumed attention. To do so, let us see what
type of programmes make up the attention each channel devotes to the
subject of immigration, or rather, let us analyse how the programmes are
distributed by television channel. First of all, it emerges that all of the
channels – without distinction – devote the absolute majority of the
television airtime to the news programmes. Conspicuous are only
Telemontecarlo (later La 7) on the one hand, which deals with immigration
only in the news programmes, and RAI 2 on the other, which has a less
overwhelming percentage of news programmes (83.2%), obviously owing to
the presence of the specific programme about immigration. In the second
place, it turns out that RAI 1 is the only channel (only in part with the other
RAI channels) that shows a certain variety in the type of programmes it airs,
although in quantitative terms it always has to do with very few programmes
beyond newscasts. Besides the specific programme on immigration and the
satirical programme, episodes of all types of programmes are broadcast
(table 24).
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Focus on minors
What has been done so far, is to attempt to analyse how immigrants are
represented in the media - an analysis of the image that is conveyed and
received - which goes beyond the intentions of the broadcaster or the
journalist.
However, in relation to minors, the question is posed in slightly different
terms because, as far as they are concerned, there is an extremely
determined defence of individual and collective rights, which are moral as
well as material. The fact that this is related to mass media representation is
demonstrated in the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child which
explicitly mentions the right to information and the right to recognise and
maintain one’s own identity: two aspects that strongly call into play the
responsibilities of the media who should tackle this new frontier of respect
for ethnic and cultural pluralism in a society undergoing increasingly rapid
change.
The image of immigrant children conveyed by the media is influential in at
least two aspects:
- Self-perception: from a viewpoint of integration, or at least a guarantee
that foreign minors can build themselves a future in the country where
they live. An immigrant child should be able to express a broad and
varied life plan, and be able to consider that he or she lives in a country
that offers diverse life opportunities and not feel “condemned” to a hard,
dangerous, or marginal existence.
- Collective perception: still from a viewpoint of integration and living
together as harmoniously as possible, society in the host country should
be able to “interpret” the presence of immigrant minors as one of the
ways of being a child, with the same rights and duties as any other
children. In other words, it should be able to relate to immigrant children
in a relaxed way, without weighing down their fragile shoulders with the
burden of an adult cultural comparison. But, on the other hand, the media
should create conditions whereby adults and children in the host country
get to know the world of these “new children”, without prejudice and
more or less explicit forms of social stigma, thus allowing for a necessary
process of opening up and comparison.
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For this reason, as if examining them through a magnifying glass, we
wished to dwell in particular on data concerning the age range from 0 to 18.
When analysing the results of the research, it should first of all be borne in
mind that a comparison between actual presence in Italy and “media
presence” reveals marked discrepancies. On television, just under half of all
immigrants are minors (43.5% compared with 56.5% for adults), whereas
residence permits for minors in 2000 account for only 5.3% of the total
number issued.
While it is true that many foreign youngsters are born in Italy to non-Italian
parents, and therefore do not need a residence permit and do not come
within this 5.3%, it is also very obvious that there is “hyper-exploitation” of
the image of immigrant minors, which inevitably leads one to believe that
advantage is being taken.
Also, in the world of minors, males are over-represented in comparison with
females, and this trend is even more obvious than when observing the adult
world (6% females and 94% males among minors, compared 28.5% and
79.8%, respectively, among adults).
With regard to distribution in programmes and the feature sections of
television newscasts, there is a high concentration among minors in
television newscasts (96.6% compared with 87.6% of adults, which is also
high), and in crime news (79.8% of the news items analysed), while adults
are slightly more evenly distributed. Also, concerning the issue dealt with,
an exacerbation of what is already the case for adults can be noted:
minors appear solely and exclusively in connection with three themes: crime
and illegality (50.8%), welfare and solidarity (36.6%), and health (12%),
while adults, above and beyond a clear predominance of the crime issue,
seem to be more evenlydistributed.
The data that describe the world of minors on television so far suggest that,
in their case, that identifiable trends for adults are also exacerbated.
Concerning the way individuals are presented, this exacerbation assumes
considerable proportions: while for adults the name and surname is referred
to in 66.4% of cases and the country of origin in 73.6% of cases, for
children definition takes place by referring to origin in 95.1% of cases, and
children and youngsters are referred to by name on only 4.9% of occasions.
Obviously, this can also be explained by the various limitations imposed, for
example, by the Treviso Charter.
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While the representation of minors on TV is a delicate matter, and
increasingly likely to influence the degree of integration of young
immigrants in Italy, television seems totally unaware that in dealing with
them it comes up once again - but even more strongly - with the
“thoughtless” comments it feels free to make about adults.
Immigrants and TV: a summary of the content analysis results
But overall, what are the basic characteristics of building the image of
immigrants? What are the ingredients, and how is the theme of immigration
dealt with?
To tell the truth it must be acknowledged that our research, in seeking to get
to grips with these matters in a descriptive and informative way, emphasises
by resorting to extremely limited stereotypes. The media appears to
acknowledge the “delicacy” of the issue. Nevertheless, the problem arises
“upstream”, when choosing news items and setting agendas, in terms of
newsworthiness, and in the reasons for dedicating a whole page to the
murder of a young immigrant, and little or no space to such issues as the
increasing number of second generation immigrants (those born and/or
educated in Italy) attending schools, or the problems of cultural integration
and multiculturalism, or the need to offer these “new” children hope and a
life plan, rather than just a continual and obsessive representation of their
plight.
Television thus tends to make scant use of affirmations and explicit position
taking, preferring implicit messages which are far more capable of
influencing opinion formation than explicit ones. This aspect does not
exclusively concern the Italian media, and has been identified as one of the
main trends in European mass media in a study commissioned by EUMC3
entitled “Racism and the Mass Media”. This way of presenting people has
consequences with regard to stereotypes, facile associations and
generalisations, and in general creates a dull and monotonous social image
of immigrants.
Besides, the prevalence of a purely descriptive, hard news perspective
leaves a sense of incompleteness, as if lacking interpretative energy, which
3
European Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia.
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is just what is needed to “read” and restore a new phenomenology that has
rich and complex perspectives. In this sense, television, while doing so on
other issues, appears to play down its role of in-depth analysis and, in a way
of “accompaniment”, in developing phenomena and understanding reality.
In corroboration of this tendency to “slip across” rather than state a
message, there is a host of what can be called “polarised” factors. On the
one hand, there is an almost total lack of explicit stereotypes or “one-sided”
sensationalism, a tendency not to commit oneself to comments and taking
positions, care is taken not to define individuals using racial categories (such
as black, yellow, gypsy, or Jew), and a purely descriptive manner
predominates.
On the other hand, implicit messages are conveyed through apparently
neutral stylistic trends (which can in fact turn out to be quite “strong”), such
as alluding to the nationality or origin of an immigrant as a sole identifying
element, scant in-depth treatment, and never speaking about the issue in
problematic terms – all evidence indicating the lack of any attempt to go
into problems in depth.
Also, as already seen, the emotional reaction that news and programmes
tend to provoke suggests that the representation is in fact stereotyped. News
items are dealt with in a way that involves and “moves the heart” or operate
in the emotional sphere, rather than giving detailed information as devoid as
possible of excessive emotion, bearing out that the element which mainly
creates involvement is tone, followed by the images, whereas content
appears to have an almost non-existent role.
Therefore, Italian television, although not racist, is undoubtedly inattentive
and somewhat ambiguous, and completely unaware of – or indifferent to –
the role it plays in shaping the opinions and feelings of Italians, and in
encouraging or hindering a process of integration and reciprocal knowledge
whose implementation seems more desirable than ever at this time.
What has changed since 11 September?
The events that took place in New York have had repercussions both on
how Italians perceive immigrants and on television programming, which has
experienced a proliferation of features, debates, documentaries, and
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investigations that have touched on many aspects of the scenario opened up
by the attacks on the twin towers.
Content analysis concerned only one fifth of the survey period,
corresponding to the last week of September. Therefore, there is no sense in
suggesting a quantitative interpretation of data that refer to a single week.
However, the significance of the matter obliges us to reflect, if only
qualitatively, based on what can be called an “intuitive” perception.
In particular, many news and current affairs programmes broadcast after 11
September reported significant changes in the attitudes of Italians to
foreigners living in Italy. “Polite” attitudes were often replaced by much
firmer, more open and radical stances, first towards the Arab world and by
extension to all immigrants. While previous attitudes could be summed up
in statements such as “I have nothing against them, and it’s not my fault that
they’re all criminals…”, and intolerance was not acknowledged, and above
all was ascribed to the supposed “guilt” of immigrants (for example, their
involvement in criminal, or in any case, “aggressive” acts), now there is
manifest, and much more detailed, expression of the reasons for what can
often be defined as actual rejection.
It seems that, until now, mistrust stemmed mainly from stereotypes, and in
general, one did not take the trouble to admit not willingly tolerating the
presence of an immigrant in one’s own country, but without wishing or
knowing how to say what was unacceptable about him or her, and to tell the
truth, without knowing the person very well. In recent months, however, a
kind of inversion seems to have taken place. Mistrust is beginning to be
based on impugning the socio-cultural characteristics of another person, as
is demonstrated by the fact that it is not aimed in general at other people, but
rather at the Arab world, and Muslims in particular.
Therefore, the “problem” that Italians express concerning the presence of
immigrants is no longer that they are all criminals who rob our homes and
steal our jobs. Now, the point is that they make women wear veils, spit in
the streets, talk loudly, pray to a God different from ours and some of them
are even willing to kill in his name, in short, that their culture is
unacceptable from the point of view of our value system.
If this is true, the first reaction is to think that this implies both a
justification of one’s own intolerance, encouraged by the undisputed gravity
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of what happened, and also a strong objection to someone, not because that
person is a criminal, but precisely because he or she is different. We can
therefore consider we are witnessing a heightening of tension that does not
bode well.
However, it is also possible to interpret this change in the opposite sense, as
a dialectic moment that is necessary to reach a synthesis, which in this case
is none other than “peaceful” coexistence in the widest sense. By starting to
“look inside” the diversity of another person, to define ourselves and our
own limits, and to affirm our own reference values by contrasting them with
the structural characteristics that can be recognised in someone who belongs
to another culture, can be a first step towards defining a “coexistence
agreement”, towards an acceptance of what is no longer general, at the risk
of being false, but which becomes real insofar as one lays down conditions
that are dictated by a recognised and defended value system.
2.2.
Italian TV drama productions
Quantitative Analysis
Overall, 72 Italian TV dramas featuring foreign characters were broadcast
during the period analysed.
They consisted mainly of soap operas (38.8%) and TV films (37.8%), but
there were also TV adaptations (19.4%) and a small number of situation
comedies (4.1%).
They were broadcast mainly on Canale 5 (29.6%) and Rai 3 (24,5%),
followed by Rai 1 (16.3%) and Italia 1 (15.3%), and then by Rai 2 (9.2%)
and Retequattro (5.1%). 49.5% were broadcast during early evening viewing
time.
Foreign characters almost always played supporting roles (45.3%), or were
extras (also 45.3%); only 10.4% played secondary roles, while none played
leading roles.
Most characters were positive (68.3%), or at most neutral with neither
negative or positive connotations (21%), and only 10.7% were negative.
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Finally, contrary to what occurs in TV newscasts and current affairs
programmes, stereotypes abound, and are reported in 51.3% of cases,
partially present in 11.5%, and lacking in 37.2% of the TV dramas analysed.
However, this data is mitigated, or should at least be linked to a
characteristic that by and large besets TV dramas in general, at least those
that speak about immigrants and foreigners. This is a tendency to present a
simple vision of reality, which is in a sense “schematic”. In absolute terms,
we can say that a stereotype is almost a chosen and deliberate element,
insofar as each character must represent a particular kind of person: a hero, a
villain, a beauty, a career woman, a victim, an unscrupulous person, and so
on.
Qualitative Analysis
Among the TV dramas we chose to dwell on five that for various reasons
seemed interesting and appeared to cover quite well the ways in which
Italian TV dramas give room to characters from ethnic minorities. With the
exception of “I ragazzi della terza C”, all these programmes are broadcast in
the early evening and have good average audience ratings.
1. Le ragazze di piazza di Spagna (28 and 30 August – Rai 2)
2. Distretto di polizia (25 September – Canale 5)
3. I ragazzi della terza C (26 September – Italia 1)
4. Un posto al sole (28 August – Rai 3)
5. Incantesimo (27 July and 28 September – Rai 1)
1.
Le ragazze di piazza di Spagna
The events presented in this TV drama involve a young Senegalese man
who, together with a Tuscan friend, comes into chance contact with the
world of high fashion. In this case the character certainly is portrayed
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through a series of stereotypes ascribable to his origins (he plays percussion,
is jovial, friendly, and cheerful, and has his hair in plaits…), but in reality he
is associated with the world of young people in general, as opposed to the
fashion world. Therefore, on the one hand there are young musicians who
are simple, lively, hard-up, and good-natured, and on the other are the
celebrities of high fashion, rich and with coarse feelings, who pursue their
own ends and desires taking advantage of their power. Simbad is first
presented as just one of the lads, a musician and a young man, rather than as
someone with dark skin who has come to Italy from another country. Yet,
his weakness, his particularly exposed nature, is clearly presented. He is
quickly singled out as the person to be framed by pointing the finger of false
accusations at him, sure of the fact that as he is an immigrant, the
accusations, although false, will be easier to make stick. An element that
also reappears in another TV drama is the conditions of an immigrant in
Italy compared with the social conditions of his family back home. Simbad
is the son of a rich, cultivated, and elegant African diplomat who lives in
France and is presented not as a foreigner, but first and foremost as a father
worried about his son who wishes to reassure himself that he is “on the right
road”.
2.
Distretto di polizia
The story of two young non-EU immigrants, probably from Senegal or
another French-speaking African country, is woven into the plot of the
episodes. The two of them, out of work after a building site is finished, have
started to trade goods on the street are now being subjected to extortion by
two local policemen who are threatening to get them into serious trouble if
they don’t pay up, even though both of them have their papers in order.
The youngsters are very hesitant and a friend, who is herself a foreigner,
accompanies them and convinces them to report the matter to the police.
Despite the gravity and delicacy of the matter, not for one moment is there
the idea of letting it drop. On the contrary, the police act immediately and
try to instil trust in the witnesses by guaranteeing them protection if they tell
all, and take care not to get them into trouble during the investigation.
In any case, emphasis is placed more on the corruption of the local
policemen than on the susceptibility of the immigrants to blackmail.
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This episode of “Distretto di polizia” is very interesting because it shows
two kinds of immigrant: one, in the background (the friend who
accompanies them to the police station) who is perfectly integrated, and
recognisable only by the colour of her skin; and the other, represented by
people who are having problems, forced to do jobs not of their own
choosing, in social circumstances greatly inferior to those of their families
back home (the father of one of the street traders is a judge), and above all
fragile and vulnerable to blackmail, exposed to abuses of power and not
automatically protected by the law, frightened and intimidated.
Generally speaking, with regard to the way the characters are presented,
what has already been said applies. It is not possible to evaluate the
stereotyping and trivialisation of the foreign characters as these are
characteristics that pertain to all the characters. In this specific case, while
the street traders are classic victims unable to defend themselves and assert
their rights, the local policemen for their part are “ugly mugs” in the most
classic tradition, who intimidate through abuse of their power, and are
overbearing, threatening, and sure of getting away with their
misdemeanours.
One thing was particularly striking. The confession by one of the street
traders that the local policemen are the blackmailers is spoken in French, his
mother tongue. This option seems to indicate a striving for verisimilitude,
and an attempt to underline the difficulties and disorientation undergone by
someone living in a foreign country where his language is not spoken. In
times of emotion, fear, and difficulty, one’s mother tongue is the most
reassuring, perhaps the only one possible.
3.
I ragazzi della terza C
In this serial, a regular member of the supporting cast is a black manservant
for a family of one of the students in class 3C. His role is marginal, but his
character is presented with some irony. He is a caricature of the typical
manservant to a rich family, wearing livery and white gloves, but irreverent
and disrespectful. He openly makes fun of Commander Zampetti, showing
his intelligence and sharpness, expresses opinions and makes judgments,
puts an arm around the commander’s shoulders, and bursts into song and
dances while doing the cleaning. For his part, the commander in turn plays
on stereotypes, calling his manservant “Mozambico” or “zulu”, and
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explicitly alludes to the fact that he can decide on his lot, with a frantic
manifestation of the power he has over his manservant.
4.
Un posto al sole
Mira has a supporting role in Un posto al sole and appears in several
episodes as she is involved in one of the stories that make up the serial’s
plot.
Mira is a gypsy who left the Romany encampment where she lived and has
apparently renounced her background. She’s the new girlfriend of one of the
serial’s characters who has recently separated from his wife and has a
daughter. Although accepted and integrated, Mira runs up against prejudice
due to her origins, which is used against her in her private life. She is a
positive character, strong and dignified, but as always represents a person
who has escaped from her origins in choosing to live in another world.
Veiled moralising and Manicheism are always part of Mira’s character and
story. She joins the “goodies” only because she rejects the “baddies”, as
clearly emerges from the episode analysed in a conversation in which she
tries to persuade a Romany child that she could go to school and stop
stealing, and thereby become one of the “goodies” too.
5.
Incantesimo
In the episodes analysed, the story of a boy originally from Eastern Europe
is told. He was abandoned by his parents when he was small and adopted by
an Italian couple who adore him and accept him as part of their family. The
boy suffers from serious health problems, and in order to survive he must
undergo a kidney transplant, but the only person who can donate a kidney to
him is his father. The hospital starts searching for this man who abandoned
his son ten years earlier. When they find him they try to persuade him to
donate a kidney to his son, otherwise he will die. The man accepts, but on
condition that he can “have back” his son. Grieved by the loss of whom they
consider to be their son, in order to save him, the adoptive parents agree to
the conditions laid down by his real father. The latter, however, moved by
the adoptive family’s gesture and his son’s attachment to them, renounces
his claim.
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The character of the real father is presented in a highly stereotyped fashion,
especially if one considers the contrast between him and the adoptive
family. On the one hand, is a rough man who has become a powerful
smuggler, and is unscrupulous and immoral; on the other, are the adoptive
parents and the hospital where the boy is a patient, who are altruistic,
generous, and full of good feelings. The ending is charged with moral
significance. Generosity and goodness of heart come out on top and even
win over a base individual who is finally able to distinguish between right
and wrong. As the story unfolds, there are plenty of hints of the difficulties
that refugees must go through and which lead them to become hard and
ruthless.
Overall, some recurrent characteristics can be noted:
- Often, at the beginning of a programme (or during the first few episodes
if it is a serial) the characters are represented as negative, and they only
“earn” their positive status as the story unfolds.
- Often the characters are somewhat naïve.
- They are mostly stereotyped roles (manservant, musician, street trader,
smuggler…). However, as already mentioned, this aspect does not solely
concern immigrants.
- Very rarely do they appear as “one among other characters” (where the
fact that they are immigrants has no bearing at at all).
- Moralising and a Manichean vision of the world are rife. There is great
insistence on good feelings and the characters analysed fall within two
opposite categories: either they are good and victims, or they are “bad”
and immoral (for example, the character of the father whose son needs a
kidney transplant in Incantesimo).
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Immigrants and ethnic minorities in mass media. Representation and policies
A glance at television advertising
Advertising as a place (possibly ambiguous) for cultural innovation
In analyses of the mass media, the languages and styles used by the various
media on a particular issue are seldom analysed in parallel, either for
extrinsic reasons relating to the logical imperatives of commissioning the
research, or for a kind of self-reference by the media themselves.
On the contrary, it is a stimulating exercise that can give rise to genuine
surprises. What in fact emerges is that news, which one might legitimately
expect to make greater use of and strive for innovatory language as it must
describe social reality, has difficulty in keeping pace, whereas advertising,
although in a confused, sometimes dated, and almost always unintentional
way, at least manages to launch a more aware exploration that is in step with
changing reality.
This does not mean that advertising does not very often go down the beaten
path of stereotypes and clichés. But certainly the way things are at the
moment, at least in some cases, advertising language is more receptive to
picking up the requirements of new social perspectives.
Within the scope of our research, together with press and television news,
we also wanted to carry out pilot research on fiction and advertising, based
on the conviction that fictional codes can sometimes be more sensitive
probes for exploring the new, and with the intention of developing a
systematic study such as the one carried for news in the future. Thirty-two
television commercials in which foreigners appeared, both in apparently
Italian and in non-identifiable settings, were analysed from a random sample
taken during the period between 27 May and 10 June 20014.
Foreigners in commercials
As already seen, television news coverage seems to be characterised by
considerable, almost traditional, “ghettoisation” in portraying immigrants
4
We would like to thank AGB Italia for having kindly selected the commercials to be
analysed on the basis of specific criteria, and for having provided us with the recording.
30
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Immigrants and ethnic minorities in mass media. Representation and policies
and those from ethnic minorities in crime news reporting. Only the recent
tragic international events have in some way “shaken up” this kind of
approach calling for new and indispensable in-depth treatment.
In this sense, advertising language has somehow proved to be more
“curious” to explore new ways of describing and representing. Above all,
for some time, advertising has tried to sound out the dimensions of
normality, with its codes, needs, and deeper aspects.
Obviously, it is not a question of contradicting long-held and consolidated
theories on the capacity of advertising to create, or at best reinforce,
stereotypes, whether we are talking about women, children, or foreigners.
Like fiction, advertising is based on a simplification of reality, which is
reduced to a single component in order to convey a clear, univocal message.
Therefore, among the most “innovative”, and the most “traditional”,
commercials, the host of key images and feelings in which actors
recognisably belonging to other ethnic groups appear, can be divided into
the following categories: sensuality, beauty, is perhaps the most recurrent
and highly characterised feature (the lithe grace of young coloured women,
extreme close-ups of “naturally” swollen lips, the dazzling splendour of
tanned skin, the natural physical movements of dance, the unattainable
innocence of a smile, supple and elegant hand movements); joie de vivre,
(fun, cheerfulness, spontaneous laughter, vitality); strength, vigour, (the
coloured athlete running hard, with close-ups of taut muscles and tendons,
physical strength); physicalness, often associated with a slightly “wild”
spontaneity, (the commercial for Peugeot 307 comes to mind, in which a
South American woman goes through labour pains in an atmosphere of poor
but calm domesticity, and looks happily at her new-born son).
However, inasmuch as advertising stems from a creative act and by
definition is not restricted by its context, it is often an area where innovation
takes place in language and codes before content.
Above all, it is possible for a commercial to convey a certain type of
message through background elements that go beyond the explicit intentions
linked to the advertising message. So through a kind of “drag-over effect”,
what started out as merely an innovation of form, also brings about types of
change relating to content. This occurs in some cases, obviously to a lesser
degree and more sporadically than in the media, but is in any case
interesting. For example, if we consider the Fiat Doblò commercial in which
31
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Immigrants and ethnic minorities in mass media. Representation and policies
a Jamaican bobsled team appear. There is nothing new about the way the
four young foreigners are presented, and all in all we can say that the
stereotyped image of the strong, sporty, “mophead” Jamaican is reproduced.
However, it introduces elements of vitality and playfulness, which together
with a setting that is traditionally the preserve of upwardly mobile whites,
put Afro-American foreigners into an atypical context.
32
FONDAZIONE CENSIS
TABLES
Table 1 - People from ethnic minority backgrounds on TV by age classes
(% val.)
A child up to the age of 10
An adolescent (11-18)
A young adult (19-30)
An adult (31-65)
An elderly person (over 65)
Total
Source: Censis Survey, 2002
Males
Females
Total
26.7
23.5
24.1
25.3
0.3
100.0
10.1
3.8
11.4
74.7
100.0
23.6
19.9
21.7
34.5
0.2
100.0
Table 2 - People from ethnic minority backgrounds on tv and legal
presences in Italy, by gender (% val.)
On TV
Males
Females
Total
81.8
18.2
100.0
Legal presences
54.2
45.8
100.0
Source: Censis Survey, 2002 and Censis processing of Caritas data, 2002
Table 3 - People from ethnic minority backgrounds on TV: distribution by thematic section of news programmes based on the age
class (% val.)
A child up to the
age of 10
Domestic politics
News
Crime news
Judicial news
Culture and society
Total
Source: Censis Survey, 2002
An adolescent
(11-18)
1.0
19.6
73.2
6.2
100.0
A young adult (19An elderly person
An adult (31-65)
30)
(over 65)
Total
12.3
87.7
-
55.3
43.4
1.3
49.0
39.6
6.3
5.2
100.0
0.3
33.7
60.9
3.4
1.7
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
Table 4 - Role of the people from ethnic minority backgrounds
portrayed on tv (% val.)
%
Victim of a negative action
Moving force of a negative action
Moving force of a positive action
Witness
Accident victim
Moving force of a neutral action
Object of a neutral action
Total
Source: Censis Survey, 2002
40.2
38.9
7.2
6.2
3.9
2.8
0.8
100.0
Table 5 - People from ethnic minority backgrounds on tv: way of presenting the subjects
(% val.)
Males
Concrete subject
General group, entity
Total
Females
Total5
95.2
4.8
93.5
6.5
78.6
21.4
100.0
100.0
100.0
22.3
0.5
2.6
50.8
3.3
25.3
0.3
2.4
0.9
3.8
2.5
0.7
3.1
69.9
43.4
68.2
100.0
100.0
100.0
If presented as concrete subject:
With name and surname
With only his/her initials or with a fictitious name
With his/her own name
Through a description of his/her socio-demographic
characteristics
Through a description of his/her socio-cultural characteristics
Through a description of his/her ethnic characteristics and/or
reference to his/her country of origin
Total
Source: Censis Survey, 2002
5
The total column does not refer to distribution by gender of the subjects represented since
it also includes cases where the gender cannot be detected.
Table 6 - People from ethnic minority backgrounds on tv: way of defining
the subjects (% val.)
%
Nationality/citizenship
Ethnic group
Place of birth
Geographic area
Person of ethnic minority origin
Religion
Illegal alien
Person from a country outside the European Union
Racial category
Foreigner
Of Italian origin
The total is not equivalent to 100 because more than one
answer was possible
Source: Censis Survey, 2002
64.8
19.0
18.2
4.7
4.2
2.4
1.6
0.6
-
Table 7 - People from ethnic minority backgrounds on tv: programmes that
included news on the subject (% val.)
%
News programme
News programme spot
Survey
Custom and society magazine
Debate
Specific programme about immigration
Variety
Satirical programme
Total
Source: Censis Survey, 2002
95.4
1.4
1.0
0.8
0.6
0.4
0.2
0.2
100.0
Table 8 - People from ethnic minority backgrounds on TV: programmes that
included news on the subject, according to the gender of the subject
represented (% val.)
Males
News programme
News programme spot
Survey
Debate
Custom and society magazine
Specific programme about immigration
Variety
Satirical programme
Total
Source: Censis Survey, 2002
93.9
1.4
0.7
0.9
0.6
2.2
0.3
100.0
Females
84.7
2.8
1.4
1.4
8.3
1.4
100.0
Table 9 -
People from ethnic minority backgrounds on TV: thematic section of the
news programme in which the news stories are placed (% val.)
%
News
Crime news
Judicial news
Total news
Foreign news
Culture and society
Domestic politics
Total
Source: Censis Survey, 2002
45.0
43.4
2.4
90.8
4.0
3.2
2.0
100.0
Table 10 - People from ethnic minority backgrounds on TV: subjects predominantly dealt with according to the week of survey (% val.)
First week
Crime / unlawful acts
Discrimination and racism
Integration
Health
Immigration
Socio-cultural aspects
Sports and entertainment
Welfare / solidarity
Labour
Terrorism
Total
Source: Censis Survey, 2002
Second week
Third week
Fourth week
Fifth week
Total
42.5
0.5
2.7
11.3
4.3
0.5
34.9
3.2
-
73.0
11.8
6.6
5.9
0.7
2.0
-
41.2
5.9
2.9
35.3
8.8
5.9
-
57.8
8.3
26.6
0.9
0.9
4.6
0.9
-
63.0
1.1
3.3
8.7
1.1
22.8
56.7
1.6
3.8
7.9
8.0
3.1
0.2
13.4
1.6
3.7
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
Table 11 - People from ethnic minority backgrounds on TV: distribution by gender
of the subjects predominantly dealt with (% val.)
Males
Crime / unlawful acts
Integration
Health
Immigration
Socio-cultural aspects
Sports and entertainment
Welfare / solidarity
Labour
Other
Total
Source: Censis Survey, 2002
52.1
0.8
9.0
3.7
6.8
0.3
19.7
1.4
6.2
100.0
Female(s)
27.8
22.8
16.5
19.0
7.6
5.1
1.3
100.0
Table 12 - People from ethnic minority backgrounds on TV: distribution by age classes of the
subjects predominantly dealt with (% val.)
A child up
An adolescent
to the age of
(11-18)
10
Crime / unlawful acts
Integration
Health
Immigration
Socio-cultural aspects
Sports and entertainment
Welfare / solidarity
Labour
Terrorism
Total
Source: Censis Survey, 2002
A young
adult
(19-30)
An adult
(31-65)
An elderly
person
(over 65)
85.0
12.0
1.0
2.0
-
9.5
11.9
78.6
-
65.9
2.2
2.2
2.2
3.3
24.2
28.8
14.4
15.8
17.1
18.5
0.7
2.7
2.7
-
100.0
-
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
Table 13 - People from ethnic minority backgrounds on TV: distribution of the subjects predominantly dealt with according to
programme type (% val.)
Crime / unlawful acts
Discrimination and racism
Integration
Health
Immigration
Socio-cultural aspects
Sports and entertainment
Welfare / solidarity
Labour
Terrorism
Total
Source: Censis Survey, 2001
News
programme
News
programme
spot
Survey
Debate
Custom and
Specific
society programme about
magazine
immigration
59.3
1.9
3.7
9.1
6.7
0.4
13.5
1.2
4.2
14.3
28.6
28.6
28.6
-
40.0
20.0
40.0
-
66.7
33.3
-
75.0
25.0
-
6.7
40.0
33.3
13.3
6.7
50.0
50.0
-
100.0
-
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
Variety
Satirical
programme
Table 14 - People from ethnic minority backgrounds on TV: the context in which they
are presented (% val.)
%
Communities they belong to
Criminal world
Representatives of the Islamic religion
Courts/world of justice
World of employment
School/university/vocational schools
Exponents of the world of the Catholic church
Health
Public bodies
World of sports
The total is not equivalent to 100 because more than one answer was possible
Source: Censis Survey, 2001
30.9
29.1
19.4
9.7
9.1
7.9
6.1
1.2
1.2
0.6
Table 15 - People from ethnic minority backgrounds on TV: the nature of their
relationships with the context (% val.)
%
Collaboration
Conflict/hostility
Objection/claim
Neutrality
Difficulty of dialogue
Total
Source: Censis Survey, 2002
70.8
24.1
2.5
1.3
1.3
100.0
Table 16 - Depiction of the relationships of the person from ethnic minority background depending on the subject related to which he is presented
(% val.)
conflict
/hostility
Community he belongs to
School/university/vocational schools
Public bodies
World of employment
Criminal world
Courts/world of justice
Exponents of the world of the Catholic church
Representatives of the Islamic religion
World of sports
Source: Censis Survey, 2002
15.4
68.2
100.0
100.0
-
objection /claim neutrality
50.0
-
-
difficulty of dialogue
due to linguistic
collaboration
factors
3.8
-
80.8
100.0
100.0
50.0
31.8
100.0
100.0
Total
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
Table 17 - People from ethnic minority backgrounds on TV: the ways of discussing
them (% val.)
%
Register:
Description of facts, actions and situations (for information purposes)
Interpretations/comments
Denouncement
Total
93.3
4.6
2.1
100.0
Narrative canon:
Descriptive – informative
Problematic – cognitive
Demonstrative or tendentious
Total
92.0
7.4
0.6
100.0
Resort to stereotypes:
Absent
Present
Partially present
Total
96.6
2.3
1.1
100.0
Use of sensationalistic tones:
No
Yes
Total
89.7
10.3
100.0
Source: Censis Survey, 2002
Table 18 - People from ethnic minority backgrounds on TV: reference to the
ethnic group or nationality (% val.)
%
It is alluded to as one of other characteristics
It is alluded to as the sole identifying element
Total
Source: Censis Survey, 2002
73.1
26.9
100.0
Table 19 - People from ethnic minority backgrounds on TV: airtime granted so they
can personally express themselves (% val.)
%
They are guests on a programme
They are interviewed as directly interested parties
They are interviewed as witnesses
They are consulted
They are mentioned
They are consulted as experts
Total
Source: Censis Survey, 2002
1.6
9.1
9.4
14.4
63.9
1.6
100.0
Fig. 1 - People from ethnic minority backgrounds on TV: the emotional reaction aroused by the depiction offered
Leaves indifferent
Involves
7.1
Arouses rejection
Arouses
compassion
9.5
Worries
Reassures
2.1
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
Table 20 - People from ethnic minority backgrounds on TV: factors that
determine the emotional reaction (% val.)
%
The tone of the story
The images
The context
The contents
The mixture of several factors
Total
Source: Censis Survey, 2002
81.8
12.9
4.2
0.9
0.2
100.0
Table 21 - People from ethnic minority backgrounds on TV: viewing time of
programme broadcasting (% val.)
News programmes
Time 1
Time 2
Time 3
Time 4
Time 5
Time 6
Total
Source: Censis Survey, 2002
Investigative
programmes
Total
14.8
20.1
7.6
16.6
27.0
13.9
20.0
0.0
11.4
11.4
51.4
5.7
15.1
18.7
7.8
16.3
28.7
13.4
100.0
100.0
100.0
Table 22 - People from ethnic minority backgrounds on TV: ways of positioning the
news in the news programmes (% val.)
%
It is provided with one or more reports
It is in the headlines
The news is commented on (by experts, politicians…)
The total is not equivalent to 100 because more than one answer was possible
Source: Censis Survey, 2002
69.0
33.2
-
Table 23 - People from ethnic minority backgrounds on TV: distribution of the
programmes by television channel (% val.)
%
RAI 1
RAI 2
RAI 3
Total RAI
29.4
19.5
14.1
63.1
Retequattro
Canale Cinque
Italia Uno
Total Mediaste
12.2
14.0
5.9
32.1
Telemontecarlo/La 7
Total
Source: Censis Survey, 2002
4.8
100.0
Table 24 - People from ethnic minority backgrounds on TV: distribution of the programmes by television channel (% val. per row)
News programme
News programme spot
Survey
Debate
Custom/society magazine
Specific programme on immigration
Variety show
Satirical programme
Source: Censis Survey, 2002
RAI 1
RAI 2
RAI 3
Retequattro
30.5
42.9
20.0
33.3
25.0
50.0
17.4
14.2
66.7
93.3
-
13.5
42.9
60.0
6.7
-
12.9
50.0
Canale
Cinque
14.3
20.0
75.0
-
Italia Uno
6.2
100.0
Telemontecarlo/
LA7
5.2
-
Total
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
12024_00
3.
Immigrants and ethnic minorities in mass media. Representation and policies
Daily newspapers and periodicals
During the period of the survey, 1,230 daily newspaper articles were
examined, while for periodicals the number of units analysed amounted to
only 46. This is explained first of all by the fact that the number of dailies,
including national and local ones, total 16, while periodicals amount to half
that number; secondly, the large numerical difference is simply due to the
number of issues; during the survey there were five for each periodical,
while for each daily there were between 30 and 35.
However, a hypothesis could be put forward that this is also due to another
factor, which in this case is not immediately related to the type of
publication analysed or to numerousness. It could be maintained that
immigration is not a widely discussed issue, and also in the press, as already
observed for television, immigrants mainly appear in connection with hard
news items; for this reason they are given much more space in dailies than
in periodicals, which are less concerned with hard news. As we shall see,
this hypothesis is borne out by interpretation of data concerning the
newspaper sections in which immigrants or immigration are discussed, and
the issue coverage of the articles analysed.
With regard to dailies, the numerousness of the sample enabled us to
analyse the distribution of news items during the weeks of the survey (the
second and fourth weeks of May, and the last weeks of June, July, and
September). Table 25 shows that distribution is quite even, except for the
weeks in July and September, which include 16.2% and 15.2% respectively
of news items, compared with an average of 23% in the other weeks. In fact,
during this year the months of July and September were very special: media
attention was focused on the G8 summit during the second half of July, and
on the terrorist attacks in New York from 11 September until the end of the
month, which explains the decline in attention focused on other issues
during these two periods.
By looking at the distribution of news items that speak about immigrants or
immigration by newspaper title (table 26), it can be noted that they are more
often found in local dailies, which overall include 69.6% of articles, against
30.4% for the national dailies. Among the local dailies, those from “hot
61
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Immigrants and ethnic minorities in mass media. Representation and policies
spots” (L’arena and Il Gazzettino for the Veneto, and L’Alto Adige for
Trentino Alto Adige) speak about them more than those in the rest of Italy
(11%, 13.2%, and 9.6%, respectively), followed by the Tuscan daily, La
Nazione (9.6%). Among national dailies, however, the highest number of
articles is in Il Messaggero, with 8.8%, followed by La Repubblica two
percentage points lower (6.7%), and then Il Giornale (5.2%). Considerably
further down come Il Manifesto (3.2%), Corriere della Sera (2.8%), and La
Stampa (2.3%), and finally Il Sole 24 Ore, which has only 1.4% of the
articles.
Among periodicals (table 27), the highest number of articles and features on
the issues concerned is D-La Repubblica delle Donne (28.3%), followed by
Venerdì di Repubblica (23.9%), and Famiglia Cristiana (19.6%). Much
further down come Donna Moderna and L’Espresso, with 10.9% and 6.5%
of the articles, respectively, and only much lower down Panorama and
Gente (both 4.3%), and Sette (2.2%).
It is interesting to observe the differences, which are sometimes
considerable, that exist between the daily newspaper titles, in particular with
regard to the issue dealt with and the newspaper section in which news
items about immigration and immigrants are located. Overall, there is no
significant difference between national and local dailies.
Table 28 shows first of all that all the titles concentrate the articles in the
hard news section, with a varying balance between national and local,
except for Il Sole 24 Ore, which does not have a single one. This is the most
“anomalous” newspaper, largely due to its specialist vocation, but not
entirely. Here, in fact, immigration is spoken about in the section devoted to
domestic politics (31.2%), among business news and current affairs (both
25%), but also in the society pages (6.5%) and, more significantly, in the
arts section: 12.5% of the articles concerning immigration are in the arts and
entertainment section of Il Sole 24 Ore; only Il Manifesto has a slightly
lower number of arts articles related to immigration with 12.8%, with La
Stampa in third place with 10.7%. All the other newspapers speak about it in
around 3% of their arts and entertainment articles, and dailies such as
Corriere della Sera and Il Giornale do not mention it at all.
Regarding the scarcity of hard news articles, Il Manifesto, which has only
10.3%, is also anomalous, while the other titles have on average, including
national and local news items, as much as 70%. Here are the figures
62
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Immigrants and ethnic minorities in mass media. Representation and policies
concerning the other dailies that are distributed nationwide: during the
period analysed Il Giornale has 84.3% of the articles on immigrants and
immigrants in the hard news section, while Corriere della Sera has 76.5%,
followed by La Stampa with 75%, Il Messaggero with 74.1%, and La
Repubblica with 62.1%.
It is also curious to note that Il Manifesto and Il Sole 24 Ore once again
have a piece of data in common: they are the only ones that speak about
immigration, although to differing extents, among issues relating to society
in general (30.8% and 6.3%, respectively), and therefore give space to
immigration as a social phenomenon.
Another interesting piece of data is that local dailies pay greater attention to
the employment aspect of immigration, demonstrated by the fact that it is
spoken about much more than in the national press, with the obvious
exception of Il Sole 24 Ore. The values are quite high, especially for dailies
in the north-east: Alto Adige, L’Arena, and Il Gazzettino speak about
immigration in the section of the newspaper devoted to employment issues
in 12.3%, 14.8%, and 21.5%, respectively, the latter value being the highest
together with the Gazzetta del Mezzogiorno (21.7%). It is not mentioned at
all in this section in Corriere della Sera and La Stampa, while it is briefly
mentioned in La Repubblica (9.8%), Il Giornale (6.3%), and Il Messaggero
(5.6%).
We also analysed the differences between titles relating to issues dealt with
that mainly “have to do with” immigration (table 29).
Once again Il Sole 24 Ore is different from the other dailies: 40% of the
articles speak about immigration in general, and therefore as already
mentioned as a social phenomenon, equalled only by Corriere della Sera
(38.3%). 26.7% of them speak about employment, and for the remainder
news items are equally distributed between integration (13.3%), sociocultural matters (13.3%), and discrimination and racism (6.7%).
La Repubblica, La Stampa, Il Messaggero and Il Giornale speak about
crime and illegality involving immigrants in over half of their articles, with
values ranging from 50% to 60%, in contrast to Il Manifesto and Il Sole 24
Ore (20.5% and 29.4%).
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Immigrants and ethnic minorities in mass media. Representation and policies
“Who and how”
In newspapers and periodicals, compared with television, age brackets are
less evenly represented: here too the elderly are almost completely absent,
with a definite preponderance of adults between 19 and 65 years old (75.7%
in daily newspapers and 63.6% in periodicals), while children and
adolescents together account for 23.9% (table 30). This age bracket
distribution comes much closer to the age distribution of foreigners living in
Italy, which amounts to 5.3% for minors, 88.2% for adults, and 6.5% for the
elderly.
Regarding the representation of men and women, however, the same underrepresentation of women recorded for television was also found in the press.
Although the numbers of males and females among foreigners in Italy are
almost the same, in newspapers and magazines females account for only
18.2%, males for 66.5%, and mixed groups of males and females for 15.3%
(table 31). This would appear to confirm the theory about the representation
of women on television according to which they appear mainly for
embellishment purposes as soubrettes, show girls, attractive presenters, etc.
Obviously, if this is true there is no space for immigrant women, unless to
show evidence of suffering, where however they take second place to
children.
However, in magazines this imbalance is offset by the fact that mixed
groups of males and females are more often talked about (49.9% of cases),
presumably due to the lesser importance of hard news items.
It is interesting to note that, regarding the role of immigrants, there is some
difference between dailies and periodicals. In the former, as already the case
for television, immigrants are divided between two negative extremes: as
victims (27.3%) or, more often, as actors in violent or tragic events, or in
any case those with negative connotations (55.2%); while in periodicals
immigrants as actors in positive actions predominate (as much as 29.4%,
against 5.9% in dailies), and above all a significant percentage (17.6%) are
actors in neutral actions and some are even the objects of neutral (11.8%)
and positive (5.9%) actions. This data seems to indicate a more balanced
representation of reality that is capable of grasping nuances and moderate
tones alongside extreme situations, which are the only ones that appear in
dailies and on television (table 32).
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Immigrants and ethnic minorities in mass media. Representation and policies
More often than as a group or general entity, immigrants are referred to as
individuals in 88.4% of cases in dailies and 75% in periodicals, and of these
individuals their origin is recognisable in 91.9% of cases in the former, and
always (100%) in the latter. These individuals are introduced into
newspaper articles by reference to their country of origin (33.8%), or
description of socio-demographic (17.6%), or socio-cultural characteristics
(1.9%). In 36.3% of cases for dailies and in 53.3% for periodicals
immigrants are introduced by first and surnames, with in addition 3.5% for
the former and 20% for the latter in which only their own name is used
(table 33).
An attempt was then made to list the ways of defining immigrants.
Periodicals tended to define immigrants mainly via nationality (94.4% of
cases), while in dailies the ways of defining were equally divided, but it is
interesting to note that terms such as non-EU immigrant (28.3%), immigrant
(29.4%), foreigner (15.8%), and illegal immigrant (32.2%) were used –
terms almost never used in periodicals and never used on television, which
for once shows the medium as being more “politically correct” than the
others (table 34).
The thematic coverage
In newspapers too, immigrants mostly “end up” in the hard news pages of
local and national dailies (39.5% and 28.2%, respectively, with a total of
67.7%), but in this case the phenomenon is decidedly less overwhelming (it
will be recalled that on TV more than 90% of items were hard news), and
immigrants also appear in other newspaper sections, such as those devoted
to domestic, foreign, and local politics (5.4%, 3.6%, and 1.9%), sport
(4.8%), current affairs (10%), and arts and entertainment (2.9%), and to a
much lesser extent in the business section (0.7%) (table 35).
Even though these are quite low percentages, especially in some cases, it is
striking that in dailies, compared with television, immigrants are distributed
more widely across the various feature sections, which more closely reflects
reality.
In periodicals, current affairs accounts for 47%, the “arts and society”
section for 19.6%, and sport for 8.7%. What is most striking, however, is
that as much as 23.9% consists of letters and personal accounts, an
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Immigrants and ethnic minorities in mass media. Representation and policies
indication, it would seem, of the readers’ need to air their views on these
issues (table 36).
By far the most predominant issue dealt with in newspapers is crime
(49.0%), followed a long way behind by immigration (13.3%), and then
discrimination and racism (8.6%). Other items reach lower percentages,
from 6.8% for integration to 4% for health, but compared with television an
interesting difference can undoubtedly be seen: apart from the
predominance of articles that speak about crime and/or illegality,
immigrants seem to appear a little in connection with all issues, even though
very seldom in some of them. The same goes for magazines, where
distribution is even more uniform: immigration is the item with the highest
number of articles (21.1%), while crime, together with welfare and
solidarity, is only in second place with 15.7%. 13.2% of the articles speak
about socio-cultural matters, with the same percentage for those about sport
and entertainment; those that deal with integration, health, and work are less
frequent (7.9%, 5.3%, and 2.6%, respectively) (table 37).
There is an interesting difference between periodicals and dailies with
regard to the context and relations networks within which immigrants are
situated. While in newspapers, as was the case for television newscasts,
foreigners are “talked about” mainly in relation to crime (28,5%), the police
force (25.1%), and the law (13.7%), this is not the case for the periodicals
analysed during the survey period (which for the above-mentioned items
recorded 0.0%, 5.9%, and once again 5.9%, respectively). Instead,
magazines presented immigrants mainly in relation to their communities
(29.4%), people in general (17.6% - also very prominent in dailies with
31.7%), employment (11.8%), and, surprisingly, politics (17.6%) (table 38).
The nature of the relations that immigrants appearing in dailies have with
their context is not surprising: mainly conflict (59.4%), in all probability in
cases in which they are connected with the police force and the law, or
cooperation (19.4%); but unlike on television, in 15.4% of cases immigrants
in newspapers have relations with their context characterised by
“neutrality”, a further sign, it would seem, that the press comes closer to
“normalisation” in representing foreigners, and does not always exclusively
relegate them to opposite extremes. In fact, among the kind of relations that
exist, although relatively limited, are disputes and claiming one’s rights
(4.3%), and difficult communications for language reasons (1.1%) or for
cultural reasons (0.4%) (table 39).
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Immigrants and ethnic minorities in mass media. Representation and policies
The style of narration
An attempt was made to ascertain the style of narration mainly used when
immigrants or immigration are spoken about in the press, with narrative
style taken to mean all the elements that constitute “how” a news item is
presented, beyond its content. First of all, the space given to a news item
was measured: the kind of article that spoke about immigrants and
consequently the importance attributed to the item. Two stylistic categories
were then identified: register, to determine what might be defined as the
“intention” of the narrative; and narrative canon to identify the kind of
approach in the account of the news item or issue. The presence or absence
of stereotypes or sensationalistic tones, and the degree of contextualisation
of the issue dealt with, were then determined.
In daily newspapers, immigrants are spoken about in 60.3% of cases in
simple articles, 30.0% in brief news items, and only 2.2% and 1.5%,
respectively, in interviews and in-depth articles or editorials. These are quite
predictable figures which reflect the issue coverage mentioned above
(consisting mainly of hard news), and confirm that for the moment the
immigrant issue does not give rise to in-depth coverage and wider-ranging
reflection such as occurs in newspaper editorials (table 40).
The same trend was recorded for periodicals, where only 2.2% of articles
are editorials or commentaries. However, 23.9% of analysis units are
columns, 21.7% reportage, and 19.6% features (table 41).
Concerning register, it emerged that 62.5% of the newspaper articles and
53.4% of those in periodicals are factual descriptions for information
purposes and 30.4% of the former and 35.6% of the latter are interpretations
and commentaries. Values are low, although above zero, for items such as
denunciation (5.3% for dailies and 4.4% for periodicals), rhetorical
declamation (1.1% and 4.4%), and ironical or satirical representation (0.7%
for dailies).
The narrative canon is therefore mainly descriptive and informative, but a
problematic and cognitive approach is not unusual (23.6% and 30.4%), as if
demonstrating a striving for knowledge and new elements for reflection and
not just attempting to relate elements that are already well known. This
piece of data appears to confirm the considerable degree of contextualisation
of news items (72.5% in newspapers and as high as 91.1% in periodicals).
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Immigrants and ethnic minorities in mass media. Representation and policies
Therefore, in the press an “interpretative vein” can be recorded, which is
much more marked than on television.
As was the case for television, resorting to stereotypes was mainly absent,
but it is done, or partly done, in 23.3% of cases for dailies and 43.5% in
periodicals. The same goes for sensationalism, which was found in 21.6% of
cases in newspapers and 23.3% in periodicals. Although minority
percentages, these are however significant; considering the informative role
of the press one might have expected both these items to have zero values
(table 42).
With regard to the way immigrants are introduced, having established that
reference to the country of origin is almost always made and that is defined
through nationality, we tried to determine whether this was the only
identifying element or just one among other pieces of information used to
define the subject of the news item. In daily newspapers the replies are
equally distributed (nationality is one among other characteristics in 45.3%
of cases, an identifying element in 48.6%, and alternately one or the other in
6.1%), while periodicals tend to give fuller information about the persons
mentioned, so origin is an identifying element in only in 29.4% of cases
(table 43).
Another aspect that was tested on the basis of the initial hypotheses, was the
“capacity” of news items to arouse specific emotions through one or more of
its ingredients. We created an index to measure the type and intensity of
emotional reaction provoked by the news analysed. For dailies it emerged
that among the pairs of extremes proposed the medium tone prevailed in all
three cases: 41.5% of news items are neither worrying nor reassuring,
53.5% arouse neither feelings of rejection or compassion, and 43.8% are
neither interesting or boring. However, responses with non-neutral
positioning resulted as follows: news items concerning immigrants and
immigration are by and large worrying (43.3%), arouse compassion (25%),
but also rejection (21.5%), and arouse the reader’s interest (53.7%). Results
for periodicals are very similar, but the news items or features mainly
interest (84.8%) rather than bore or leave indifferent, and worry a little less
(19.6%).
Still in connection with the stylistic elements that characterise the
presentation of news items, it emerges that 49.1% of dailies and 87% of
periodicals have photographs, while they contain less other elements such as
68
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Immigrants and ethnic minorities in mass media. Representation and policies
graphs, tables, and drawings (table 44). While it goes without saying that
pictures are omnipresent in magazines, it is interesting to note that in
newspapers during the period analysed, 48.3% of the articles had none at all.
But in both cases what determines emotional reaction is mainly content
(67.4% for dailies and 43.5% for periodicals), or the mixture of several
factors (16.3% and 54.3%), as opposed to television where content has an
unbelievably low impact ( 0.9 %) (table 45).
69
FONDAZIONE CENSIS
TABLES
Table 25 - Immigrants in the daily press: distribution of
analysis units by week of the survey
First week (May)
Second week (May)
Third week (June)
Fourth week (July)
Fifth week (September)
Total
Source: Censis survey, 2002
Cases
%
298
288
258
199
187
24.2
23.4
21.0
16.2
15.2
1230
100.0
Table 26 - Immigrants in the daily press: distribution of
analysis units by newspaper title (% values)
%
National dailies
Including:
Il Corriere della Sera
La Repubblica
Il Sole 24 Ore
La Stampa
Il Messaggero
Il Giornale
Il Manifesto
30.4
Local dailies
Including:
Alto Adige
L'arena
Il Gazzettino
La Nazione
Il Corriere dell'Umbria
Corriere Adriatico
Il Mattino
La Gazzetta del Mezzogiorno
La Gazzetta del Sud
69.6
Total
Source: Censis survey, 2002
2.8
6.7
1.4
2.3
8.8
5.2
3.2
9.6
11.0
13.2
9.5
4.0
4.1
5.0
5.6
7.6
100.0
Table 27 - Immigrants in the periodical press: distribution
of analysis units by magazine title ( % values)
%
Famiglia Cristiana
Gente
Donna Moderna
Panorama
Il Venerdì
Sette
L'Espresso
D-La Repubblica delle Donne
Total
Source: Censis survey, 2002
19.6
4.3
10.9
4.3
23.9
2.2
6.5
28.3
100.0
Table 28 – Immigrants in the daily press: newspaper section where the article is placed, by title ( % values)
Title
Il Corriere della Sera
La Repubblica
Il Sole 24 Ore
La Stampa
Il Messaggero
Il Giornale
Il Manifesto
Alto Adige
L'arena
Il Gazzettino
La Nazione
Il Corriere dell'Umbria
Corriere Adriatico
Il Mattino
La Gazzetta del Mezzogiorno
La Gazzetta del Sud
Total
Source: Censis survey, 2002
Domestic
politics
17.6
6.1
31.2
Foreign
politics
3.7
2.8
4.7
5.1
4.4
6.7
1.8
3.4
2.0
13.7
4.9
11.6
2.2
6.5
1.6
15.4
5.4
3.6
5.9
3.1
1.7
13.1
Local
politics
3.7
1.9
2.6
2.6
0.7
1.2
5.2
5.9
1.6
1.4
4.4
1.9
Hard news Local hard
news
44.1
22.0
32.4
40.1
60.7
24.1
35.9
10.3
7.9
43.1
11.7
30.2
16.3
19.6
54.2
18.8
61.5
14.3
50.0
48.4
28.2
39.5
62.3
18.5
49.7
46.7
71.5
48.9
19.7
36.2
23.1
Section
Business
25.0
3.6
0.7
Arts and
entertainment
3.7
12.5
10.7
2.8
12.8
2.6
2.2
2.5
1.7
2.0
Society
Sport
5.9
8.5
Letters and
personal
accounts
30.8
2.6
2.6
2.0
1.4
1.6
2.9
4.4
1.4
0.7
2.9
1.7
10.3
3.5
5.9
6.7
3.4
4.1
2.0
4.9
2.9
2.2
4.8
Total
2.4
9.8
25.0
0.9
3.1
2.6
1.8
1.5
1.8
1.7
5.6
6.3
10.3
12.3
14.8
21.5
3.4
6.1
5.9
1.4
21.7
2.2
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
1.3
10.0
100.0
6.3
10.7
5.6
Current
affairs
Table 29 – Immigrants in the daily press: main issues dealt with, by title ( % values)
Title
Crime/
illegality
Il Corriere della Sera
La Repubblica
Il Sole 24 Ore
La Stampa
Il Messaggero
Il Giornale
Il Manifesto
Alto Adige
L'arena
Il Gazzettino
La Nazione
Il Corriere dell'Umbria
Corriere Adriatico
Il Mattino
La Gazzetta del Mezzogiorno
La Gazzetta del Sud
29.4
50.8
Total
Source: Censis survey, 2002
Discrimination/
racism
Integration
Health
2.9
5.6
Issues
Immigration
59.3
58.8
56.4
20.5
38.4
43.3
53.5
54.6
60.9
36.0
62.4
40.2
64.6
11.8
19.7
6.7
3.7
15.5
4.8
28.3
8.0
2.4
11.1
3.7
4.3
2.0
8.9
7.5
4.7
2.9
1.4
13.3
3.7
3.1
6.5
7.7
4.5
11.0
6.3
11.1
8.7
16.0
5.4
6.0
3.5
0.9
4.7
3.5
1.9
4.3
4.0
1.8
3.0
11.8
38.3
8.5
40.0
14.8
6.2
8.1
17.9
18.8
15.7
5.6
12.0
15.2
22.0
12.5
13.4
10.6
49.0
8.6
6.8
4.0
13.3
6.2
6.5
Socio-cultural
matters
1.4
13.3
7.4
3.1
8.1
5.1
6.3
3.1
3.5
2.8
Sport and
entertainment
2.9
4.2
7.4
2.1
Welfare/
solidarity
2.8
4.0
5.4
4.5
2.4
10.3
4.5
11.8
6.3
0.9
2.2
4.0
1.8
3.0
1.2
2.1
4.8
5.1
12.5
3.1
3.5
1.9
2.2
2.0
1.8
13.4
1.2
3.9
4.3
4.1
Employment
11.8
5.6
26.7
3.7
3.1
4.8
5.1
6.3
4.7
6.9
11.1
2.2
10.0
9.0
6.0
Total
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
Table 30 – Immigrants in the daily and periodical press, by age bracket (% values)
Children up to 10 years of age
Adolescents (11-18)
Young adults (19-30)
Adults (31-65)
Elderly persons (over 65 years of age)
Total
Source: Censis survey, 2002
Daily press
Periodical press
8.4
15.5
45.5
30.2
0.4
18.2
18.2
27.4
36.2
-
100.0
100.0
Table 31 - Immigrants in the daily and periodical press and regular presence in Italy, by sex
(% values)
Regular
presence
Males
Females
Mixed group of males and females
Total
Source: Censis survey, 2002
press total
Press
daily
periodical
54.2
45.8
-
66.5
18.2
15.3
67.2
18.2
14.6
31.3
18.8
49.9
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
Table 32 - Role of immigrants in the daily and periodical press (% values)
Actor of a neutral action
Actor of a positive action
Actor of a negative action
Object of a neutral action
Object of a positive action
Object of a negative action
Not relevant
Total
Source: Censis survey, 2002
Daily press
Periodical
press
2.4
5.9
55.2
6.6
2.6
27.3
-
17.6
29.4
11.8
11.8
5.9
17.6
5.9
100.0
100.0
Table 33 - Immigrants in the daily and periodical press: who is spoken about and
how (% values)
Daily press Periodical
press
Persons spoken about:
Individuals, specific individuals
Group, general entity
Total
88.4
11.6
100.0
75.0
25.0
100.0
Origin:
Is recognisable
Is not recognisable
Total
91.9
8.1
100.0
100.0
100.0
When presented as specific individuals:
With first name and surname
Only with initials or with a fictitious name
With own name
With a description of socio-demographic characteristics
With a description of socio-cultural characteristics
With reference to the country of origin
The total does not add up to 100 as several replies were possible
Source: Censis survey, 2002
36.3
6.9
3.5
17.6
1.9
33.8
53.3
20.0
20.0
33.3
Table 34 - Immigrants in the daily and periodical press: means of
definition (% values)
By reference to ethnic group
By reference to nationality
By reference to place of birth
By reference to geographical area
By using a racial category
By reference to religion
As non-EU immigrants
As immigrants
As foreigners
As illegal immigrants
As being of Italian origin
Daily press
Periodical press
22.9
22.9
22.9
22.9
22.9
22.9
28.3
29.4
15.8
32.3
5.0
27.8
94.4
27.8
27.8
5.6
5.6
5.6
-
The total does not add up to 100 as several replies were possible.
Source: Censis survey, 2002
Table 35 - Immigrants in the daily press: newspaper section in
which an article is placed (% values)
Domestic politics
Foreign politics
Local politics
Hard news
Local hard news
Business
Arts and entertainment
Society
Sport
Letters and personal accounts
Current affairs
Total
Source: Censis survey, 2002
5.4
3.6
1.9
28.2
39.5
0.7
2.9
1.7
4.8
1.3
10.0
100.0
Table 36 - Immigrants in the periodical press: newspaper
section in which an article is placed (% values)
Current affairs
Sport
Customs and society
Letters and personal accounts
Total
Source: Censis survey, 2002
47.8
8.7
19.6
23.9
100.0
Table 37 - Immigrants in the daily and periodical press: issues mainly dealt
with (% values)
Crime/illegality
Discrimination/racism
Integration
Health
Immigration
Socio-cultural matters
Sport and arts and entertainment
Welfare/solidarity
Employment
Total
Source: Censis survey, 2002
Daily press
Periodical
press
49.0
8.6
6.8
4.0
13.3
3.9
4.3
4.1
6.0
15.7
5.3
7.9
5.3
21.1
13.2
13.2
15.7
2.6
100.0
100.0
Table 38 - Immigrants in the daily and periodical press: the context in which they are
presented (% values)
Associations
Own community
Schools, universities, and training institutes
Public bodies
Police force
People in general
Employment
Crime
Courts and the law
The Church
Politics
Sport
Health
Other
Not presented in relation to other persons
Source: Censis survey, 2002
Daily press
Periodical
press
1.2
5.9
0.8
1.7
25.1
31.7
5.8
28.5
13.7
0.7
1.7
4.5
1.7
9.2
29.4
5.9
5.9
5.9
17.6
11.8
5.9
17.6
5.9
5.9
5.9
11.8
Table 39 - Immigrants in the daily press: nature of relations with the
context (% values)
Total
Conflict/hostility
Disputes/claiming one’s rights
Neutrality
Communications problems due to language reasons
Communications problems due to cultural reasons
Cooperation
Total
Source: Censis survey, 2002
59.4
4.3
15.4
1.1
0.4
19.4
100.0
Table 40 - Immigrants in the daily press: type of
article (% values)
Type
Total
Brief news item
In-depth/editorial
Article
Interview
36.0
1.5
60.3
2.2
Total
Source: Censis survey, 2002
100.0
Table 41 - Immigrants in the periodical press: type of article
(% values)
Total
Reportage
Survey
Feature
Feature or survey including more than one story
Column
Brief news item
Editorial/commentary/in-depth article
One of the stories told within a feature
Total
Source: Censis survey, 2002
21.7
2.2
19.6
8.7
23.9
13.0
2.2
8.7
100.0
Table 42 - Immigrants in the daily and periodical press: ways of presenting subject matter (% values)
Daily press Periodical press
Register:
Description of facts, actions, and situations (for information purposes)
Interpretation/commentary
Denunciation
Rhetorical declamation
Comic, ironical, or satirical representation
Sensationalism
Total
62.5
30.4
5.3
1.1
0.7
100.0
53.4
35.6
4.4
4.4
2.2
100.0
Narrative canon:
Descriptive - informative
Problematic - cognitive
Demonstrative or tendentious
Other
Total
61.5
23.6
14.9
100.0
50.0
30.4
17.4
2.2
100.0
Recourse to stereotypes:
Absent
Present
Partially present
Total
76.7
10.5
12.8
100.0
56.5
23.9
19.6
100.0
Use of sensationalistic tones:
No
Yes
Partly
Total
78.4
21.6
100.0
76.7
10.5
12.8
100.0
Contextualisation of news items:
Present
Absent
Total
72.5
27.5
100.0
91.1
8.9
100.0
Source: Censis survey, 2002
Table 43 - Immigrants in the daily and periodical press: reference to
ethnic group and nationality (% values)
Daily press
Alluded to as one among other characteristics
Alluded to as an identifying element
Alternately alluded to in way or the other
45.3
48.6
6.1
Total
100.0
Source: Censis survey, 2002
Periodical
press
70.6
29.4
100.0
Table 44 - Immigrants in the daily and periodical press: elements added to a news item
(% values)
Daily press
Periodical press
49.1
1.9
4.6
5.5
48.3
87.0
8.7
15.2
2.2
13.0
Photographs
Drawings
Graphs
Tables
No additional element
The total does not add up to 100 as several replies were possible.
Source: Censis survey, 2002
Table 45 - Immigrants in the daily and periodical press: factors
that determine emotional reaction (% values)
Tone
Pictures
Content
Mixture of several factors
Total
Source: Censis survey, 2002
Daily press
Periodical
press
15.8
0.5
67.4
16.3
2.2
43.5
54.3
100.0
100.0
12024_00
4.
Immigrants and ethnic minorities in mass media. Representation and policies
Methodology
The content analysis studies how people from ethnic minority backgrounds
and/or people of foreign origin in Italy are represented by the media.
The survey was carried out one sample week per month over five months,
from May to September 2001. For the press, it entailed the second week of
May (from the 7th to the 13th) and the last week of the months of May, June,
July and September. For television, on the other hand, the last week of the
months from May until September was analysed (August was included in
this case). The difference in the sampling is due to the fact that, in the case
of the press, it was deemed advisable to analyse the week around the 13th
May elections.
As regards the press, the survey concerned seven national newspapers, ten
local newspapers and nine periodicals. They were selected according to the
following criteria:
- National newspapers: based on the circulation index, except for Il
Manifesto, which was chosen as a comparison case because it devotes
special attention to the subject in question.
- Local newspapers: based on their territorial coverage, crossed with the
circulation index, the readership index and with the sociological
importance of the various geographical areas with respect to the subject.
It should be noted that the inclusion of national newspapers that are widely
read in some geographic areas compensates the apparent underrepresentation of local newspapers in the same geographical areas. Lastly,
the periodicals were selected once again by crossing the evaluation of the
editorial offer with the penetration among readers. See table 1 for the
newspaper and periodical circulation and readership indices.
As far as television is concerned, seven television networks were analysed
24 hours per day: RAI 1, RAI 2, RAI 3, Retequattro, Canale Cinque, Italia
Uno and Telemontecarlo, which later became La Sette.
Analysed television broadcasts were divided into two categories:
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- Information programmes, which included television news, newscasts or
television reports, television news features, magazines dealing with
subjects classified as “custom and society”, reports, debates of a sociopolitical nature, talk shows and lastly, specific programmes regarding
immigration; it is to be pointed out that only one programme, “Un mondo
a colori” (“A Coloured World”), belongs to this latter category.
- Television fiction produced in Italy, including TV adaptations and
miniseries, TV serials, situation comedies, soap operas and films made
for TV.
A specific analysis questionnaire was prepared for each category. In the
questionnaire for the first category, a section was devoted solely to
television news due to the characteristics that set it apart from the so-called
programmi di approfondimento (talk shows/documentaries). Similarly, two
distinct questionnaires for daily and periodical publications were prepared.
Therefore, on the whole the research made use of four different
questionnaires, each one carved out according to the specific area being
investigated although all were designed to gather the same type of
information.
In order to examine the ways people from ethnic minority backgrounds or
people of foreign origin residing in Italy are depicted, information as to four
large areas was gathered:
- structural features of the analysis unit, for example, television channel,
time, programme type and so on in the case of a television broadcast;
- thematic coverage of the article, the news or the programme, meaning the
context in which it is integrated and the subject discussed;
- discussion style of the news, the phenomenon or the subject; and lastly,
- in the case persons or groups of people appear or are mentioned, the
features (structural and not) that are described or presented about them,
or in a certain sense, the way in which reference is made to them.
A case study on advertising was also carried out. The advertising broadcast
on the seven networks listed during a full day was analysed according to
purely qualitative standards. This case study, although it was not envisaged
by the research, was introduced in order to verify the theory according to
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which advertising, like fiction, manifests a different and, in a certain sense, a
more advanced level of integration compared to the other types of
programmes.
Description of the universe
Press and information programmes
The analysis units are represented in the case of the press by articles, and in
the case of television by reports, news or talk-show/documentary broadcasts
that deal with one of the following topics:
- People from ethnic minority backgrounds / immigration
- People belonging to ethnic minority groups / ethnic groups
- Ethnic discrimination, xenophobia
- Description and analysis of phenomena of socio-cultural interest of the
countries the people from ethnic minority backgrounds come from /
developing countries.
Nevertheless, should the article, news item or programme involve more than
one significant element, the analysis unit is represented by a “significant
segment” of the communication in question.
In particular, each subject constitutes one analysis unit in the case of articles
or broadcasts that directly involve or contain a significant reference to more
than one subject.
Television fiction produced in Italy
The analysis was applied to all the TV films, TV serials, etc. produced in
Italy in which a character of foreign origin appeared. It was decided to also
include the episodes in which there is only one reference to a character who
appears in other episodes that are not included in the sampling as long as it
is meaningful and capable of supplying useful information.
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The analysis questionnaires
Press and information programmes
The analysis questionnaires – one for the daily press, one for the periodical
press and one for television – include approximately 35 questions relative to
the four subject areas listed above.
1.
Structural features of the broadcast or article:
The first set of questions gathers information about what we have defined as
structural features of the broadcast: title of the programme analysed, date of
broadcast, duration of the analysis unit, television network and viewing time
of the broadcast, category the programme belongs to – whether it is an
information programme in the strictest sense of the term, meaning television
news, a talk show/documentary or entertainment programme and, in the
latter case, the type (survey, debate, …). The same information is collected,
mutatis mutandis, for printed articles.
Then there are the questions specifically relating to television news that are
aimed at describing the way the news is formatted (whether it is reported in
the headlines, if it discussed in the studio, if it includes one or more reports,
and so on), the section or heading of the news programme (domestic or
foreign politics, news, …) and the position of the news item within the
television news (one of the first stories or not).
With regard to the whole of the information, talk show/documentary and
entertainment programmes, structural features are also analysed by
describing the way the subject is formatted within the broadcast – if it is part
of a series, if it takes up the entire broadcast or only a part of it, or if it is
included extemporaneously or by chance – the schedule of the broadcast (if
it is daily, weekly, running over several weeks or is a one-time broadcast).
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The thematic coverage of the article, news report or programme:
These questions aim to collect data about the subjects dealt with, the
contexts and the situations in which the people are depicted and the
emotions and feelings aroused in the viewer. First of all, the subject is
identified from a list of about fifty possible macro-subjects, which are as
exhaustive as possible and range from adoption to the judiciary system,
from labour (illegal or legal) to criminality. In the second place, the context
and role of the person is identified: if he/she is a victim or active subject, if
he/she is involved in a positive, neutral or negative action, which subjects
he/she is shown to be in relation with and the nature of the relationship:
conflictual, cooperative or neutral.
3.
Treatment of the news item, the phenomenon or the subject matter:
This category describes the style or the communicative register used. The
questions are aimed at inquiring into whether the title is consistent with the
contents, if the news proves contextualized, if the reasoning follows a
descriptive, interpretative, reporting or satirical-ironical mode, if its tones
are sensationalistic and if reference is made to stereotypes in handling the
news item or subject. Lastly, the emotional reaction aroused by the analysis
unit is recorded: whether it is worry and reassurance, sympathy and
rejection, involvement and indifference. Information about the elements that
trigger it off (contents, tone or images, or the mixture of several elements) is
also supplied.
As regards the information that pertains to the sphere of personal evaluation,
such as that resorting to stereotypes and/or to sensationalistic tones, and
even more so to that regarding the emotional reaction aroused by the news
item, it was left up to the surveyors’ judgement. In fact, during an early trial
period provisions were made to make the evaluation criterion of the
surveyors uniform with that of those who, having prepared the research, had
formulated the hypotheses at the basis of the queries in question. In this way
we were assured that uniform and “reasoned” criteria would be used, even
when it entailed giving information that to a certain degree is less objective.
In particular, it was decided to point out the reference to stereotypes in the
way of treating the news only when it was absolutely explicit (for example,
the illegal aliens who are anomalous because they have money and cellular
phones).
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4. Way in which reference is made to people mentioned or presented and/or
how they are described:
If one or more subjects appear in the broadcast analysed, each one of them
represents a single analysis unit; in this way an account of the ways with
which people from ethnic minority backgrounds and people of foreign
origin are described or presented by the mass media was meant to be given:
- if they are referred to in terms of individuals or general subjects, and in
the first case, if they are presented with name and surname, through the
description of the socio-demographic or socio-cultural characteristics;
- if their origin is explicit and recognisable, and should that be the case,
from which element;
- if the subject in question is defined through his/her ethnic group,
nationality, geographic area of origin, religion, racial category (black,
gypsy…) or specific epithets such as a person from a country outside the
European Community, illegal alien, etc…
When reference is made to the ethnic or national origins, the questionnaire
also looks into whether it is done as one of the characteristics of the person
or as an element used to identify him/her, i.e. as a complete form of
definition.
The questionnaire also gathers the basic structural features of the subjects
depicted where they are perceivable, such as age bracket and gender.
Fiction produced in Italy
The analysis questionnaire regarding the content of fiction programmes
produced in Italy and broadcast on television gathers information about:
- What we have called the structural features of the broadcast;
- The role of the character from ethnic minority background or of foreign
origin (main character, secondary character, walk-on);
- The connotation of the character as positive, neutral or negative;
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- His/her characteristics through a semantic differential scale that puts a
qualification and its opposite at the two ends (for example, ugly /
handsome, poor / rich, dangerous / harmless...).
As it is a question of much less structured material than that analysed in the
case of the press or the information programmes, and as the number of
analysis units is smaller, in this case the questionnaire contemplates an open
field for a brief description. Therefore, the quantitative survey of elements
mentioned above is accompanied by a qualitative analysis aimed at
identifying recurrences of themes and types of characterisation of the
characters being examined.
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Circulation index of the local and national daily newspapers
National newspapers
Il Corriere della Sera
La Repubblica
Il Sole 24 Ore
La Stampa
Il Messaggero
Il Giornale
Il Manifesto
641,786
575,870
405,593
394,179
291,040
231,939
30,031
Local newspapers
Alto Adige
L’Arena
Il Gazzettino
Il Secolo XIX
La Nazione
Il Corriere dell’Umbria
Il Corriere Adriatico
Il Mattino
La Gazzetta del Mezzogiorno
La Gazzetta del Sud
39,536
52,341
139,526
126,909
155,492
28,185
23,888
107,682
60,475
60,766
Source: ADS Notizie, October-December 2001
Readership index of the periodicals
Famiglia Cristiana
Oggi
Gente
Venerdì
Donna Moderna
Sette
Panorama
D - La Repubblica delle Donne
L'Espresso
Source: Audipress 1999
4,852,000
4,476,000
3,872,000
3,382,000
3,860,000
2,026,000
3,610,000
1,418,000
2,139,000
PART II
THE MULTICULTURAL PRODUCTIONS IN RADIO, TV
AND PRINT MEDIA IN ITALY
The mapping and analysis of the multicultural productions in radio, TV and
print media in Italy was conducted by a group of COSPE researchers
directed by Anna Meli and composed of Camilla Bencini, Valentina
Lombardo, Mostafà Souhir and Ilaria Sbalci.
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Immigrants and ethnic minorities in mass media. Representation and policies
Introduction
The purpose underlying this first attempt at a national review of the
available media information specifically aimed at immigrant citizens is an
initial systematisation of the variety of situations that are known to be
present all over Italy, with initiatives of varying natures.
Just as any other initiative in embryo, which represents new social
phenomena, we felt there was the involvement of hundreds, maybe
thousands of practitioners; but as often happens when such phenomena are
not clearly visible, we failed to define their precise sizes and features; an
essential knowledge if we want to go beyond the experimental phase, made
of passion and overweening ambitions, arrogance and overlapping ideas.
The aim of the present paper is, therefore, to provide an initial snapshot of
what exists that will allow us to know how wide the field of information for
immigrants is; what the settings are; where this information is created; who
the authors are and which tools are used; what the narrative formulas
adopted are and, above all, what the contents are that need to be
disseminated.
Notwithstanding the different positions on the subject of migration
phenomena, the necessary policies and the perspectives of socio-cultural
changes that such phenomena are bringing about, there is no doubt that
information is the basic resource to ensure everyone has an initial form of
social inclusion, even before tackling the issue of integration and coexistence within differences. Without any information a so-called “citizen”
is not in fact such, having no possibility for freedom of action, which is the
minimum requirement for citizenship; he/she cannot start any relational
network, that is the necessary framework for the creation of social
relationships and the construction of a rapport with the new territory and the
new political and social context.
Each individual is inevitably caught in an information flow offering news on
where one is, on the main features of the context, on the economic and
cultural forms that characterise this context. However, without adequate
organisation of this information, through patterns that have meaning for
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him/her – think of the language barrier – that information flow drifts by
without ever touching him/her.
The definition of specific information processes, therefore, becomes an
indisputable need, as they have to become an important setting for gaining
awareness and hence building that social capital which everyone needs to be
able to act.
Thus, information is a primary commodity in order to gain independence,
and in this sense it is increasingly considered as the first right of citizenship;
to ensure its provision means offering a public service that cannot be
refused due to ethical reasons, as well as for obvious reasons of political and
institutional opportunities.
The ways in which such information is provided, therefore, depends on
various factors, among which we believe we should include:
1) the nature of the Italian media system;
2) the preferred mindset for social inclusion, stemming from the ways in
which information for immigrants is provided.
Any information medium fits within a more comprehensive media system.
If we briefly analyse the Italian media system, we can soon identify specific
features that affect information for immigrants. We will point out two of
them that we believe to be especially relevant for our purpose:
1) a weak presence at the local level;
2) lack of service information.
If we analyse the printed media sector and, even more, if we examine the
radio and television system, a historical weakness at the local level can be
detected.
For the printed media this fragility has its historical roots in the centralised
national quality of modern Italian journalism since its birth, which goes
back to the Unification of Italy.
The press model which was built and still exists – though with the inevitable
changes that have occurred over 140 years – is the regional daily newspaper
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that, as an editorial policy, has its focus in the national chronicle. Local
information is sacrificed to the need for building a national political identity
which is believed to be lacking. This entails the supremacy of an
educational and elite view of journalism that prefers comment, opinion,
political struggle and the ideological prejudice to the straightforward
account of the facts. Even over the last decades, when many local
newspapers were set up, the capacity for constructing chronicle information,
capable of grasping the immediate needs of the citizens and representing
them, proved to be weak.
This vacuum might have been filled by the local radio and television
system, which instead – for reasons that we haven’t room to expand upon in
this paper – developed an exponential growth of broadcasters, against a
solid dual monopoly at the national level, which are very vulnerable to
turnover and consequently weak in terms of investments and production
quality.
The evanescence of the local dimension produces, as a direct consequence,
the modest presence of service information, which, in order to root itself
needs to be at the centre of the chronicle dimension, to be oriented to the
audience and to have top priority given to the territory.
Why do these two marginal dimensions – the local one and the service
information - of the Italian media system produce remarkable effects in
information for immigrants? When we speak about information for
immigrants we are not referring to the wider issues of the media
representation of immigrants, whose characters are mainly defined by the
operations of the big media6, but about a more specific planning which
belongs more naturally to a more defined territorial catchment area and to
the logic of the service.
It is at this level that information projects oriented towards the immigrants
and/or run by immigrants are placed.
If we analyse the patterns of social inclusion of immigrants through the
information programmes especially devoted to them, and often managed by
them, we can distinguish two types: we have defined the first type as
assisted inclusion and the second as guaranteed inclusion.
6
The most recent research was carried out by Censis – still within the Tuning project -
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In the first case, access to media is brought about by an initial thought that
“people in the field” – long-time immigrants with the role of co-ordinating
and leading other newly arrived immigrants, volunteers and professionals
working in the reception facilities and immigration services, media staff
who are particularly sensitive – elaborate about the need for representation
of such linguistic and cultural minorities. It is here that the output of
broadcasts on the radio and/or television comes about, or the start of
newspaper production with a more or less regular frequency. We are face to
face with heterogeneous phenomena, which are characterised mainly by
ethical, political and cultural sensitivity, which opens up spaces,
opportunities for publication without any particular thought on the goals, the
potential beneficiaries and the organisation of the provision.
In the second case, access follows a more articulate process of thought on
the opportunities for a better social inclusion of immigrants guaranteed by
the availability of public places for discussion and exchange, by the
acquisition of information and representation of their own cultural
perspectives and viewpoints.
Guaranteed inclusion is usually parallel to an organisation of access to
media that is more structured:
- by involving institutions directly, thus accommodating that logic of
public service mentioned above, which we hope will be widely adopted
in our country with broadcasts that appreciate their own strategic role,
with a view to reception of immigrants, that combines the opening to
minorities with the need to make interdependence between culture and
national identity more fluid;
- through a more precise and reasoned planning for immigrants that is
carried out by immigrants within the most comprehensive output of the
broadcaster; this means thinking over the goals of the broadcast/news
report in strategic terms, the possible beneficiaries, the consistency of
such an output with the specific cultural sensitivity of the broadcaster,
etc.;
- through the preparation of well-structured editorial formats and lines
which give an easy-to-recognise interpretation and stylistic frame to the
contents presented;
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- through the use of specific professional skills and the recognition and
request for similar professional skills – and there is no lack of them – by
the immigrants who contribute to or create the broadcast/news report.
If we had to say where we are on the output of information for immigrants
and/or created by them in Italy, as shown by the data presented here below,
we might state that we are half-way between assisted access and guaranteed
access.
An absolutely acceptable median position if you think of how recent the
outburst of the migration phenomenon in our country is, and even more so
in terms of the organisation of information programmes and contents for
immigrants.
Our wish is that this initial snapshot be useful for making the phenomenon
visible and developing awareness of it; so as to be better able to co-ordinate
the initiatives in future years, thanks to the creation of a network of
professionals, who are able to appreciate the significance of their work and
at the same time see their talents and professional skills recognised and
guaranteed. Only by doing this can the representation of multiple viewpoints
and set cultural perspectives become an indisputable natural fact that
facilitates an inclusive social system, as well as a media market that is able
to gain the interest of different minorities and enable them to see themselves
in an accurate portrayal of their circumstances.
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2.
2.1.
Immigrants and ethnic minorities in mass media. Representation and policies
The multicultural provision in Italian radio, television
and newspapers
Italy: from a land of emigration to one of immigration. The
starting point of research
Italy has been a land of emigration by tradition. For centuries our fellowcountrymen have tried their luck in far-away countries, in the hope of
getting a better life for themselves and their families.
Starting from the early 80’s this trend changed direction and our country has
become the goal and, at the same time, a step for many immigrants who, in
increasing numbers, arrive here from all over the world. Although the
migration flow to and through Italy is a rather new phenomenon and a
“limited” one still in relation to other European countries, the Italian social
landscape has gradually changed (and is bound to change even faster in the
next few years) thanks to the presence of people who come from many
different countries making up a fragmented universe (in Italy we cannot talk
of truly ethnic minorities), yet a symbolically and socially relevant one.
Together with a numerical increase in immigration, the recent decades have
also witnessed a socio-cultural transformation of the earliest-settled various
immigrant groups. Despite the fact that for many individuals the stay in Italy
is temporary in view of an eventual return to their own country or of a new
move towards other goals, some populations have gradually modified their
migratory plans, deciding to settle down permanently or anyway for a long
period in the host country. Following the increase in family reunions, the
increasingly high number of foreigners born and brought up here (in some
cases reaching the second or third generation), new requests and needs are
developing, among which is a growing demand for cultural services.
In this context, the media world is becoming an important reference point,
not only in terms of strategies of representation of ethnic minorities, but also
as a ground for the achievement of “equal opportunities” of access to the
media industry and the use of its products: a use that could prove to be
particularly important for immigrants, given the complex need for
communication stemming from their living through an inevitable process of
change and redefinition of identity. On the one hand, media can be an
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answer to disorientation, need for information, the feeling of a loss of
identity and of the attachment to the land of origin. On the other, they may
represent a resource for the need/wish for integration, ranging from being
involved in the local community to the learning of the host country’s
language and lifestyle.
Such thoughts give rise to the need to carry out an initial exploration7 of the
media universe - television, radio and printed media – aimed at identifying
the provision of cultural products addressed to immigrants or thematically
devoted to the issues of multiculturalism and immigration. The results of
this research are presented in this report.
2.2
The “multicultural”8 provision in the printed media, tv and
radio
2.2.1. The media used and their characteristics
The first element to be reported is that we have not found any radio or
television channel, expressly and exclusively devoted to this target group,
although in some cases the programming for immigrants can become
relevant within the output of the same radio broadcaster, due to the presence
of several broadcasts devoted to them (seven broadcasters of those analysed
have 4-5 different programmes of this kind spread out over the week).
Beyond this, the survey shows a vital, rich and multifaceted landscape, in
which there are many publishing companies who make, or have made in the
past, media products for immigrants.
Research has, in fact, shown the presence of 16 tv broadcasters and 44 radio
networks that have, or have had in the recent years, at least one experience
7
The methodology of the research carried out is described in the appendix of this paper
which we refer to.
8
With the terms ‘multicultural’ or ‘multilingual output’ we refer to the provision of cultural
products addressed to immigrants or thematically devoted to the issues of
multiculturalism and immigration. Although they refer to two different characteristics –
one to the interest in cultural diversity and the other to the use of more languages – we
will use both of them in the paper, for lack of a comprehensive term which can include
the different initiatives in one category alone.
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of multilingual initiative in their palimpsest and 31 newspaper titles devoted
to immigrants and/or the issue of immigration.
As we might have expected, the best-suited tool is the radio, on account of
the reduced cost, and the local character of the Italian radio system; so that,
next to the few big national networks there are a myriad small and medium
broadcasters capable of ensuring a full territorial presence, more easily
reachable by outsiders present in the territory (individual immigrants,
voluntary associations, local authorities) and, at the same time, more
suitable for a target group such as that of immigrants, thanks to the need of
radio broadcasters to turn to wide audiences who are more contained than
television audiences.
The use of the radio is combined with an extensive use of printed media.
Once again we have a “flexible” medium that allows the creation of
extremely diverse products (from the glossy magazine to the black-andwhite brochure) at obviously different and in many cases limited costs, and
therefore, more accessible to the world of association, often being the
designer of the initiatives.
Almost non-existent, as we might have guessed, are the tv programmes. The
television medium is per se a costly medium requiring big investments, both
financial and “human” (to produce and create a tv broadcast you need many
people with diversified professional skills). Moreover, the Italian reality is a
polarized system that includes six national giants (the three Rai networks
and the three Mediaset networks) with a generalist view, on whose side we
find, the tentative national broadcasts of La7 and MTV and, a surfeit of
local broadcasters – in some cases very small – who (with some exceptions)
find it hard to assert themselves, also due to their difficulty in “thinking of
themselves” as minority tv addressed to a targeted audience. Despite the
system of public funding which provides a weak support to the local
initiatives, many broadcasters are constantly on the brink of collapse and all
of them must come to terms with the market to be able to survive and,
therefore, with the audience on the one hand and the advertising investors
on the other.
We can therefore guess that, in the case of the television initiatives it is the
perception of the low relevance of immigrants as a target audience (there are
still too few in Italy and, maybe, are considered of little interest as
“consumers”) that hinders the initiatives meant for them; a brake that acts
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even more on the national media who have a generalist orientation. So, it is
not by chance that the structures examined in the research have a mainly
local character, whose catchment area of users (radio and tv) and
circulation (printed media) indicates the presence of 23.08% of very small
initiatives (in the city and locally), as against a majority of cases of medium
size, equally distributed between provincial areas (provincial and
interprovincial 34.06%) and regional (regional and interegional 32.96%), in
many cases the natural limits of the broadcasters. Only for the printed media
do we have a national or international catchment area (respectively 7.69%
and 2.21%), often related to initiatives of a scientific/academic type.
Going on to analyse the geographical locations of the initiatives, we can see
that the most active regions are Tuscany, Lazio, Lombardy and Emilia
Romagna (which refer respectively to 14.28%, 13.19%, 12.09% and 10.99
% of all the initiatives surveyed), followed at a distance by Piedmont,
Veneto, Apulia (6.59%) and Sicily (4.39%). The other regions all rank
below 4%.
2.2.2. Initiatives for/by immigrants. The products examined
Going on to analyse more in-depth the products included in the research, the
element which stands out is their extreme heterogeneity. The analysis of
questionnaires shows how the expression “broadcasts for immigrants”
means, in turn: including a programme created for that target group; the use
of another or many other languages; the editorial collaboration of
immigrants; the broadcasting of ethnic music or music from other countries;
the presence of immigration news or broadcasts, etc. These factors are found
and combined giving rise to different initiatives ranging from a minimum
(the case of topical information inevitably touching on the issue of
immigration, without the foreigners participating in its writing) to a
maximum (complex and articulate programmes, constantly present in the
palimpsest, in which immigration is the central issue and the immigrants are
both the authors and the target group).
Before getting into the subject through a qualitative analysis of the
broadcast data sheets (see observations made below according to
programme formats), we thought of reconstructing the multicultural output
starting from the structure data, so as to have – at least initially - a
potentially comparative analysis.
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The output examined consists of 117 products – among them, 70 radio
broadcasts, 16 television broadcasts and 319 editorial ones out of which 87
are still being shown and 30 are over. The first attempts started in the early
90’s10 (11.11% of the reviewed programmes), but in the majority of cases it
is during the second half of the 90’s that the broadcasts reached a peak
(36.75%), although there are many initiatives that started during the last
year (18.80 %).
We are thus talking about initiatives being more or less lasting, but that have
– or have had – however, a long life (being in the palimpsest or publishing
productions), especially if we consider how “young” the immigration
phenomenon and the instability of the publishing and radio television
system are, frequently having a troublesome existence (economic problems,
take-overs, “restructuring”, etc.) and having a development phase that is still
“immature”. In fact, if 29.91% of the initiatives last less than a year, 49.57%
of the products endure for a period going from one to five years, and
11.10% even exceeds the threshold of 5 years (the longest lasting one is 12
years old).
These data show, therefore, a certain interest for the phenomenon of the
multilingual media initiatives, and also the awareness on the part of the
broadcasters of their success, although they still occupy a marginal position.
Going on to analyse the constituting elements of each broadcast, we thought
of proceeding within two macro categories “radio and television broadcasts”
and “printed media”, owing to their greater internal homogeneity and
consistency.
2.2.3. Radio and tv
Duration of programmes
The most widespread type of programme is structured on the basis of an
hourly format (20.09% of examined programmes), followed by almost
equally distributed formats of 30 and 90 minutes (11.63%, 8.14%). Only
4.65% have a duration of 120 m. and only 9.30% last less than 15 m. (in this
9
We have left out those reported with just the title or a generic presence without any further
information.
10
The earliest radio programme goes back to 1989, on tv to 1993, printed media to 1990.
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last case, they are flash news reports with service information or nuggets of
news). Therefore, we are speaking about rather long programmes whose
structure almost always entails an internal segment typical of the “container
programme” which in turn shows news, in-depth programmes, talk shows
and whatever, often broken up by musical scores, as done in radio
productions11.
Hour band and time schedule
The key hour band is in the evening (27.90 %), with the presence equally
distributed at other times of the day (18.60% in the morning; 15.12% in the
afternoon and in the early evening 12.79%).
The time schedule is mainly arranged by weekly planning (52.21 %) typical
of thematic broadcasts, paralleled with a fair presence of daily and workingday broadcasts (18.59%), and bi- or three- weekly programmes (18.50%),
which make up a rather comprehensive and burdensome output, in terms of
commitment required by a daily broadcast (very often with news and service
information which demand ad hoc editorial time and investment, in the
wake of the pressing laws of the news), as well as in terms of the editorial
investment required by weekly in-depth programmes (orientatively based on
the implementation of surveys and reports or on the organisation of the
presence of guests in the studio…).
There is, therefore, an emphasis on constant broadcasting of programmes
(we have not reported any one-off programme) rather than the occasional
character that we might assume this kind of initiative might have; although
the questions on time schedule and hour band report a high percentage of
blank answers (respectively 10.70% and 25.59%), which suggest a poor
knowledge of the initiative by the interviewees12 and, perhaps, the poor
visibility of multicultural programmes in the palimpsest.
11
12
Music is constantly present in all radio palimpsests. Not being able to rely on images,
radio taps on this genre as an appealing tool per se (it is useful to point out that
audience-research shows how background music is among the principal functions of the
radio) or to ‘emotionally’ draw attention.
The case in which the interviewees would quote broadcasts meant for immigrants
without, however, remembering when they were shown, in which period, for how long
or in which hour band, was not uncommon.
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Production and management of the initiatives
There is an interesting percentage of the programmes of 61.63% of internal
productions, together with 11.62% of external ones and 19.77% of coproductions with external collaborators (in many cases voluntary
associations, trade unions, local authorities). This figure is partly related to
the typical production policies of the radio, in which the production of
programmes is mainly internal. On the other hand it might bear witness to a
certain investment of the broadcaster in the creation of broadcasts, even
only in terms of technical and technological resources.
Going into details, we can see that in the case of broadcasts produced
externally, it is often the case that programmes are created and have already
been shown in the countries of origin, or in-depth programmes or
documentaries made by external sources (audio and video tapes are often
used, broadcasts directly downloaded from the Internet, or produced by
cultural or voluntary associations). The broadcaster limits his involvement
to the supply of a space in the palimpsest.
In the case of co-productions, the landscape gets more complicated: side by
side with true forms of co-planning and co-management of the initiatives
involving the broadcaster, the immigrants – individuals or association
members – and associations or bodies which are active in this sector, we
find weak forms of co-production in which the broadcaster limits his role to
the supply of technicians and technologies.
If then we analyse the formulas of programme management, the presence of
broadcasters is lower than what it might look like from an analysis of the
forms of production that suggest a strong involvement of the broadcaster,
often the exclusive or primary producer of the initiatives.
Only 13.95% of programmes, in fact, are directly managed by the
broadcaster, 32.56% are self-managed by immigrants or the Italian and
foreign associations, and in 37.21% of cases they are co-managed. It is not
easy to interpret these kinds of figures in the absence of further detailed
elements.
On the one hand, we might read these data as markers of an “ephemeral”
interest by the broadcaster, that lends his space and technicians to the
initiative without actually taking an active part or, at the same time, without
integrating them in the general planning. On the other hand, the lack of
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participation might express the desire to be non-invasive, in the wake of the
ethical value of self-management.
In the first case there are some indications of the type of co-management,
often shown by the participation of the technicians in the programmes,
without any form of dialogue and exchange between the writing
components of the broadcaster, or the poor knowledge of the interviewees
(often Italian radio employees) on the initiatives for and by immigrants. In
the second case, there are the observations related to the nature of some of
the self-managed programmes, clearly falling within the culture of political
movements, with a view to an access policy.
Beyond the problematic interpretation of the examined programmes, the fact
is that the promotion of self-managed spaces rather than policies of coplanning and integration of the initiatives in the life and the palimpsests of
the broadcaster, refers to two alternative viewpoints, very often assumed on
the basis of an ideological evaluation, rather than through a pragmatic
evaluation, on the goals to be reached and on the complex nature of the
migration phenomenon.
In the case of self-managed spaces, in fact, the individual immigrants or
linguistic community have a wide room for autonomy, both on the formats
and on the contents (in some cases the broadcaster is totally foreign to the
creation, in others he supplies the technicians or in others still he checks on
the editorial aspects). An autonomy that celebrates the subjective aspects of
immigrants, strengthens the dynamics of interethnic/intercultural
recognition and calls for the need of maintaining the ties with one’s own
culture, country of origin and people, but which inevitably has another side
to it: the estrangement from the editorial context, and potentially, from the
social fabric of the host country. Paradoxically, then, the desire to “give a
voice to diversity” placing it into a defined and recognisable space, could
have exclusion rather than social integration as a perverse effect.
It is equally true that these programmes often play a very important role in
the dynamics of the “reception” of the newcomers. Many among the
initiatives analysed, in fact, are promoted by immigrants who have been in
our country for quite a long time and have the function of giving the first
pieces of information to the newcomers (how to obtain a residence permit,
where to find accommodation, how to gain access to the national health
service, etc.), by filling the shortfall in Italian services. A sort of “mutual
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help” is thus created among citizens of the same country, helping to reduce
the feeling of disorientation and isolation that all the new immigrants have
to face.
Besides giving basic answers, moreover, the programmes for and by
immigrants effectively satisfy the need to reassert their own identity which
seizes all those who are far from “home”.
Finding oneself in a cultural context to which one does not belong, whose
language and regulations are still unknown, initially compels one to find
confirmation of one’s own cultural identity. The differences between “me
and my fellow-countrymen” fade in the face of more marked diversity that,
very often, separate “me” from the citizens of the host country; the need for
reasserting one’s feeling of belonging becomes a way of “not losing one’s
identity” and stirs up, in many cases, a sort of national/cultural pride.
Listening to/reading the language of the country of origin, listening to its
music, hearing talk about it becomes a pleasant ritual and an effective
identity resource, at a time when the changes tackled and the differences
surrounding new immigrants awake the fear of “losing oneself” and make it
more difficult to reply to the question “who am I?”.
Symbolically reconstructing a culturally “homogeneous” community, thanks
to the making of programmes in one’s own language of origin, within
spaces “offered” by the host country’s broadcasters, can, therefore, be an
important and necessary step, before thinking of more complex initiatives
that facilitate integration. What should be avoided is these cultural outputs
being left as the only ones, ending up by suggesting a protectionist mindset
based on safeguards and distance-keeping, rather than on confrontation and
exchange. The indigenous culture and the immigrant cultures would, in this
case, remain separate and inevitably ordered by hierarchy, without
producing hybridation and mingling which have always been linked to the
processes of social integration and transformation.
Besides, the co-managed spaces taking inspiration mainly from
multiculturalism and multi-ethnicity are anything but easy to create and are
potential areas for conflict (and not mere confrontation) between
nationalities and linguistic communities and, theoretically, they might hide a
wish to put foreigners on a par with Italians, rather than be a celebration of
their respective differences in a context of common rules. The aim of
integration within the differences at the heart of these initiatives –
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something that perfectly meets the requirements of a civil, modern and
democratic society – is a difficult challenge demanding theoretical reflection
and a pragmatic effort that is still missing in our country.
Rather than a real alternative – self-referential products on the one hand, and
multicultural and dialogical spaces on the other – in a mature society, both
of them should be allowed, maybe as different steps (according to the
function and time-lapse) in a complex process, able to create the
foundations for a necessarily polyphonic and differentiated integration.
Format of programmes
The format of programmes which is more popular is undoubtedly that of
“container” (39.53%), a genre that is well suited to radio production and, at
the same time, to the heterogeneity of products meant for immigrants. In
actual fact, this genre is poorly represented and can be filled with the most
varied topics and formats. They are very often service broadcasts and indepth programmes, next to actual containers, structured around very
different aspects of the culture of origin: news, religion, politics, culture,
cookery, literature and, almost always, music.
Shortly after follows the news (26.74%), which in turn takes on the
character of international news, current affairs, information on the country
of origin (in some cases documentaries), often bi- or multi-lingual. Then, we
find in-depth programmes and other programmes (9.30%), musical shows
(6.97%), service reports (4.65%) and finally talk shows (3.48%).
When analysing the topics dealt with within the various initiatives, we can
see that information programmes are on top of the list (clearly enhanced by
the survey, which focused especially on this macro-genre), though
subdivided into subcategories ranging from the genuine news (national and
international journalist reports) to documentaries (on the most varied
subjects, but often based on the countries of origin reviewed through their
landscape, politics, religion and, above all, culture in all its aspects), passing
through local affairs and service information.
This latter genre can be found all over the palimpsests, betraying the service
frame of mind that in many cases is at the basis of the initiatives. In fact,
though the programmes which are clearly of this kind account only for
4.65%, information that we might define of public utility is present in the
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majority of broadcasts (on legislation, labour market, house policies,
healthcare, etc.).
The other big macro-genre is that which we might define “cultural” (giving
this term a sociological and anthropological meaning), referring to those
broadcasts that stage and represent cultures in their diversity and in which
cookery and music take on some relevance, possibly as less conflict-ridden
areas for confrontation and knowledge between peoples.
2.2.4. Printed media
The reviewed publishing production addressed to immigrants proves to be
very diverse and articulate, so much so that it is difficult to have a
comprehensive picture. Together with prestigious publications, with
scientific or documentary purposes, we find many products designed with a
view to service and wide circulation, pursuing the most diverse goals (from
awareness-raising of the natives to the celebration of the original cultures of
the immigrants, through solidarity products in support of the weaker layers
of the community), which deal with many issues and have a quite costly
printed look.
Though the indications taken from the questionnaires (both in terms of
contents and formats) do not allow a detailed analysis, the heterogeneity of
production is once again the main focus, maybe even more than the radio
and television production. We have here service newsletters, community
magazines, high-brow monographs, guides to legislation and services,
anthropological and ethnographic magazines, etc., which in turn have as a
target audience Italians, the field workers, the individual immigrants newly
arrived in Italy, rather than the foreign communities who settled in Italy
long time ago.
The heterogeneity that we have found to be a feature of this world is
mirrored in the data on circulation, but appears less when analysing the
publication schedule.
Although the majority of publications accounts for thousands of copies
(between 1501 and 5 thousand copies 45.16%), there are also small scale
products (up to 500 copies 12.90%) and real giants (12.90% both from 5001
to 10 thousand, and over 10 thousand), while less homogeneous is the
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temporal distribution. Often featuring as special issues and in-depth
publications, when not just explicit guides to the migration phenomenon or
for immigrants, they are rarely published at a short time-length: there are no
daily papers and only 4 products are weekly and fortnightly. The most
popular product is the periodical publication divided into 58.06% monthly
and 25.80% of publications that come out two, three and four times a year.
A format that per se suggests a certain stability over time.
A very interesting element relates to the publishing format, which bears
witness to the very strong presence of individual and associative publishing.
16.13 % of the products are published by a private citizen and 15.61% by
associations (cultural, trade unions or voluntary associations). 6.45% are
published by local authorities (municipal and regional governments), only
12.90% are actual publishing houses (in the sense that the publishing market
is their business).
These figures suggest how the initiatives are strongly featured by a focus
which is outside the market logics. Those who produce products for
immigrants do it for the purpose of service, study, ethnic/cultural motives
(strengthening the cultural sense of belonging and the value of the memory),
but are far from a “market approach” and the viewing of immigrants as
consumers of cultural products available for sale.
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Some general remarks on the reviewed products
Funding
Notwithstanding the means used, the production cost is an issue to be dealt
with. The heterogeneity of the products that we have more than once
pointed out makes the financial need of each initiative very uneven and,
inevitably, witnesses deep differences between tv and the printed media and
radio. For immigrants and their communities, finding the finances to
establish ad hoc broadcasting enterprises is very hard, hence the orientation
towards the existing media, where it is possible to own a periodical or a oneoff space.
The data we have collected do not allow us to assess how great a brake on
multicultural initiatives the cost of production can be, although at times a
programme is discontinued for lack of funds.
What seems to be evident is, instead, that the ideological and solidarity
features of most part of the initiatives analysed has an impact on the search
for funding, so much so that the objective pursued is the cost reduction
rather than the search for something other than public funding, which is
poor anyway.
We can guess from the questionnaires that some spaces have virtually no
cost (the space is free, the staff is not paid, the recording and production
cost is low because they are low cost shows and, moreover, they are often
borne by the broadcaster that provides the structure and technicians). In the
reply of the interviewees one can sense, moreover, a certain pride in
claiming the financial independence of the various initiatives. It’s not by
accident that 35.03% of the programmes do not receive any form of funding
and seem to have zero cost, next to 14.51% receiving public funds
(Municipal, provincial, and regional governments, EU, but also public
companies promoting the territory). 24.21% are financed by advertising and
4.14% use advertising and public funds.
Only in rare cases, moreover, the programmes financed by advertising host
spots expressly designed for immigrants as a target group, stressing once
more the underestimated potential of this sector in terms of a new market.
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Staff
We have just seen that the staff of the multilingual initiatives is
paradoxically a factor for cost reduction, rather than a rise in the budget. In
many cases, in fact, the staff employed is entirely voluntary (in 52.14% of
the programmes analysed), in 20.51% it is paid, whereas, in 8.55% both
voluntary and paid staff are used13.
If we cross-check the position of the staff in the initiative with the
nationality we find that where the staff is made up solely of foreigners,
he/she is voluntary in 92% of cases; where he/she is entirely Italian, he/she
is paid in 80% of cases and where the staff is mixed, it is once again the
voluntary work that prevails (56.06% voluntary against 31.9% of paid staff).
These figures enable us to formulate some hypotheses on the level of
participation (or should we say lack of participation) of immigrants in the
media professions.
From the analysis of questionnaires, it is clear that foreigners, in almost all
cases, take part for free in the creation of programmes. The self-managed
programmes, in which often only foreign citizens work, are run completely
free of charge. The co-managed programmes, instead, are often backed by
an editorial team flanked by a presenter, all mainly foreign, supported by
technicians. Editors and presenters are always – or nearly always –
voluntary. On the contrary, some Italian presenters are paid, some DJs (also
foreigners) and in most cases, the technicians (mainly Italian). This is the
formula which is more widespread.
In the majority of programmes (56.41%) there is mixed staff. In this way the
involvement of the target group in the creation of programmes is sought
after, but the foreign presence is very varied within each initiative; ranging
from the simple presence of a speaker, who translates the news into another
language or acts as an interpreter, to the genuine participation of members
of the same community. At any rate, this participation rarely has the
characteristics of an on-the-job training experience for foreigners, who are
not requested by the broadcasters to have professional skills, just as many
Italians working in media are not asked to have any. In fact, we should point
out that the Italian media system is not – at the local level – very
13
The remaining 18.80% does not answer.
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professional and in many cases participation in the media sector is left to the
good will of the individuals and their commitment, rather than to a training
process and the building of a real professional career. The idea of
professionalism, which is very dominant in the Italian system, is linked to
the work in the field (“media jobs are learnt by doing them”) and does not
trust the structured training schemes. Hence the ensuing lack of real
professional profiles (except for the mainly technical staff) and the
“particular” aspect of the system to access the profession that is rarely based
on the assessment of skills and training schemes.
In the case of foreign citizens, this critical aspect of the media system is
even wider. Their access to media, more seldom than not, is obtained as
immigrants/foreign citizens (just like for many Italians the access criteria
are will and commitment), rather than professionals, so much so that it is
irrelevant that some of them have worked as professionals in their countries
of origin. For this reason – and for other structural features of the Italian
system that we do not have room for tackling here – the voluntary work of
both foreigners and Italians is not likely to turn into “profession”, in the
sense of recognised and paid work.
The beneficiaries of the initiatives and the languages used
Although it is not always clear who the audiences are to which each product
is targeted, sometimes not even to the authors themselves, it is obviously the
immigrants who benefit mainly from the initiatives analysed, even if it often
happens that the target group is also represented by the Italian population14.
In the first case, moreover, the analysis of the initiatives shows an internal
differentiation, often implicit, of the beneficiaries who seem to be at times
new immigrants (as in many service broadcasts), rather than the immigrants
who have been in the country for a long time (as in the case of the
“community” cultural initiatives15), further divided into single nationalities
14
15
Many broadcasts that have the purpose of showing Italians the cultures of people, for
the promotion of mutual knowledge and raising the awareness of the population on the
issue of multiculturalism and immigration.
By the term “community initiatives”, we want to refer to those products which are
created on the initiative of immigrant groups, often in great numbers and present in Italy
for a long time, which recognise themselves as “community” on the basis of their
language and/or nationality, and/or culture (in an anthropological sense). In this sense it
is not necessary – though it happens sometimes – that the members of such a
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or re-included in their common identity as immigrants without any
distinction in their origin. According to the target group (but often also to
the nationality of the staff that the broadcaster has available), different
languages are used. The analysis of the questionnaires shows that 29.91% of
the initiatives use Italian as the only language, 20.51% a single foreign
language, 18.8% are bilingual (Italian plus a foreign language) and 29.05%
are multilingual, suggesting an output that is quite rich and comprehensive.
In the case of programmes in Italian, they are partly products designed for
the Italian population, but also products for a general public of immigrants –
made of various nationalities -, on the basis that the learning of Italian is
considered a primary objective for the daily life of our country, and later, for
possible integration.
The monolingual foreign programmes, instead, meant for single linguistic
communities, are often related to community initiatives (in the sense defined
in the footnote), with a view to maintaining the memory and the original
culture.
Finally, multilingual programmes appear to be oriented to multicultural
education, or, more simply, fall within an outlook of equal linguistic
opportunities. It is so for multilingual or bilingual news, in which the news
translated into different idioms goes side by side without any specific
element in the treatment of the topics and contents.
The promoters of the initiatives
The analysis of the questionnaires highlights the fact that the individual
initiative is prevailing, whether it comes from the Italian or the immigrant
world. Behind the programmes, there is often no editorial project, but rather
“a parent”: an editor, the president of such and such association or the
individual immigrant, often already engaged socially and politically.
It is often the case that the initiative starts out of the friendship or personal
acquaintance of a staff member with an immigrant foreign citizen.
symbolical community live in Italy, geographically on the same territory, and physically
near. What makes them a community, more or less cohesive, is the feeling of cultural
belonging, beyond the real exchange and contact among their members.
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The result is the extemporary character of many programmes and the high
transiency of the initiatives, inevitably linked to the individual fate of
presenters and editors. Often the programme is discontinued because the
individual commitment fails: the students go on to graduation and do not
have any more time, personal engagements change direction, etc. Not only
that, it also happens that the target nationality changes (very often this
simply means that the language in which news is translated changes),
because there is a quick turnover of immigrants of different nationalities and
cultures.
On the other hand, the relevance of the initiative of the individual
immigrant, often engaged in a process of self-fulfilment, as an important
drive for the implementation of the multicultural initiatives should not be
underestimated. The questionnaires examined show that at the basis of a
certain number of productions there is the will for personal fulfilment of the
individual immigrants involved in the making, and often promoters, of the
programmes. In such cases, it is the process of social assertion and
integration of each person that is an important driving force.
This factor is remarkable, because it is clearly related to the access of
immigrants to media professions. The presence of immigrants in this
instance is not an act of hospitality, but rather an opportunity for
participating in the public sphere, an act of citizenship that takes place
through the personal and professional fulfilment of the immigrant.
Besides individual initiatives, it is the world of association that promotes
many of the analysed initiatives. In these cases the creation of products for
immigrants is part of a wider political/cultural project, which is linked to the
fields of action of the associations involved (cultural promotion,
multiculturalism, social solidarity, etc.) and embraces heterogeneous
subjects, consisting of Italians and/or foreigners: from the cultural
association tied to a single nationality to social voluntary work, from the
community association (symbolically and territorially) to the left-wing
movements, from the catholic voluntary sector to trade unions.
Finally, among the founders of the initiatives there are also some institutions
(municipal, provincial and regional governments, public development
enterprises, foreign embassies), although their presence is quite limited and,
commonly, linked to the collaboration with the world of associations.
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An first hypothesis of classification
In conclusion of the analysis carried out so far, we would like to propose for
your reflection some observations on the type of multicultural programmes
offered in Italy. The survey does not allow the reconstruction of an
exhaustive overview, but it highlights, however, how the variables analysed
above (especially: promoters, subjects dealt with, format of programmes,
beneficiaries, stated or suggested purposes, characteristics of the
broadcasters) intermingle in many ways, giving rise to different products,
but within which it is possible to single out some recurrent lines and
profiles. The observations reported below are not an actual list of formats
(the criteria/types on which they are based are quite heterogeneous), but
rather a recurrent combination of characteristics that could become the
starting point for future surveys.
1)
Militant initiatives
The first format, undoubtedly the most recurrent one among those reviewed,
is that of the “militant broadcasts”. Promoted by the Italian associations in
the majority of cases, it unfolds into two versions – left-wing and catholic –
following two different styles according to its ideology, but of a specular
type. They are both based on the principle of solidarity and an
ideological/political commitment.
- “left-wing area”
Their focus is the struggle for the promotion of rights, for the achievement
of the political and social citizenship of immigrants, viewed as
disadvantaged persons. This type includes the whole range of initiatives in
favour of immigrant communities, promoted by associations, cooperatives,
movements, or by highly ideological community radio. In this case, if the
initiative is due to the broadcaster, the management of the programme is
frequently given to individual immigrants, or even better, to the members of
the same linguistic community, as a self-run space within the palimpsest.
The contents range from public utility information – legal assistance,
support in job and house searching – to the promotion of the immigrants’
culture, carried out through the promotion of community initiatives, the
making of news reports on the countries of origin or in-depth cultural
programmes. In this context, we typically find the creation of a sort of
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production line whereby the most integrated immigrants, who settled here
long time ago, help out the newcomers with the support of Italian
associations and movements.
- “catholic world”
Here, again, the world of association is the driving force. The media
initiatives are placed within wider projects focusing on solidarity and
satisfaction of needs. In these cases there is a prevailing service feeling,
very strong in catholic culture, which gives a social rather than political
imprint to the action. They are slight differences within the same universe
which we considered previously, oriented to the support and promotion of
disadvantaged people in a universalistic frame of mind. Part of this context
is the many a service broadcast addressed to the immigrants as a whole, but
also the news reports from the countries of origin, addressed to single
nationalities or in-depth reports on foreign countries and their culture in
order to raise the awareness of Italians.
2)
Service reports
The second format is that of service reports. We have already seen how this
genre is actually cutting through many of the products reviewed; in these
initiatives, however, it becomes the exclusive and outspoken characteristic.
We are talking of Italian productions promoted by public authorities or
associations, in which information for public use, together with the
promotion of rights and responsibilities, are the focus of attention. It is,
therefore, the right to information that in the majority of cases leads the
making of programmes. Typical examples are the multilingual news, in
which the reports are translated into different languages (without any link
between one and the other, whereby we find Russian, Spanish and Filippino
one next to the other, and so on) or the service bulletins with the indications
of the initiatives and the services for immigrants (legislation, residence
permits, immigration policies, etc.)
3)
Community products
The third format is that of community productions. In these cases the
promoter of the initiatives is represented by the same immigrant
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communities (once again in the double sense of the territory and/or
symbolic aspects) who have long lived in our country. They are various
initiatives, self-run, often focusing on cultural promotion in a wider sense,
related to a single group or a single nationality pursuing goals such as the
celebration of the original culture, the maintenance of its memory and the
relations with the countries of origin, the strengthening of the feeling of
identity threatened by living in a foreign country. Here we find two different
communication strategies. On the one hand, these initiatives are based on a
strictly self-referential principle of maintaining one’s identity and memory,
with a strong ethnic/national pride and a stress on the cultural specific
elements that potentially insist on exclusion, ambiguously affirmed and
fought against. On the other hand, they aim at raising awareness and
embracing the host country, through the promotion of information on one’s
own culture and country, as well as special issues such as music, cookery,
literature, and also politics, lifestyles and history.
Beyond this double strategy (often present in turn in the same products),
they are at any rate important initiatives both for individual immigrants and
Italians. For the former, they are a backup in a difficult time, if newly
arrived, or a link with their own history, if they have lived in our country for
a long time, besides the opportunity to speak one’s own mind. For the latter,
it is an opportunity for getting to know and to meet cultural diversity.
4)
Multicultural initiatives
The fourth format is that of the inter- or multiculturally oriented activities.
Often co-managed by Italians and immigrants, these products reveal a
remarkable cultural purpose, which often borders on an educational will,
mainly addressed to the host community. Clear objectives are education to
diversity and awareness of other cultures. Even in this case, as in the
previous one, the contents of programmes range from music to cookery,
from literature to politics, from lifestyles to history, but with a view to
comparing cultures, where voices and languages take turns within the same
programmes and do not merely tell of a single nationality or linguistic
community (It is for instance the case of the cookery programmes, or those
on ethnic music, in which Chinese cuisine follows the Mexican one, or the
south-American rhythms are heard together with the Arabic music).
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5)
Immigrants and ethnic minorities in mass media. Representation and policies
The model of the market
This last format is, to date, the least adopted, although it looks to be
particularly interesting for the possible developments it might experience in
the future years. We are talking about radio and television products, or
printed media, clearly designed and made in view of the market, in which
the explicit end is the achievement of an economic profit. In this context
immigrants become the target group and are perceived not so much as
disadvantaged people to protect, but as social individuals and potential
consumers of a cultural product which is meant for them. Together with
products made especially for this target group (magazines telling the stories
of the immigrants and their countries of origin as well as the stories of
Italian culture, giving information on the transfer of money, promoting
commercial initiatives by immigrants, etc.), we find programmes designed
for the Italian population (for instance the music shows) as beneficiary of
products coming from other countries.
6)
Conclusive remarks
The models we have attempted to trace in the previous paragraph, are a sort
of rationalisation of the information collected in the research, ideal types
that are found in the analysed products, although often mixed and crossbred. We should, in fact, remember that almost all the initiatives reviewed
have a strong experimental character, are often the result of a voluntary and
solidarity spirit, are enacted in the absence of real editorial projects, taking
on a real extemporary and transitory character, even when they last for
years. These characteristics of multicultural products, however, are shared
with many Italian local media productions.
The image as a whole that stands out of the research is that of a rugged and
composite archipelago, difficult to picture, but that shows a growing interest
and increasing action. Despite the “faults” and “weaknesses” that we have
analysed, in fact, the multicultural media provision examined is an
important element for receiving the immigrants (especially thanks to its
initial information role) and can be the first step, tentative but important,
towards the construction of a polyphonic society, in which the different
nationalities have equal rights of citizenship. Whoever takes action, be they
foreign or Italian citizens, individuals or associated people, what counts is
the proven effort of giving a voice to diversities, even simply by enriching
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our cultural landscape of languages, and tastes and sounds that are different
from ours.
The confrontation and co-existence of cultures – at the basis of the
completion of the analysed initiatives – are bound to shape our societies
more and more. This requires an effort by all the social players involved in
the public sphere, and especially of the media, to go beyond the occasional
questioning of oneself and act in a more self-conscious and strategic way.
The movementist actions and solidarity voluntarism distinguishing the
productions for immigrants today, although it has worked as “avant-garde”,
cannot be enough to promote policies of co-existence and integration in
maintaining diversities.
On this ground, the exploration of other action contexts become interesting,
such as the market and the sphere of professional fulfilment, as possible
arenas of a fruitful exchange between cultures and environments and of
celebration of the diversities in view of the social integration. Doing
business and promoting self-fulfilment of individuals by developing
opportunities of social mobility, do not clash with the mechanisms of
solidarity, but can indeed enhance the opportunities for achieving new forms
of social co-existence.
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3
Immigrants and ethnic minorities in mass media. Representation and policies
Conclusions
Though the research carried out does not pretend to be an exhaustive survey
on media multicultural productions in Italy, it has highlighted a vital, wide
and varied output that to many people, but not those who work in the
immigration field, is striking and intriguing.
From previous surveys16 an interesting overview of productions, especially
radio productions, had already resulted, and naturally in geographical areas
with a higher presence of immigrant citizens (Lombardy and Lazio in the
first place).
The present mapping confirms a constant trend, if not a growth of this
media reality promoted by immigrant citizens or specifically designed for
this audience. The interpretation we can give to such a vital energy, though
within the structural and specific limits emphasised in the analysis carried
out, is related to the expression of needs for information and selfrepresentation of immigrant citizens present in Italy.
The working experience on immigration in Italy, as in other European
countries, teaches us that the lack of access to information is certainly one
of the major obstacles for the integration of immigrants in the social context
and is also at the basis of situations of distress and marginalisation.
Immigrants in Italy still frequently use informal communication channels,
that as such, often limit and affect processes of individual promotion and,
above all, the relationship with services; in the same way, they can spoil the
trustiness vis a vis the institutions.
The multicultural and multilingual productions aim at communicating and
informing immigrant audiences in a service logic that uses mass
communication means to spread to a wider public useful news for the daily
life in Italy, and at the same time as a tool for individual and collective
participation.
It is not by chance that this format of information, if we can call it that, is
stimulated especially by the initiative of individuals or groups of immigrants
Laffi …;
Region of Tuscany – Cospe “Parlamondo Project – Foreign Citizens and Information in
Tuscany” – April 1999
16
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who already play a primary role in local political and social realities, and
who feel the want and need for wide-ranging communications means to
promote cultural, political and social issues that would not otherwise be
voiced.
This factor also leads us to believe that the quantity of the initiatives
examined is linked not only to the numerical figures of the presence of
immigrant citizens in the various regions, but also to how old the migration
processes are and to the level of social integration in the territory.
By analysing the productions in the South of Italy, in fact, we can assume
that the lower number of multicultural initiatives is due, in some regions in
particular (Apulia and Campania) to the precarious working climate – often
linked to the seasonal work of immigrants and the high rate of exploitation and the transitory presence of immigrants, next to a lower breadth and
higher fragmentation of the media system in these regions.
Such analysis seems to be confirmed by the parallel survey we have carried
out on the citizens who promote or participate in the creation of these
initiatives; though they do not often have specific professional skills, they
are people who have high qualifications, acquired in the country of origin or
in Italy, often linguistic-cultural mediators with a good consolidated
working position or, however, able to find their way in the local context.
The same happens for natives: only if they have a fairly steady economic
and social position, can they afford to undertake merely voluntary and
militant activities, even if this survey shows that there are some exceptions
which deserve some attention.
The urge for promoting multilingual media initiatives is due to two main
factors: on the one hand, the natural need for speaking and listening to one’s
own mother tongue, both as an element which improves the use of
information and as a cultural element of aggregation and belonging to the
country of origin, and on the other, to the incorrect representation of
immigrants in the most widespread communication media, that forces them
to represent themselves.
The lack of information from the immigrants’ countries of origin, as well as
their stereotyped portrayal in the main national press organisations, are the
shared elements of analysis on which many of the multicultural initiatives
under scrutiny are based.
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There is, therefore, a large voluntary and militant component in the
initiatives that is due to individuals or groups of immigrants who propose, or
are proposed, information productions through the mass media. We should
also say that the voluntary connotation is often seen as a natural one by the
broadcasters or publishers, as an inherent part of a service role for one’s
own “community” that is taken for granted, and not, as often is the case with
natives, as a way for gaining a skill in the sector and hence a job
opportunity, though a temporary one.
In this sense, we should stress the limits of these experiences, because
multicultural programming is promoted and experienced by broadcasters
and natives who work for the creation of these programmes, not in view of
an intercultural exchange, but in view of the “militancy”, as rightly stressed
in the analysis.
This is why one tends to believe that the fact of belonging to a specific
nationality or the purely linguistic aspect predominate and are sufficient for
journalistic productions, whereas a specific professional profile is never
required. The consideration that those who have acquired a specific skill in
the journalistic or technical communication sectors, either in their country of
origin or in Italy, but are found to be always employed in programmes
specifically meant for immigrant audiences, is just as limited, in order to
have an intercultural approach in the editorial space.
Only in few rare cases have the broadcasters17 managed to make good use of
the linguistic and intercultural talents, employing immigrant staff to enrich
and characterise the editorial work and that of the whole structure.
It is always a niche production and an occupational context even more
residual for immigrant citizens, even if qualified, but that has great value for
native people in terms of growing awareness of a radical change in the
society involving multicultural aspects, and for immigrant citizens an
acquisition of space for social and political participation obtained through
the recognition of the right to information, be it in one’s own mother tongue
or in Italian.
We must stress, however, that the highly fragmented and extemporary
character of the initiatives cannot but be detrimental to more effective
17
This is the case of Radio Popolare in Milan
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Immigrants and ethnic minorities in mass media. Representation and policies
productions in terms of product quality and attainment of relevant
audiences.
A higher degree of co-ordination would be hoped for among the initiatives
promoted, also at the local level, and a more self-conscious editorial
programming to avoid wasting the few financial resources earmarked for
this type of production, especially by the local authorities.
A boost in this direction might certainly come from those private
organisations which are taking an interest in providing information for the
immigrant target group, as a market share, and for some others as a
privileged target of their products: for instance, banks and companies
handling the market of money transfers.
In this sense, as has happened in other European countries where
immigration started much earlier, it will probably be the economic and
economicist approach that leads to a multicultural change, both in
programming and in the composition of the staff used in the media industry.
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4.
Immigrants and ethnic minorities in mass media. Representation and policies
Methodology
The general research project started from the need to have a better
knowledge of the world of media initiatives addressed to and/or produced
by immigrants. In particular, the aim was to carry out the mapping of the
information sources and products meant for or run by foreign citizens, to
make them more visible to the world of the “mainstream media”.
Given the lack of any previous large-scale census on this type of initiatives,
the research was an exploration which aimed not so much at singling out
and putting together what is available, but rather at finding as many
initiatives as possible, relying on the multiplying effects that are triggered
when “the water starts to get rough”, having been “calm” so far, in the
absence of any previous findings. To keep to the metaphor, many pebbles
were thrown in the pond (the contacts made when filling in the
questionnaires, together with the organisation of thematic workshops with
some of the co-ordinators of the initiatives examined), in the hope that the
concentric circles produced would bring to the light situations that have
often been underground.
The research was thus organised in two separate phases:
a) A full survey all over the Italian territory;
b) The organisation of national workshops in which media professionals
have met the designers and makers of products for and by immigrants.
Here is a short report of the procedures on which the first phase of the
research was based.
During 2001 an assessment of the output of cultural products for immigrants
was carried out through semi-structured questionnaires submitted to all
broadcasters and/or Italian newsrooms that at first contact had stated they
would make or had made products for or with immigrants.
The universe of radio and television broadcasters and of the publishing
sector has been outlined by addressing the regional authorities that regulate
the frequencies or monitor the local broadcasting activities (CorecomRegional Committees for Communication), as well as carrying out an ad
hoc exploration (especially as far as the printed media is concerned, for
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Immigrants and ethnic minorities in mass media. Representation and policies
which a systematic contact is impossible) through the suggestions of the
sector’s practitioners (associations, thematic publications already known,
research by key words on the Internet, etc.).
Once the list of subjects to contact was defined (radio, tv and printed
media), semi-structured questionnaires were sent by post, followed by
telephone reminders and, often, proper telephone interviews.
The object of the assessment consists of all the media initiatives (radio and
tv programmes, publishing products, etc.), concluded or still on-going,
meant for or run by immigrants, hosted/made by the radio and television
broadcasters or by the publishers contacted.
The questions concerned the characteristics of the broadcaster or of the
newspaper under examination (location, catchment area and circulation,
frequency of publication, etc.), as well as the multicultural products made
(birth of the initiative, initiators, type of programme/publishing product,
languages used, issues dealt with, characteristics of the staff employed, etc.)
The data obtained from the questionnaires, together with any observation
recorded by the interviewers, have been analysed with a double perspective:
a quantitative one (through the data matrix and statistical calculations) and a
qualitative one (essentially based on the interpreting and contextual
description). The outcome of the analysis has been the elaboration of a
number of tables (see p. 30) and the writing of a description sheet for each
subject/product analysed (annexe 1).
Besides indicating the structural data of the initiatives examined
(broadcaster or publisher; catchment area; title of the programmes;
production, hour band, time schedule, duration; language), the sheets report
the distinctive figure for each initiative, through a brief description.
The survey has had a troublesome process (partly due to unforeseen events)
and has had to tackle many difficulties, among which have been:
- The turnover of two different research teams (those who analysed the
data and produced the materials, and the final report, did not take part in
the designing phase of the project and data collection, which was carried
out by many surveyors);
- The difficulty in retrieving the data.
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While in the first case many difficulties were overcome thanks to the close
collaboration between the members of COSPE, who promoted and
participated in the project, and the University researchers, who carried out
the analysis, in the second case we had to come to terms with the fact that
the problems had no easy solution. Retrieving data was in fact very hard for
many reasons: the extremely fragmented landscape of the Italian media (to
which should be further added the difficulty of reconstructing the past
initiatives due to the lack of records and the poor historical recall of the
broadcasters); the nature of the evaluations of the programmes shown which
were devoted to immigration (often considered as proof of charitable
feelings”, a sort of thing to be proud of, which forced interviewees to
declare that some products were “meant for immigrants”, though with a
very poor content18); but especially, the lack of “relevance” of many
interviewees (above all radio and tv), so that those who filled in the
questionnaires were not those who had made or followed the programmes
and, therefore, had problems answering the questions.
TOOLS:
A. Questionnaires
B. Tables
C. Data Sheets
18
In these cases the initiatives reported have not been included in the analysis.
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TABLES
tv
Radio
North Central
Emilia-Romagna
Friuli
Liguria
Lombardia
Piemonte
Toscana
Trentino
Valle d'Aosta
Veneto
Total CN
1
1
1
1
3
2
9
6
2
1
6
3
9
1
1
3
32
3
1
4
3
1
2
2
1
17
10
3
3
11
6
13
3
3
6
58
10,99
3,30
3,30
12,09
6,59
14,28
3,30
3,30
6,59
South Central
Tab. 46 – Geographical distribution of radio, tv stations and printed media mapped
Abruzzo
Calabria
Campania
Lazio
Marche
Puglia
Sicilia
Umbria
Sardegna
Total CS
1
1
2
1
1
1
7
1
1
5
1
2
2
12
2
1
5
1
3
1
1
14
3
1
3
12
2
6
4
2
33
3,30
1,09
3,30
13,19
2,20
6,59
4,39
2,20
-
44
48,36
31
34,06
91
Total Italy
% of tot. of the stations mapped
Source: Cospe – Tuning into diversity
16
17,58
newspapers
total
% of tot. stations/
newspapers
mapped
100
Tab. 47 – Catchment area of users of radio and tv and circulation of printed media mapped
Tv
Local Provincial o interprovincial
Regional o Interregional
National
International
Total
2
6
8
16
Source: Cospe – Tuning into diversity
radio
Printed media
total
9
24
11
44
10
1
11
7
2
31
21
31
30
7
2
91
% of tot.
Stations/printed
media mapped
23,08
34,06
32,96
7,69
2,21
100,00
Tab. 48 – Number of the initiatives for radio and tv stations mapped
Tv
radio
16
16
32
12
44
Only one initiative
More than one initiative
Total
Source: Cospe – Tuning into diversity
% of tot. stations
mapped
72,73
27,27
100,0
Tab. 49 – Geographical distribution and state of the “ethnic” initiatives (newspapers and programmes)
South Central
North Central
Tv programmes
In
Concluded
total
progress
Radio programmes
In
Concluded
total
progress
Printed media
In
progress
Concluded
total
Emilia-romagna
Friuli
Liguria
Lombardia
Piemonte
Toscana
Trentino
Valle d'aosta
Veneto
Total CN
1
1
1
3
1
1
3
1
6
1
1
1
1
3
2
9
7
6
1
8
3
7
1
1
3
37
5
4
9
7
6
1
13
3
11
1
1
3
46
2
4
3
1
1
2
1
14
1
1
1
3
3
1
4
3
1
2
2
1
17
Umbria
Abruzzo
Lazio
Campania
Puglia
Calabria
Marche
Sicilia
Sardegna
Total CS
1
1
1
3
2
1
1
4
1
2
1
1
1
1
7
1
13
3
17
1
1
4
1
7
1
14
1
4
1
3
24
1
1
5
1
3
1
1
13
1
1
1
2
5
1
3
1
1
14
Totali Italia
6
10
16
54
16
70
27
4
31
Source: Cospe – Tuning into diversity
Tab. 50 – State of the “ethnic” initiatives (newspapers and programmes)
In progress
Concluded
Total
TV programmes
Radio
programmes
total
6
10
16
54
16
70
60
26
86
Source: Cospe – Tuning into diversity
% of tot. Radio
and tv stations
mapped
69,77
30,23
100
Tab. 51 – Circulation of “ethnic” printed media (number of copies)
Number of copiese:
Printed media
until 500 copies
From 501 to 1500
From 1501 to 5000
From 5001 to 10000
10000 and over
Total
4
5
14
4
4
31
Source: Cospe – Tuning into diversity
% of tot.of printed
media mapped
12,90
16,13
45,17
12,90
12,90
100
Tab. 52 – Periodicity of the printed media mapped
Printed media
One number
Quaterly four monthly, six-monthly
Monthly or bimonthly
Weekly or every 15 days
Total
Source: Cospe – Tuning into diversity
1
8
18
4
31
% of tot.of printed
media mapped
3,22
25,81
58,07
12,90
100
Tab. 53 – Distribution of printed media by type of publisher
Typeof publisher:
Private
Cultural, non-profit, trade – union
associations
Local Authorities
Publishing house
NR
Total
Source: Cospe – Tuning into diversity
Printed media
% of tot. Of printed
media
5
16
16,13
15,61
2
4
4
31
6,45
12,90
12,90
100
Tab. 54 – Charateristics of the staff employed in the printed media mapped
Paid
Foreign
Italian
Mixed
Totali
NR
1
2
3
4
Source: Cospe – Tuning into diversity
Number of printed media:
unpaid
Both paid and
unpaid
5
19
24
-
-
total
5
1
25
4
Tab. 55 - Charateristics of the staff employed in the radio and tv programmes mapped
Numero dei programmi in cui è impiegato personale:
Both paid and
Paid
unpaid
unpaid
total
Foreign
Italian
Mixed
total
NR
3
19
22
6
Source: Cospe – Tuning into diversity
18
1
18
33
1
2
8
10
20
4
45
7
NR
2
8
Tab. 56 - Charateristics of the staff employed in all the “ethnic” initiatives mapped
Paid
Foreign
Italian
Mixed
total
NR
total
4
21
24
10
59
Source: Cospe – Tuning into diversity
Number of initiatives
Both paid and
unpaid
unpaid
23
1
37
61
1
123
2
8
10
20
total
25
5
66
NR
2
8
Tab. 57 – Percentage distribution of the staff according to nationality and role in all the
“ethnic” initiatives mapped
Percentage of the iniziatives
Both paid and
Paid
unpaid
unpaid
Foreign
Italian
Mixed
80%
31,9%
Source: Cospe – Tuning into diversity
92%
20%
56,06%
8%
12,13%
total
100
100
100
Tab. 58 - Staff distribution according to the role (paid or unpaid) in all the
“ethnic” initiatives mapped
Number of initiatives
paid
unpaid
Both paid and unpaid
NR
Total
Source: Cospe – Tuning into diversity
24
61
10
22
117
% of tot. Inititaives
mapped
20,51
52,14
8,55
18,80
100
Tab. 59 –Distribution of the skills required to the staff for type of iniziative
Number of initiativese:
SKILLS REQUIRED
Printed media
Tv+radio
total
% of tot.
Inititaives
mapped
none
Generic skills
Thematic skills
Professionalità in the communication field
Technical skills
Both technical and comunnication skills
NR
20
6
2
3
48
2
3
7
4
7
15
68
2
9
9
4
7
18
58,13
1,7
7,69
7,69
3,41
5,99
15,39
Totali
31
86
117
100
Source: Cospe – Tuning into diversity
Tab. 60 – Financial resources of the initiatives mapped by type of media
tv
Only public financing
Only adversiment
Both
None
NR
Total
Number of the initiatives
Printed
radio
media
3
5
5
3
16
Source: Cospe – Tuning into diversity
9
13
1
26
21
70
5
11
4
9
2
31
total
17
29
5
40
26
117
% of tot. Inititaives
mapped
14,51
24,21
4,14
35,03
22,11
100
Tab. 61 – Longevity of the initiatives mapped by type of media
Lenght of the experience
Less than 1 year
From 1 to 5 years
More than 5 years
NR
Total
tv
5
8
1
2
16
Source: Cospe – Tuning into diversity
Number of the initiatives
Printed
radio
total
media
18
34
9
9
70
12
16
3
31
35
58
13
11
117
% of tot.
Initiatives
mapped
29,92
49,58
11,10
9,4
100
Tab. 62 – Type of production of the radio and tv initiatives mapped
Number of programmes
Internal Production
External Production
Co-production (together with
association, local authorities and
institutions)
NR
Total
Source: Cospe – Tuning into diversity
% of tot. Radio
and tv Initiatives
mapped
tv
radio
total
9
3
44
7
53
10
61,63
11,62
2
2
16
15
4
70
17
6
86
19,77
6,98
100
Tab. 63 –Time schedule of radio and tv programmes mapped
Periodicity:
Daily
Weekly
Every 2 or 3 week
NR
Total
Source: Cospe – Tuning into diversity
tv
5
9
1
1
16
Number of programmes
Radio
total
11
36
15
8
70
16
45
16
9
86
% of tot. Radio
and tv
Initiatives
mapped
18,59
52,21
18,50
10,70
100
Tab. 64 – Lenght of radio and tv initiatives mapped (minutes)
tv
Number of programmes
radio
total
2
4
1
9
16
6
10
15
7
3
8
21
70
8
10
19
7
4
8
30
86
Lenght:
Until 15 minutes
30 minutes
60 minutes
90 minutes
120 minutes
Other formats
NR
Total
Source: Cospe – Tuning into diversity
% of tot.
Radio and tv
Initiatives
mapped
9,30
11,63
22,09
8,14
4,65
9,30
34,89
100
Tab. 65 – Hour band of the radio and tv initiatives mapped
Hour band:
Number of programmes
Morning
Afternoon
Evening
Night
NR
Total
Source: Cospe – Tuning into diversity
16
13
11
24
22
86
% of tot. Radio and tv
Initiatives mapped
18,60
15,12
12,79
27,90
25,59
100
Tab. 66 – Formats of the radio and tv programmes mapped
Type of the programmes:
Number of the
programmes
News
Service reports
Containers
Talk show
In depth programmes
Music
Religious
NR
Totale
Source: Cospe – Tuning into diversity
23
4
34
3
8
6
2
6
86
% of tot. Radio and tv
Initiatives mapped
26,74
4,65
39,53
3,48
9,30
6,97
2,36
6,97
100
Tab. 67 – Languages used by type of media analysed
Languages used:
Italian only
Foreign language only
Bilingual (italian plus a foreign language)
Mulilingual
NR
Total
Source: Cospe – Tuning into diversity
Number of initiatives
Printed
Tv+R
media
total
24
19
12
29
2
86
11
5
10
5
31
35
24
22
34
2
117
% of tot. Inititaives
mapped
29,91
20,51
18,8
29,05
1,73
100
Tab. 68 – Type of management of the radio and tv initiatives mapped
Number of programmes
% of tot. Radio and tv
Tv +radio
Initiatives mapped
Managed by broadcasters
Self – managed by immigrants and associations
Co-managed (migrants, associations, local authorities
and institutions)
NR
Totali
Source: Cospe – Tuning into diversity
12
28
32
13,95
32,56
37,21
14
86
16,28
100
PART III
THE EUROPEAN RESEARCH ON MEDIA AND ETHNIC
MINORITIES
The overview on European research on media and ethnic minorities was
conducted by Ed Klute (director) and Susan Bink, from Stoa.
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Immigrants and ethnic minorities in mass media. Representation and policies
1. Introduction
In the last twenty years, a lot of initiatives have been developed concerning
the relationship between media and minorities in Europe. Researchers,
journalists, people from minority organizations and anyone interested in the
subject started to realise that the media play an important role in the
integration19 process of ethnic minorities. Nevertheless, the media didn’t
reflect the multicultural aspects of the European society, not on screen and
not at all behind the screen. A lot of people who were dealing with this
subject in one way or the other met on a range of European conferences in
Europe. On these conferences, a number of initiatives were initiated because
like-minded individuals realised they wanted to achieve the same purpose: a
better media environment for ethnic minorities in Europe.
Over the years, a lot of progress has been made in the media and minorities
field. For instance, policies were developed and implemented,
methodologies and tools were produced and all over Europe an increasing
number of ‘ethnic minority media professionals’ are working in the media
industry and are active in the emerging emancipation movements.
Unfortunately not many of these efforts, developments, project results and
research reports are known or accessible. This results in ad hoc policies, no
continuation of pilot projects, and very little exchange of good practice. In
order to change this Stoa took the initiative to start mapping the existing
information and experiences. It sees its task two-fold: to make
developments, experiences and ‘good practice’ accessible and to analyse
them and to make them adaptable to other countries and organizations.
Stoa has focused on giving an impression of the present media situation
concerning minorities in Europe and in the Netherlands. It did so by
mapping existing and ongoing international and national research and
setting up a network of researchers. Its strategy was, to look for policy
documents, conference reports and project evaluations in order to describe
the processes and possible positive and negative results and effects. Based
on these findings an outline for a ‘blueprint’ for media and minority policies
19
We are aware of the fact that ‘integration’ is a heavily loaded term with different normative
meanings in different contexts.
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Immigrants and ethnic minorities in mass media. Representation and policies
in European member states has been developed as well as strategies which
can lead to the realisation of parts of the ‘blueprint’.
The present report is only a first outline of the work to be done. It offers a
base for further research and analysis. During the compilation of this report,
Stoa developed a format in which all available information can be
structured. This format is based on the ‘blueprint’ offered below.
This report consists of the following parts:
- General description of European media situation concerning cultural
minorities
- Methodology mapping existing and ongoing research
- Overview and analysis of European Conferences
- Description of examples of ‘good practice’
- Media and minorities in the Netherlands
- Outline for a ‘blueprint’ for media and minority policies in European
member states
- Further recommendations
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2.
Immigrants and ethnic minorities in mass media. Representation and policies
European media situation
Multicultural societies in Europe are a reality in everyday life. However, the
different ethnic and cultural groups are still not equally and fairly
represented in the European media. Under-representation and
misrepresentation of immigrant and minority groups has an impact on
mainstream audiences: it confirms their often biased and ill-informed
perceptions of the ‘new’ Europeans. At the same time, minority audiences
have variable connections with national mainstream media: there are few
characters, stories, issues or debates with which they can identify. This leads
to a sense of exclusion, marginalisation and, as a result, estrangement from
the country’s cultural mainstream.
Radio, television, newspapers and, increasingly, new media have become
major factors of socialisation. Research shows that people transpose
mainstream media images into their perceptions of the society in which they
live. Media fictions thus can become a part of perceived everyday reality.
Media representations, which offer overt and covert racism, stereotypes and
cultural clichés often, work to confirm or strengthen existing prejudices,
which can provoke or exacerbate exclusionary, discriminatory and racist
behaviour throughout society.
Making cultural diversity part of media reality will have a profound effect
on the perceptions and attitudes of viewers and listeners. It will provide
immigrants and ethnic minority communities with positive role models, as
well as offering society at large a more balanced portrayal of these groups
and a more accurate view of the multicultural society. Both aspects are of
importance to ensure immigrants and ethnic minorities a respected place in
European society and to counter exclusion, racism and xenophobia.
Moreover, the visibility of ethnic minority groups and ethnic role models in
the mainstream media has a positive and stimulating effect on young people
from ethnic minority populations.
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2.1.
Immigrants and ethnic minorities in mass media. Representation and policies
Full participation of ethnic minorities in radio and television: an
equal opportunities and anti racism issue or simply a business
need of the broadcasting industry?
In most European countries (with the UK as main exception), until a few
years ago most public service broadcasting companies had a near monopoly
position over their consumers. Audiences, because of the limited number of
channels, had little choice. This created a media environment in which
programme-makers were able to produce programmes in accordance with
their own ideas and perceptions without having to address the needs of
specific ethnic minority audiences. There was no felt need at that time for
diversity management. With few exceptions, broadcasting companies were
not interested in employing ethnic minorities. The few who did gain access
tended to be exceptionally talented individuals.
Where ethnic minorities have been employed in mainstream broadcasting,
such as in the UK, this has happened specifically as a result of policies
designed to improve equal employment opportunities and not because
broadcasters recognised the need for their specific skills and qualities. The
content of programmes generally omitted any reference to ethnic minorities,
or when they were included they provided negative portrayals.
During the last few years the broadcasting industry has changed
considerably and is still changing. New technologies, globalisation and
liberalisation of the broadcasting legislation has meant that listeners and
viewers can now receive almost limitless public and commercial radio and
television stations by antennae, cable and satellite. By now the monopoly of
public service broadcasting has disappeared. Public broadcasters are
struggling to legitimise their existence in the face of ever-growing
competition between stations (public and commercial).
One of the results of this process has been the fragmentation of the
audiences and broadcasters becoming more and more aware of these
potential audiences. Some stations have already started to analyse their
potential markets and on the basis of the results they are beginning to make
strategic choices for their business approaches.
The potential audiences for all European broadcasters have become more
and more multicultural. In some countries ethnic minority groups are the
fastest growing consumer forces. This has of course attracted the interest of
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commercial enterprises, as the broadcasting industry and their sponsors
realise that in some urban areas, more than 50% of young consumers have
an ethnic minority background. The change to a multicultural society
requires the content of programmes to change and a high degree of
intercultural media competence from all broadcasters, both public and
commercial.
Learning from happenings elsewhere in Europe and recognising the impact
of television, broadcasters are accepting a growing responsibility in the way
the media portrays ethnic minorities, moving away from negative images
and stereotypes to provide a balanced picture of what is happening in
society. Encouraging knowledge of and respect for each other’s opinions
and cultures will become a vital task for public broadcasters. The
commercial broadcasting sector is beginning to recognise the large spending
and consumer potential of the ethnic minority communities. More and more
stations targeted at ethnic minority audiences are entering the broadcasting
market. Public broadcasters face an important challenge in creating a forum
for the positive exchange of opinions and cultural values. Equal opportunity
employment policies and journalistic codes of conduct designed to avoid
negative and stereotypical portrayal are not sufficient to meet this challenge.
Society in the new millennium will be diverse and multicultural; the
broadcasting industry must adapt its business strategies to survive in this
new environment.
2.2.
The aftermath of the September 11th events and the position of
ethnic minority groups in the Netherlands and other European
countries
A Multicultural Society built on Quicksand
The aftermath of the September 11th events clearly illustrates the impact of
global and national media coverage on the position of ethnic minority
groups in Dutch and other European multicultural societies. During the first
two weeks news coverage was sensationalist, biased, culturally loaded and
even inaccurate. Questions were not asked, sources were not always
checked for accuracy or authenticity. The impact of such coverage on
multicultural societies became the lowest priority. Everyone except those
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who may be knowledgeable about Islamic20 culture passed judgements on
air about Islam.
Islamic audiences and other ethnic minority groups frequently find aspects
of western global and national media highly offensive. For many, it seems
that there is a systematic denigration of Islamic countries and the Muslim
religion. A ‘fundamentalist’ is no longer simply someone who adheres
devoutly to the purest form of their religion. The word ‘extremist’ seems to
have attached itself to the word ‘Muslim’, suggesting that all Muslims are
potentially capable of extreme acts. Rarely is the Islamic culture or religion
described in terms of its guiding principles. Neither is there much analysis
of the historical and political causes of the existing anxieties in Islamic
communities. In many cases, balance and background are missing.
The result of this media coverage on ethnic minority communities in
western countries is that tolerance appears to have regressed, there is
hostility on the streets, in shops, with neighbours and colleagues, and even
at school amongst children. This was confirmed by a recent report of the
EUMC (2001) showing clearly that in some countries (Belgium, the
Netherlands and Sweden particularly) there is an increase in both verbal and
physical attacks against Muslims.
In order to obtain alternative, often non-western, information on the
developments in their countries of origin and about the sentiments in their
own communities, Islamic audiences as well as other ethnic minority groups
have turned to satellite stations like Al Jazeera based in Qatar, Turkish
satellites and the internet. These media offer them news and information
based on cultural values with which they are able to identify. In the
Netherlands, the sale of satellite dishes increased tremendously after the
World Trade Centre attacks. Islamic communities have asked cable
companies to relay Al Jazeera, like CNN, on the local cable networks.
The World Trade Centre attack has reminded us of the immense power of
headlines and images over balanced analytical articles or commentary.
Before September 11th, in the Netherlands, groups and communities
‘tolerated’ each other. After September 11th we have come to realise how
fragile that tolerance is, and how complacent, perhaps, we have become.
20
We realise that there are many different forms of Islam, and that there are officially Islamic
countries who also have citizens who are effectively secular.
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Yes, the Netherlands a multicultural society, but its foundations are not built
on rock, but on quicksand.
Awareness is growing, but more has to be done
Western media and governments now clearly recognise that stations like Al
Jazeera have a different perspective on the events and aftermath of
September 11th and an enormous potential impact on audiences in Arab
countries and on Arabs living in the west. Global networks like CNN, as
well as Dutch national stations were increasingly depended on the
contributions of Arab stations and journalist and experts from minority
ethnic groups during the first weeks after the terrorist attacks. Western
media have neglected global and national Islamic audiences in the past and
are now unable to reach them in these crucial times.
Dutch mainstream media is not unaware that it is even more necessary to
counter negative representation and stereotyping of Islam and minority
ethnic groups and to reach out to minority ethnic audiences. The National
Union of Journalists and broadcasters are actively reflecting on post
September 11th news coverage and its effects on the relationships between
groups in the multicultural societies. Dialogues are starting in newspapers
between representatives of different religions. Some broadcasters have
invited representatives of national Islamic organizations to reflect together
on their news coverage, with the intention of avoiding further damage and
improving co-operation.
The Dutch media industry understands that society in this new millennium
will be diverse and multicultural and that it must adapt its business
strategies to survive in this new environment. The commercial broadcasting
sector is beginning to recognise the large spending and consumer potential
of the ethnic minority communities.
Satellite stations and ethnic media are here to stay
The globalisation of media is having its effects on multicultural society.
Because of the technological revolution almost every ethnic minority group
is able to receive radio, television and Internet news and entertainment from
their original countries in their living room. People are engaging with a
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different community at home to when they are at work, on the street or at
school. In the present situation, we have to accept that people have different
points of view based on their own cultural, social and religious backgrounds
which will be influenced and encouraged by global media. In order to create
an atmosphere of mutual understanding and an environment for intercultural
communication, the national mainstream media as well as the national and
local media will have an increasingly important responsibility.
Politicians and broadcasters will have to accept that a large part of the ethnic
minority population cannot be reached through mainstream programming.
There will always be a need among ethnic minorities for national and local
radio and television programmes directed at the different ethnic
communities. These stations and programmes can act as discussion and
communication platforms within the communities. People will be able to
discuss developments in Dutch society within their own cultural
environment. The conclusions of these discussions can be communicated to
the mainstream media, local authorities and government. This plurality of
programmes and stations can more easily represent a plural society and feed
into policy and into Dutch mainstream media.
Professional ethnic media are able to provide the Dutch government with
open communication channels towards their national minorities. The events
of the September 11th made it absolutely clear that these communication
channels are necessary to keep a dialogue open. Professional local and
national minority ethnic media are also important for the mainstream media,
because these media have access to networks in the minority ethnic
communities and they are able to feed them with information on opinions
and feelings within these societies. Finally, the ethnic minority stations are
breeding grounds for new ethnic minority media talents which in the long
run can be scouted and contracted by the mainstream media.
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Tuning in to diversity
Making cultural diversity part of the reality of television and radio will have
a profound effect on the perceptions and attitudes of the viewing and
listening public, and will encourage audiences to engage with the media
with more analytical and critical awareness. This enhances equal access to
the media for all people, including a rightful place for ethnic media.
Media professionals working in local, national, global, mainstream and
minority ethnic media, have to accept the reality of the global society, have
to realise the impact of media, have to obtain knowledge and respect for
different views, opinions, backgrounds, cultures and religions. And most
important of all, they have to recognise that their reporting is never
objective, but always influenced by their own social and cultural
background.
Media consumers – whatever their background – need to learn to interpret
and to question the news and images with which they are confronted.
Audiences need to acquire tools to enable them to learn to understand and
respect different views and cultures.
This process requires change: change in personnel and programming
policies of radio, television, newspaper and new media companies. More
ethnic minority media professionals will need to be employed; staff need to
be re-trained; media training centres need to review their curricula; migrant
consumer groups will have to be empowered. Most important of all, more
young people from immigrant communities and of ethnic minority origin
need to be encouraged to seek careers in the media. A multiple effort on
several levels is needed. Issuing guidelines or changing legislation
governing the media can help, but it will not by itself deliver the necessary
results.
However, recognising the challenge is one thing, tackling it is another. The
broadcasting industry is fragmented. The broadcasting companies
commission a large part of their productions from independent production
companies. These companies use a high percentage of freelance workers.
Companies feel no responsibility for training these freelancers and they
have no time or money available to train their own employees. There is no
regular media training structure. In-house training structures are
disappearing. There are hardly any objective vocational standards in the
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media industry. There is no definition of what might be coined ‘intercultural
media competence’.
Apart from this, there are not enough skilled workers from ethnic minority
groups to start working on all levels in radio and television jobs. Production
companies run and owned by ethnic minorities are very rare. The number of
ethnic minority students enrolled in the training institutes is very low.
Although there is a lot of talented potential in the ethnic minority
communities, not many young people from these groups tend to choose a
career in broadcasting.
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3.
Immigrants and ethnic minorities in mass media. Representation and policies
Mapping existing and ongoing research
On the European level, we will now focus on European initiatives
concerning media and minorities, and look at examples of good practice in
several European countries. To be able to give this overview we will
concentrate on the role of European conferences in this field. During these
conferences, a lot of interesting themes were discussed, good practice was
presented, new collaborations were initiated and important promises were
made. The conference readers, participants lists and reports offer a rich
reservoir of information. The conference reports on national developments
and discussions can be linked to mainstream policies and events in the same
period. By analysing the participants and speakers lists, one is able to deduct
starting and developing networks and the influence of certain persons on
developments.
By giving a rough historical overview of the developments concerning
media and minorities in the last twenty years, we want to discover how this
issue was dealt with in the past, what happened to the recommendations and
which processes can be highlighted. The mapping of the conferences is not
complete and the analysis is not exhaustive. The conferences are observed
(and selected) from the Stoa point of view. It is therefore possible that some
imported conferences and developments are not mentioned.
During the ‘Tuning in to Diversity’ project Stoa developed an intensive
work relationship with EUMC, University of Bradford, London School of
Economics (LSE), ERCOMER and On Line / More Colour in the Media.
Especially the report of EUMC, ‘Racism and Cultural Diversity in the Mass
Media’, was very helpful. Stoa co-organised and participated in workshops
in Bradford (UK), Turku (Finland) and Utrecht (Netherlands), in which
researchers and practitioners exchanged information and research details.
3.1.
Mapping European Conferences
European conferences function as important links between the new ideas of
individuals and good practices of migrant organizations, journalist unions
and broadcasting organizations. During these conferences, the foundations
of several organizations and working groups were laid, like the Dutch
Foundation for Ethnic Minorities and Media (Stoa), the International Media
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Working Group Against Racism and Xenophobia (IMRAX), and the EBUworking group for exchange of multicultural programmes. We have been
examining the conference reports of a selection of these media conferences,
to see how they were prepared, what was discussed, who were involved, the
recommendations that were developed and what processes were started or
evaluated. We wanted to examine how this all developed and interrelated
into the situation as it is today in Europe. In this way we could look at
processes, good practices and policies.
By looking at this historical overview, some good practices came up that we
wanted to highlight. One of the most important European projects on media
and minorities was the European project ‘On line/More Colour in the
Media’, a network of media organizations which have been working in
partnership to improve equal participation of ethnic minorities in radio and
television since 1995. The network enhances projects on employment,
career orientation, media education, and exchange of multicultural
television programs and portrayal. A lot of (broadcasting) organizations
have worked on this project in several European countries and this resulted
in some good results. We want to highlight some successful results from this
project, for instance the diversity policy and activities of the Swedish
Broadcasting Corporation. Key persons in these projects have been
interviewed. The interviews, existing articles and reports form the basis for
the description of these examples of ‘good practice’.
Apart from the selection of ‘good practice’ in this report, Stoa compiled a
lot more material on other projects. This information is often part of
conference reports, evaluation reports, policy reports, magazines, etc. This
information will be made available in a later stage, if the ‘digitised’ format
of the ‘blueprint’ is realised on the internet.
3.2.
National practices
National conferences and projects followed up some European conferences,
and national projects were developed as a result of transnational cooperation. The Netherlands and the UK have special policies on media and
minorities. It seemed worth looking at good practices in terms of equal
opportunities policies, and recommendations for journalists in dealing with
ethnic minorities in the media in these two countries. The Dutch situation on
media and ethnic minorities is described in the national report on the
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Immigrants and ethnic minorities in mass media. Representation and policies
Netherlands written by Stoa. The situation in Italy is described by Cospe
and the situation in France by Grrem.
4.
Outline for a ‘blueprint’ for media and minority policies in
European member states
Based on a first analysis of the conferences recommendations and the
conclusions of several transnational workshops in the On Line / More
Colour in the Media Network and of the ‘Tuning in to Diversity’ project, a
draft ‘blueprint’ has been developed. This report will only give an outline
for this ‘blueprint’. Additional research and discussion is needed to
accomplish a workable format, which can be used in several countries and
by several organizations and authorities.
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5.
Immigrants and ethnic minorities in mass media. Representation and policies
Overview and analysis of European conferences on
media and minorities
By way of collecting conference reports on migrants and the media, will
describe the development of the media and minorities debate in Europe. We
are focusing on:
- a selection of participants involved in each conference,
- the themes that were discussed,
- the background of the conference,
- the purpose of the conference,
- the recommendations that were formulated,
- the outcomes, plan of action etc.
During the analysis, we wanted to make a clear distinction between the
different conferences. Hereby, our main focus was:
- How did each conference came about?
- Was there a relation to any other conference or initiative?
- What was the purpose of the conference?
- What were the effects of the conference in the participating countries?
- What happened after the conference in terms of good practice?
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5.1.
Immigrants and ethnic minorities in mass media. Representation and policies
An overview of the main conferences
5.1.1. The Role of Information in the Realisation of the Human Right
of Migrant Workers. Report of the International Conference,
Tampere, 19-22 June, 1983
The conference discussed the contribution of information in the promotion
of human rights of migrant workers as applied to the special concerns of
several European countries and of the existing research in the field as well
as of the need for new actions. The conference initiated a joint international
study concerning the communication situation of migrant workers; its
objectives and framework are documented in the Final Statement of the
conference. Researchers and journalists of Scandinavia, Eastern Europe
(Poland, Russia, Yugoslavia), Switzerland, Austria and Luxembourg
attended the conference.
Selection of participants:
- Mr. Kaarle Nordenstreng, Professor, Department of Journalism and Mass
Communication, University of Tampere, Finland.
- Mr. Taisto Hujanen, Lecturer, Department of Journalism and Mass
Communication, University of Tampere, Finland.
- Mr. Charles Husband, Chairperson, Postgraduate School of Studies in
Social Analysis, University of Bradford, UK.
- Mr. Denis McQuail, Professor, Department of Mass Communication,
University of Amsterdam, the Netherlands.
- Mr. Jean-Pierre Vorlet, Member of the Federal Commission of
Immigration (CFE), Bureau Lausannois pour les immigrés (BLI),
Switzerland
- Ms. Colleen Roach, Representative of the UNESCO Director General
UNESCO, Sector of Communication, France
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Themes: mass media, human rights, migrant workers
Background: The conference had its origin in a joint Yugoslav-Finnish
seminar on ‘The Spirit of Helsinki and the Public Information Media of
Yugoslavia and Finland’ which was held in Belgrade in 1977. The idea was
to initiate an international joint study based on the Final Act of the
Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe signed in Helsinki in
1975, and in particular on the chapter dealing with the economic and social
aspects of migrant labour.
Purpose: Defining a framework for a joint international study which would
analyse the communication situation of migrant workers from the point of
view of human rights.
Recommendations: The participants agreed that the proposed joint study
should be initiated immediately and that it should take into account the
following principles:
1. The situation of migrant workers should be considered in an interrelated manner, and in relation with general factors, including economic,
political, social and cultural factors and the requirements of respect for
human rights and human dignity.
2. Because of their legal status and socio-economic position, migrant
workers often have poor access to normal channels of communication
and, therefore, cannot fully realise their human right to freedom of
expression and opinion.
3. Mass media and other means of communication can contribute to the
promotion of basic human rights and, therefore, it is important to
guarantee to migrant workers equal access to and participation in them.
4. The right of migrant workers to receive regular information in their own
language, covering both their country of origin and the host country is
vital. The countries concerned should seek to develop the necessary
conditions for migrant workers and their families to preserve their links
with their national culture, and also to adapt themselves to their
surrounding language and new cultural environment.
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5. Migrant workers should not be seen only as receivers of information or
objects of cultural adaptation but also as subjects of communication and
cultural creation.
6. The communication situation of migrant workers is shaped by language,
culture and education as well as by socio-economic factors of migration;
these factors should therefore form the basis of any communication
policy concerning migrant workers.
7. Because of the international nature of migration, the countries so
affected (especially the CSCE and Magreb countries) should intensify
their efforts to realise the basic human rights of migrant workers
including co-operation in the field of communications.
Plan of action: In the light of the above, the participants agreed further that
the joint study should have the following aims and objectives:
1. The study should promote research concerning the communication
situation of migrant workers from the point of view of the human rights
and create new solutions to communication policies concerning migrant
workers.
2. The study as such should promote the idea of communication policies
concerning migrant workers. The participants are convinced that clearly
and consiously defined communication policies form an effective
method to realise and improve the promotion of the rights of migrant
workers.
3. The research carried out in connection with the study should produce
basic materials for the definition of communication policies concerning
migrant workers. It should contribute to the formulation of international
measures aiming at the promotion of the human rights of migrant
workers in general and in the field of communication policies in
particular.
4. The image of migrant workers amongst the population of the host
countries in the process of the realisation of their human rights depends
largely on the way migrant workers are portrayed to the general public.
Consequently, it is important that potentially negative effects of the
mass media and other means of communication towards migrant
workers be taken into consideration.
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5. The study will consist of sub-projects to be conducted at the national
level.
Observations: At this conference, the first impulse for a communication
policy for migrant workers was initiated. The participants use the term
‘migrant workers’, instead of the term ‘ethnic minorities’ as it is used today.
Realising that the term ‘migrant workers’ does not necessarily refer to all
categories of migrants, the conference has nevertheless adopted this term for
the sake of the concurrence with various documents in this field. The
conference has considered it important that the research to be carried out
within the joint study should in principle embrace all those different
categories of migrants.
Further, the emphasis was laid on terms like ‘human rights’, ‘freedom of
expression’, ‘equal access’ and the two-sided matter of ‘the right of media
in their own language’ on the one hand, and to ‘preserve their links with
their national culture’ on the other. As we will see, this is a vital focus point
in the discussion on media and minorities.
5.1.2. The Role of Information in the Realisation of the Human Right
of Migrant Workers. Final Conference of the Joint Study,
Lausanne, 23-27 October 1988
This conference is the final one in a series of conferences related to the Joint
Study ‘The Role of Information in the Realisation of the Human Right of
Migrant Workers’. Researchers, journalists, policymakers and people from
migrant organizations from all over Europe attended the conference. In
order to facilitate the follow-up of the Joint Study internationally, regionally
and nationally, an international council named the International Council for
Communication and Migration was set up in Lausanne. The Council will be
chaired by Pradip Sarbadhikari (Lakehead University, Canada) and its
secretary John D.H. Downing (then: Hunter College, New York, USA, now:
University of Texas, Austin). Other members of the Organising Committee
were: Alice Gail-Bier (University of Barcelona, Spain), Charles Husband
(University of Bradford, United Kingdom), Peter Reinsch (Centre for Race
and Ethnic Studies, The Netherlands), Miroljub Radojkovic (University of
Belgrade, Yugoslavia), Tim Turpin (Victorian Ethnic Affairs Commission,
Australia), Taisto Hujanen (University of Tampere, Finland; Joint Study Ex
Officio).
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Selection of participants:
- Mr. Taisto Hujanen, Lecturer, Department of Journalism and Mass
Communication, University of Tampere, Finland.
- Mr. Charles Husband, Chairperson, Postgraduate School of Studies in
Social Analysis, University of Bradford, UK.
- Mr. Jean-Pierre Vorlet, Member of the Federal Commission of
Immigration (CFE), Bureau Lausannois pour les immigrés (BLI),
Switzerland
- Mr. John Downing, Chair, Department of Communication, University of
New York, USA
- Mr. Morten Giersing, UNESCO, Division of Free Flow of Information
and Communication Policies, France
- Mr. John Murray, Conseil de l’Europe, Secrétaire du Comité pour les
migrations, France
- Mr. Peter Reinsch, Centre of Race and Ethnic Studies, University of
Amsterdam, the Netherlands
- Dr. Beate Winkler, Beauftragte
Ausländerfragen, Germany
der
Bundesregierung
für
Themes: mass media, human rights, migrant workers
Background: This is the Final Conference of a Joint Study ‘The Role of
Information in the Realisation of the Human Rights of Migrant Workers’.
The idea was to initiate an international joint study based on the Final Act of
the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe signed in Helsinki
in 1975 (which included the right for minorities to receive media in their
own language), and in particular on the chapter dealing with the economic
and social aspects of migrant labour.
Purpose: Defining a framework for a joint international study which would
analyse the communication situation of migrant workers from the point of
view of human rights.
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Recommendations: Recommendations are provided in broad general terms
ranging from those concerned with international Conventions, bilateral
arrangements, the policies of nation-states, those concerned with state
institutions including the mass media, trade unions and employer
organizations, and with migrant worker and ethnic community organizations
own efforts to develop information and communication programs.
1. We most strongly urge the incorporation of the migrant workers’ right to
access and equity in communication.
2. We recommend direct bilateral contacts and agreements in the area of
cultural and educational co-operation between media-institutions in the
migrant workers’ sending and receiving countries, with particular
reference to those broadcasting special programs for migrant workers.
3. Communication policy concerning migrant workers should promote
their cultural and linguistic equity and create greater opportunities for
access and participation in this communication process.
a) We urge all host societies mainstream media organizations to
evaluate their recruitment- and employment-policies in order to
ensure that there is fair access and equity for migrant workers within
these organizations.
b) Government regulatory bodies should evaluate their efforts to
monitor mainstream media employment and program-policies, to
ensure there is responsible representation of migrant workers
interests in programming.
c) Affirmative action programs should be developed to assist effective
and equitable recruitment of migrants into broadcasting and
publishing media at all levels in these organizations.
4. Mass media in both sending and receiving countries should evaluate
their policies and adopt measures necessary to ensure that all
information provided about migrant workers is accurate, unbiased and
will effectively promote positive understanding about the situation of
migrant workers.
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5. Governments and private bodies should provide resources such as
training and the provision of technical equipment to assist migrant
workers to take advantage of all forms of communication available in
the different countries.
6. Recognising the potential of ethnic media activities for the
empowerment of migrant workers, and at the same time noting the
mixed record of these media in that process, we advocate a more active
involvement of migrant workers themselves and of supportive agencies,
in constructing an autonomous ethnic media sector.
7. Given the quantitative technological expansion of new media channels
we urge that this opportunity not be lost to expand migrant workers
access and participation in public communication.
8. Governments and private employers should provide equitable resources
to support the various ethnic media. Avenues that might be considered
include advertisements marketing of materials produced by the ethnic
media as well as grants and subsidies.
9. Finally, we advocate that all activities recommended above be
developed in conjunction with thorough, ongoing analysis and research
on the communication situation of migrant workers, to be conducted in
close partnership with migrant worker communities.
Plan of Action: As a first step it is suggested that regional networks should
be established, each with at least one co-ordinator with the following aims:
- to monitor developments concerning information and communication
policies and programs effecting migrant workers in each region
- to organise regional seminars, discussions and projects as required
- to prepare newsletters about the progress of these developments
- to act as the main contact for international agencies initiatives in these
regions
- to communicate information about all these developments to the other
regional networks and the co-ordinators at least once a year.
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Resources should be sought from a range of international and national
agencies to support these regional networks.
Observations: The recommendations of this final conference in Lausanne
are obviously more comprehensive than the ones formulated after the first
conference in Tampere. We didn’t even mention all recommendations that
were formulated, just the ones that were important for our research and dealt
explicitly with media. The most important proposal of this final conference
is the establishment of regional networks. This suggestion has finally
become reality in June 2001, when the RAXEN network of the European
Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia was established21. It is very
interesting to observe the participants mentioned and their relation with the
present projects, initiatives and policies!
5.1.3. Migrants, Media and Cultural Diversity, Noordwijkerhout, 29
November – 1 December 1988
This conference was organised by the Council of Europe, as part of a series
of European Conferences on several subjects, in co-operation with the
Dutch Ministry of Welfare, Public Health and Culture. There is no full
report of this conference in Noordwijkerhout, only a official document from
the Council of Europe with proposals for further action.
Participants: national delegations of the member states of the Council of
Europe consisting of experts, researchers, representatives from public
broadcasters and government officials.
Themes: migrants, media, cultural diversity
21
The core task of RAXEN is to provide the European Union and its Member States with
objective, reliable and comparable data at the European level on the phenomena of racism,
xenophobia and anti-Semitism. The RAXEN network is composed by 15 National Focal
Points (NFPs), one in each Member States, which are the entrance point of the EUMC at
national level as regard the data and information collection foreseen in RAXEN.
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Background: organised by the Dutch Ministry of Welfare, Public Health
and Culture, in co-operation with the Council of Europe as part of a wider
project of the Council of Europe.
Purpose: to formulate recommendations on innovative policies introducing
cultural diversity within the mainstream media
Recommendations:
1. The governments of the Council of Europe States should acknowledge
the right of migrants and ethnic groups:
a) to receive through the media adequate information appropriate to their
needs,
b) to express themselves in the media.
Without prejudice to the constitutional freedom of speech of the press,
radio and television, they should ensure that these rights are enshrined in
legislation on the media and in the texts laying down the duties of the
public sector media.
2. In order to eliminate stereotyped views of migrants and their countries of
origin, and to ensure that the media do not give inaccurate information
about them, journalists and broadcasters need to be made more sensitive
to the backgrounds, cultures and living conditions of migrants and to
conditions in their countries of origin; they also need to understand how
migrants experience life in the host society.
3) Help the media to overcome hindrances to equality of opportunity for
migrants in the media.
4) Experience in the ethnic media should be regarded as a valuable
preparation for migrant journalists wishing to work in the mainstream
media.
5) In order to give a proper reflection of the cultural and ethnic diversity of
the population of the host countries, and so as to enable them to
participate in the decision-making process in the media, democratically
run associations of migrants and ethnic groups should have access to the
governing bodies of the media in the same way as other interest groups.
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6) Governments should ensure that the media have access to all the
information they need in order to present an accurate picture of the
position of migrants and ethnic groups in society.
7) These proposals should be brought to the attention of the Council of
Europe bodies reseponsible for mass media policy, and in particular these
concerns relating to migrants and the media should be reflected in the
future European Convention on Transfrontier Television.
Plan of Action:
1. In order to encourage the public sector media to fulfil their duties,
governments should, in so far as flexibility is possible in the allocation of
public funds to the media, earmark subsidies for those media organs that
have a definite policy of offering professional opportunities to migrant
journalists and programme-makers. Where possible, migrant and ethnic
media (i.e. media run by migrants and the ethnic groups themselves)
should be regarded as priority candidates for public subsidies.
2. Institutions responsible for media education, including the management
bodies of media organizations that run training courses, need to ensure
that these concerns are incorporated into vocational training,
postgraduate training, and in-service training.
3. Mass media training institutions should expand
a) pre-training courses for under-qualified entrants to the media
profession
b) open up more possibilities for training placements
c) determine appropriate criteria and standards for recruitment of
migrants into the media
4. It is recommended to create an annual European Media Prize for the film,
radio or television programme, article or publication which contributes
best to (a) giving a complete and balanced image of migrants and ethnic
minorities, (b) promoting the participation of minorities in the media, and
(c) improving community relations. It is suggested that the initiative
might be taken by those countries where similar prizes already exist and
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that the European prize might be awarded under auspices of the Council
of Europe or the European Broadcasting Union.
5. The Colloquy proposes the establishment of a European Production Fund
to stimulate the production and distribution of multicultural programmes.
The Fund should give grants in particular to freelance migrant
programme-makers, independent migrant production companies and to
international co-productions. The Fund should be independent, with a
governing board of media professionals including migrants. The Council
of Europe, the European Community and interested Member States could
be involved in launching and financing the Fund.
Observations: This conference was very important for the future
development of media and minorities policies in quite a few European
countries. For the first time, quite a few people involved in media and
minority activities in their countries came together. Not only representatives
from different countries met each other, but more importantly people from
the same country, who were part of the national delegations, met each other
very often for the first time. These encounters laid the basis for future
transnational co-operations and national initiatives.
During the Conference the foundation was laid for Stoa. The Dutch
delegation also decided to organise within 6 months (in 1989) a national
conference. For this conference the recommendations of the European
conference were translated into the Dutch situation. This national
conference became the basis of the present Dutch media and minority
policies.
As we can see, the term ‘migrant workers’ has vanished, instead the terms
‘migrants’ and ‘ethnic minorities’ are used. In these recommendations, the
focus is on the representation of ethnic minorities in the media, the
responsibility of journalists about this and better access of minorities to the
media. For the first time, attention is paid to vocational training courses for
migrants, who want to work in the media.
Further, the action plan mentions the initiatives of a European Media Prize
and a European Production Fund. The idea of a European Media Prize was
presented by Hans Wentholt, who at the time was also president of the ADO
(an anti-racism organisation, who has now merged with the LBR, the
national anti-racism organisation in the Netherlands). ADO already had the
‘ADO Media prize’, which is now the ‘Zilveren Zebra’ Award (ASN Media
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Prize), and 1988 also saw the presentation of the first ‘CIVIS Hörfunk und
Fernsehpreis’ (ARD, WDR) in Germany. In 1991, Germany, Belgium and
England supported the ADO initiative to create a European prize. This
encouraged Belgium to initiate the first ‘Media prize for a harmonious
society’ in 1992 and in England the CRE (Commission for Racial Equality)
presented the British Media Awards in 1993. Along the way, the joint
initiative was born, and the European Media Award for Equality and
Tolerance took shape in 1996, which was first called ‘Prix Iris’ and since
the merger with the Prix Europa at the beginning of 2000 ‘Prix Europa Iris’.
The main goal of the initiators of the Prix Europa Iris is to encourage
programme makers and journalists towards greater awareness of the
colourfulness of their society and towards making programmes that
stimulate mutual understanding and challenge xenophobia, bias and racial
discrimination. The media, and television in particular, are an indissoluble
part of society and their social role is increasing. Since they contribute to the
image of our society, and therefore also to the image of other cultures within
our society, it is very important that viewers receive a balanced and accurate
picture of society and the ethnic groups within it. The Prix Europa Iris
therefore is above all an acknowledgement of those media which contribute
to the process of multiculturalisation in Europe.
5.1.4. Media and Minorities, Utrecht, 14 June 1991
The national Dutch conference in 1989 led to the recognition of Stoa by the
Dutch government. Stoa was able to hire professional staff and to intensify
its lobby activities. In 1990 Stoa participated in the CRA/CRE - conference
on local radio of ethnic minority audiences. Here contacts were established
between BBC-Equal Opportunities and Stoa.
In June 1991, the Minister of Welfare, Public Health and Culture presented
a note on ‘Media and Minorities’. The note described the way in which
special attention must be guaranteed to ethnic minorities within the media.
Also the way that ethnic minorities must be supported to gain an equal
position within the media was described. The ‘Stichting Omroep en
Allochtonen’ (Stoa) organised a conference on this same subject on June 14,
1991, in Utrecht, the Netherlands. About 170 representatives of migrant
organizations, broadcasting organizations, politicians, policy officials and
ethnic minority broadcasters took part in the conference. The intention was
to formulate concrete recommendations on the media and minorities policy
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toward the Dutch Parliament. The conference chose the following three
starting points:
- Media in a multicultural society
- Participation of ethnic minorities within the media
- Future possibilities for ethnic radio
Selection of participants:
- Chris Trynka & Derek Burnett, Equal Opportunities Officers, BBC, UK
- Willem van Beusekom, director of public broadcasting radio, the
Netherlands
- Mohamed Rabbae, director of the Dutch Centre for Foreigners (NCB),
the Netherlands
- Henk Baard, editor of RVU radio and television, the Netherlands
- Bülent Okyay, committee member of the regional broadcasting station of
Utrecht, the Netherlands
- Rocky Tuhuteru, program leader of SEGLO-radio and co-worker of NOS
radio, the Netherlands
- Ed Klute, director of Stoa, the Netherlands
Themes: ethnic broadcasting, positive action, equal opportunities,
participation of ethnic minorities
Background: The conference was organised in the scope of the Media and
Minorities note of the Ministry of Welfare, Public Health and Culture
(WVC).
Purpose: formulate concrete recommendations on the media and minorities
policy towards the Dutch Parliament
Recommendations:
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1. A specific, stimulating national policy on media and minorities, based
on:
2. Legal warranty for the continuation of special programmes for ethnic
minorities broadcast by the national public media, structural funding for
local migrant broadcasters in the four, largest cities of the Netherlands,
and representative programming on a local and regional level,
3. The recognition by the public broadcasting association that the
multicultural society must be reflected in programming and the
company’s staff,
4. Better accesibility of vocational mediatraining by ethnic minorities.
Observations: The conclusions of this conference were an important input
for the media and minorities policy of the Netherlands. Politicians noticed
the importance of the issue because of the presentation of the BBC-Equal
opportunity example. Because of this conference, Mrs. Hedy d’Ancona,
Minister of Welfare, Public Health and Culture, visited the equal
opportunities office of the BBC, to learn about their way of working. The
BBC became an example for the future Dutch multicultural policies for
public broadcasting.
Because of the positive experience with the BBC presentation, Stoa started
to consider a European Conference on Media and Minorities in the
Netherlands in order to further boost the developments and policies.
5.1.5. Public Broadcasting for a Multicultural Europa (PBME),
Noordwijkerhout, 15-17 October, 1992
The PBME-conference was organised by a organising committee consisting
of Stoa, BBC, NOS and the University of Luton. The conference was based
on a joint venture, because Stoa and the BBC both wanted to organise a
similar conference in the same period. It was the first conference organised
by media organizations themselves. The conference was organised with the
help of a group of ‘ambassadors’. Six months before the conference a ‘keyperson’ from seven countries were invited for a preparatory workshop.
These ‘key-persons’ all participated in the Noordwijkerhout Conference in
1988, as well as broadcasting policymakers (BBC, NOS, BRTN, Swedish
Television, Danmark Radio, German Broadcasting), black and ethnic
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minority broadcasters/presenters, and European policymakers (EBU, EC,
European Parliament). The conference was presented as a follow up on the
‘Migrants, Media and Cultural Diversity’ conference in Noordwijkerhout in
1988. The organisers wanted to see what had happened since that
conference and to formulate further steps. In advance of the conference the
media situation in the participating European countries was described.
Selection of participants:
- Surinder Sharma, Head BBC Television EO Department, UK
- Jo Serpliss, BBC Televison EO Department, UK
- Europe Singh, Education Office, Mosaic Project, BBC Education, UK
- Rakesh Bhanot, Head Multicultural Education, Luton College of Higher
Education, UK
- Louis Heinsman, Head International Affairs, NOS, the Netherlands
- Ed Klute, Project Director, Stoa, the Netherlands
Themes: multicultural broadcasting, minorities, participation, portrayal,
education
Background: This pioneering conference marked the culmination of a
number of recent initiatives in the United Kingdom and the Netherlands all
of which were concerned with broadcasting for a multicultural Europe.
Purpose: Discussing the role of public broadcasting in a multicultural
Europe and developing a programme for action. The implementation of
programmes to address these issues will require the implementation of new
organisational strategies, the creation of supporting infrastructures and the
development of networks at national and European levels. The conference
was a first step in trying to achieve this.
Recommendations:
1. Formulate guidelines which enable public broadcasters to avoid negative
portrayal of black and ethnic minorities and to strive towards high quality
multicultural mainstream programming which promotes harmonious
relations between different ethnic, religious and linguistic groups
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2. Develop joint strategies for using educational and social action
broadcasting as a means of countering racism and xenophobia
3. Set up networks to facilitate the aims of the conference, including a
network of black and ethnic minority workers and organizations involved
in broadcasting
4. Share good practice in establishing equal employment opportunities for
black and ethnic minority broadcasters within European media
organisation.
Plan of Action: The conference was designed as an occasion for action.
Recommendations were prepared and follow up was ‘secured’. After the
conference the organisation PBME started its activities. PBME had to
follow up the results of the conference. For the EBU a declaration was
prepared which would be presented to the general assembly of the EBU.
The EBU-exchange group for multicultural television programmes came
into being. A motion was going to be proposed to the European Parliament
and the IFJ started an international working group on media and minorities.
Observations: The conference was highly successful because of the
involvement of broadcasters and black and ethnic minority professionals.
The conference was clearly organised from inside broadcasting. The
preparation was very intensive and many people were involved. In this
conference the right people were in the right place. It was very important
that the follow up of the conference was ‘secured’. Because of this all
delegates felt that the conference was a milestone. During the preparation of
the conference contacts were established by PBME with a French initiative
(INA) which organised a European Conference in 1993 (Paris) and
published a book on this subject (by Marion Vargaftig and Claire Frachon).
PBME became a driving force for a lot of new initiatives and projects
concerning Media and Minorities in the years to come. The delegates of the
conference became the base of a new and active European network of media
professionals. A newsletter published during two years by PBME,
strengthened and broadened the network.
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5.1.6 The Role of the Media in Promoting Integration and Equal
Opportunities for Immigrants, Solingen, 30 November – 2
December 1994
This conference was one of the follow up activities of the 1992 PBME
conference and symbolically organised one year after ‘the fire’ in Solingen!
The conference was organised by PBME on behalf of the Council of Europe
in co-operation with the Adolf Grimme Institut.
Selection of participants:
- Surinder Sharma, Head BBC Television EO Department, UK
- Jo Serpliss, BBC Televison EO Department, UK
- Europe Singh, Education Office, Mosaic Project, BBC Education, UK
- Rakesh Bhanot, Head Multicultural Education, Luton College of Higher
Education, UK
- Louis Heinsman, Head International Affairs. NOS, the Netherlands
- Ed Klute, Project Director, Stoa, the Netherlands
- Flip Voets, BRTN, Belgium
- Amina Krüger, Adolf Grimme Institute, Germany
- Sabine Jungk, Adolf Grimme Institute, Germany
Themes: mass media, integration, equal opportunities, and ethnic minority
radio/television
Background: In the past several recommendations on the role of the media
in a multi-cultural society have been formulated and approved, for example,
in paragraph 5.5 of the final report of the Community Relations Project of
the Council of Europe, MG-CR (91) 1 final. The Solingen Conference has
been designed to extend the scope of existing policies. The conference was
based on the presentation of a selection of 10 examples of ‘good practice’.
Practitioners discussed the results and formulated recommendations for
implementation.
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Purpose: extend the scope of existing (national) policies on media and
minorities, as well as achieving commitment and co-operation between
media organizations and individuals at both national and European levels.
Recommendations: The participants of the Solingen Conference make the
following recommendations for further action:
1. The media need to recognise and to acknowledge the growing diversity
in their societies and audiences. They should play an essential role in
promoting integration of migrants and ethnic minorities as well as in
promoting equal opportunities. The media should provide correct
information, motivate individuals and groups to act, raise awareness of
the cultural diversity of European States and challenge racism and
discrimination.
2. By their character, Public Broadcasting Organizations have a specific
responsibility towards all sectors of the population. The Conference
therefore urges an appropriate funding of Public Broadcasting
Companies. Further more, and for the financing of specific projects,
additional support should be sought, for instance from the European
Funding. National and key European fund holders should be made aware
that media projects can also play a part in realising their own stated aims.
The Conference delegates are encouraged to establish contacts with, for
example, heads of European Social Fund Offices in the countries
concerned with a view to securing financial support for specific projects.
3. As a long term strategy educational establishments need to review their
curricula in order that students from under-represented groups are
encouraged to consider the possiblity of a career in the media. In
addition, media organizations need to explore creative ways of giving
people from ethnic minority backgrounds exposure to the world of
media. Educational authorities and media organizations are urged to be
pro-active and promote initiatives which foster these changes.
4. The Conference revealed that in some countries public or community
local radio and television initiatives are contributing to the process of
integration and participation by members of ethnic minorities and in
building good community relations; as well as providing a stepping stone
for aspiring migrant programme makers. Local public and community
radio can play a real part in community life complementary to national
radio and television. The Conference urges funding providers to
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recognise the need for adequate and ongoing financial resources to
support this work. The Conference requests the Council of Europe
through its Congress of local and regional authorities and other
appropriate bodies, to facilitate an exchange of experience and models of
current good practice. Such networking should lead to a consolidation
and proliferation of these kinds of local initiatives and programmes.
5. Many organizations of journalists and broadcasters are already engaged
in formulating guidelines designed to promote equal opportunities and a
balanced portrayal of a multi-ethnic and multi-cultural society. The
Conference urges all unions of journalists and all broadcasters to
participate in such initiatives and adopt appropriate codes of conduct.
6. The Conference has clearly demonstrated the value and the continuing
need for networking and sharing models of good practice. The Council of
Europe is asked to continue to support such initiatives by compiling a
booklet/video of good practice which could be disseminated as various
forms for developing policies and projects to this end. a practical guide.
Observations: For the first time at a conference France was well presented.
During this conference strategies were laid out to involve France more in
the PBME-activities. A plan was made for a big European conference in
Strasbourg. Also during the conference the initiative of More Colour in the
Media was born. During a separate meeting some delegates were introduced
to the possibilities of the European ‘Employment Programme’. This meeting
later resulted in several major national projects (Netherlands, Germany,
Sweden and Greece). The transnational (HORIZON) partnership later
initiated in the present On Line / More Colour in the Media network.
5.1.7. European Symposium on Racism, Xenophobia and the Media,
Amsterdam, 16-18 June 1995
What is the approach of journalists and broadcasters towards the
multicultural society? How do they cope with phenomena such as racism
and xenophobia? These questions were fully discussed at a three-day
conference held in the Hotel Casa in Amsterdam. It was organised by the
Working Group Migrants & Media of the Dutch Association of Journalists
(NVJ) in conjunction with the AVBB (the Association of Professional
Journalists in Belgium) and supported by the Swedish Journalist Union. The
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conference was attended by more than 80 journalists from Belgium,
Denmark, Germany, Finland, France, the United Kingdom, Italy, the
Netherlands, Spain and Sweden. In his closing address, Rudy Lion Sjin
Tjoe, chairman of NVJ’s Working Group, called for an international
working group under the auspices of the IFJ to keep the debate alive.
Selection of participants:
- Flip Voets, BRTN, Member of the Belgian Working group Media &
Migrants of the Union AVBB, Belgium
- Kees Brants, Institute of Mass Communication, University of
Amsterdam, the Netherlands
- Rudy Lion Sjin Tjoe, chairman of the Working group Migrants & Media,
the Netherlands
- Jim Boumelha, National Union of Journalists’ Black Members Council,
UK
- Aidan White, Secretary general of the International Federation of
Journalists, Belgium
- Kaarle Nordenstreng, Professor Journalism training, University of
Tampere, Finland
- Leen d’Haenens & Frieda Saeys, Communication Section, Ghent
University, Belgium
- Amina Krüger, Adolf Grimme Institut, Germany
- Andra Leurdijk, Communication Studies, University of Amsterdam, the
Netherlands
Themes: portrayal, equal opportunities, guidelines for reporting
Background: organised by the Dutch Association of Journalists (NVJ), the
Belgian Journalist Association (AVBB) and the Swedish Journalist
Association (Svenska Journalistenförbundet).
Purpose: a better image and understanding of the position of migrants in the
European media
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Recommendations:
1. It is important for the Conference participants to realise that a space be
made for Black and minority media practitioners – and not viewed with
hostility – in gatherings such as we now are having.
2. National unions of journalists or such similar professional groupings be
made aware that they should reappraise their own structures and use
these in bringing in Black and minority journalists into their
memberships that hopefully lead to improved working conditions and
end their marginalisation. As a precondition to this point, there must be
facilitation of entry for Black/minority people to media education and
training programs.
3. There was a unanimous demand for the formation of a Network among
Black and minority media people, and that such a Network be helped,
especially in terms of resources, financial and otherwise. Such a Network
must be formed under the aegis of the International Federation of
Journalists and its Working Group on Racism and Xenophobia.
Observations: This was a conference especially focused on the work of
journalists and the way they could deal with the multicultural society in
their reporting.
5.1.8. Public Broadcasting for a Multicultural Europe, Strasbourg,
October 19-21, 1995
PBME’s second conference in Strasbourg was organised in co-operation
with Génériques, a French research body and cultural organisation, which
aims to contribute to the knowledge and understanding of various aspects of
migration, and under the auspices of the Strasbourg City Council and the
Council of Europe. The conference aim was not only to provide an update
on European developments, following the first conference in
Noordwijkerhout, Holland, but also to share information about national
media projects and initiatives; to discuss guidelines and recommendations
for good practice in mainstream broadcasting for a multicultural Europe, in
line with the recently adopted EBU Declaration, as well as to develop
strategies and to build new networks in order to implement the above
mentioned guidelines and recommendations. Finally, the conference was
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also the occasion to present the newly established PBME organisation and
its future aims and objectives. The conference was visited by representatives
from broadcasting companies, training organizations, workers unions,
consumer organizations, broadcasting authorities and NGO’s, as well as
programme makers, researchers and governmental officials.
Selection of participants:
- Surinder Sharma, Head BBC Television EO Department, UK
- Jo Serpliss, BBC Television EO Department, UK
- Europe Singh, Education Office, Mosaic Project, BBC Education, UK
- Rakesh Bhanot, Head Multicultural Education, Luton College of Higher
Education, UK
- Louis Heinsman, Head International Affairs, NOS, the Netherlands
- Ed Klute, Project Director, Stoa, the Netherlands
- Flip Voets, BRTN, Belgium
- Amina Kruger, Adolf Grimme Institute, Germany
- Sabine Jungh, Adolf Grimme Institute, Germany
- Mrs. Claire Frachon, Producer, France
Themes: portrayal, educational and social action broadcasting, equal
employment opportunities, and journalist training and networking
Background: Since 1992 PBME has held conferences, seminars and
workshops in its drive to establish appropriate networks to implement its
objectives as outlined above. PBME members have supported national
broadcasting companies by setting up training programmes, lobbying
national and European organizations, as well as by creating and fostering a
series of both formal and informal networks to share good practice.
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Purpose:
- To provide an update on European developments, following the first
conference in Noordwijkerhout, Holland,
- To share information about national media projects and initiatives;
- To discuss guidelines and recommendations for good practice in
mainstream broadcasting for a multicultural Europe, in line with the
recently adopted EBU Declaration,
- To develop strategies and to build new networks in order to implement
the above mentioned guidelines and recommendations.
- Finally, the conference was also the occasion to present the newly
established PBME organisation and its future aims and objectives.
Recommendations: At the second day of the conference, all the participants
were divided into seven small working groups. The objective was, among
other things, to formulate recommendations. The workshops dealt with the
following topics: (I) News, Current Affairs and Sport, (II) Drama, (III)
Entertainment
Programmes,
(IV)
Children’s
Television,
(V)
Educational/Social Action Broadcasting, (VI) Radio and (VII) Audience
Awareness and ‘Consumer’ Organizations. We won’t mention all the
recommendations of each workshop, but we will suffice with the main
conclusions of all the workshops:
1) An increase in Black and migrant journalists, producers, editors and
programme makers, both on and off screen, should be pursued and
promoted. In order to achieve this goal, proper training for this group is
necessary. Furthermore, the positive contributions this group can make to
processes within broadcasting should be emphasised and exploited.
2) Next to proper training of Black and migrant journalist, producers, etc.,
the proper training of journalists, producers, etc. from the majority group
is also necessary. Training should, among other things, focus on giving
in-depth information on the different aspects that the multicultural
society is made up of and ways of dealing with multiculturalism in
broadcasting. In this regard, public broadcasting should adopt some
guidelines or promote the existence of regulatory bodies which can
monitor the way multiculturalism is dealt with in broadcasting.
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3) European networks of qualified Black and migrant actors, writers,
producers and media workers in general should be set up in order to
enable the making of small co-productions with small companies.
Plan of action:
1. One European Media Prize
2. Setting up guidelines for journalists
3. The creation of a media researchers group
Observations: The Strasbourg conference was the last PBME conference.
Although it presented its new plan during the conference, PBME
disappeared soon after. The conference showed that it is very difficult to
have fruitful plenary discussions with different languages and cultural
groups. The English speaking groups left when the French were speaking
and the other way around; although the main theme of the conference was
cultural diversity. In the specialised workshops intensive and good
discussions took place. The organisers concluded that it would be better in
future to organise specific small workshops with selected participants.
During this conference the PBME guidelines were endorsed, which were
later adopted by the Council of Europe. A network of media researchers was
established. The Strasbourg conference was also meant to start media and
minority initiatives in France. There was a good French participation. After
the conference France 3 started to co-operate in the EBU multicultural
programme group and took the lead in a exchange project in the Year
Against Racism. Finally during this conference the European Institute for
the Media (EIM) started to be involved in the European research project
‘More Colour in the Media’.
In 1995, at the PBME conference in Strasbourg, a new situation was
discussed. At the PBME conference in 1992 the participants talked about
integration into the mainstream and abolishing service programs for
migrants. But in 1995, a new development was recognised: satellites.
Several speakers pointed out that satellite-programmes from Northern
Africa, from Turkey and also from other parts of the world, create the
danger of isolating ethnic minority communities within our national
communities. The danger was felt that ethnic minorities will more and more
focus on watching satellite programs originated from their own countries
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and other parts of the world. They could move from watching mainstream
broadcasting because they don't find the information and programmes there
with which they are able to identify. This should become a key issue for the
media industries to maintain these viewers, as part of their national
audience. So equal participation, realistic portrayal is not only important to
fight racism and xenophobia, but also necessary to meet the interests of the
multicultural audience in order to maintain them as customers of your
programmes.
Another development in Strasbourg is that the participants are not only just
talking about beautiful ideas any more, but discuss strategies based on
experiences. They talk about a wider range of programmes, not only about
News and Current Affairs, but about Drama, Entertainment, Children's
Programmes and Education too. This is an important progress. Many of the
things, which has happened after several conferences, could only have
started because of transnational co-operation. And last but not least, another
new development was the attention to audience awareness. If not any
attention is paid to the viewers and if the viewers are not going to be active
themselves, especially those from ethnic communities, then there can be no
change of direction.
After the Strasbourg conference smaller workshops were organised and
transnational networks were initiated. The time of big conferences was over
and the further development of ideas, methodologies and products started,
very often based on discussions and ideas obtained during former European
conferences.
5.1.9. Cultural Rights, the Media and Minorities, Strasbourg, 27-29
September 1995
The seminar participants endeavoured to progress on three fronts: an
intellectual front, which led them to a discussion of the definitions and
terminology surrounding the seminar’s concepts, with a view to finding a
common language; a normative front, which led them to form several
recommendations based upon conclusions they had reached, the most
important being in the political and operational domains; and an operational
front, which took the form of a plan for a comparative study at European
level of the ‘compensatory’ role played by public information services.
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Selection of participants:
- Mr. Alain Chanel, Centre universitaire d’enseignement du journalisme,
Université Robert Schuman, France (speaker)
- Mr. Len Masterman, Heswall, UK (speaker)
- Mr. Pierre Noël, INA, France (speaker)
- Mr. Peter Wien, Information Director, ARTE, France (speaker)
- Mrs. Marion Vergaftig, UK (general reporter)
- Mrs. Claire Frachon, France (observer)
- Mr. Antonio Perotti, Luxembourg (participant)
- Mr. Ad van Loon, Legal adviser to the European Audiovisuel
Observatory, France (participant)
Themes: mass media, minorities, cultural rights, with special attention to
media education and vocational training.
Background: The seminar came within the scope of an ambitious
programme initiated by the Council for Cultural Co-operation, called
‘Democracy, human rights, minorities: educational and cultural aspects’.
Purpose: The goal of the seminar was to cast new light upon the idea of
cultural rights as linked to the media, and upon the protection of minorities’
cultural rights.
Recommendations: The primary purpose of the following
recommendations is to increase the participatory role of the citizen
(particularly those citizens furthest from access to power) by equipping
them to combat misinformation and giving them access to media, at the
same time as placing the debate in a multicultural perspective. The first
three recommendations are the most important and urgent from the practical
and political standpoint:
1) Maintain a vigilance regarding media discourse, in the battle against
intolerance, racism and xenophobia, by affirming the incontestable
importance of the role of the public service media in this area;
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2) Acknowledge the importance of the role played by new technologies.
Support training schemes and initiatives that open access to these
technologies and allow for minority participation in media discourse;
3) Encourage or assist the authorities concerned to implement educational
programmes at every level, designed to develop a critical and analytical
approach to media discourse and its socio-cultural role.
4) Initiate and encourage every means of educating the public – at every age
and social level, and particularly members of minority groups – to
develop a critical eye in relation to the media;
5) Improve the training of professionals in the audio-visual field and insist
on the fact that the media have an educational duty towards their readers,
viewers and listeners;
6) Encourage high-quality vocational training systems that open access for
minorities to careers in journalism;
7) Carry out a survey at the European level of the ‘models’ and prototypes
used in the media training;
8) Encourage deontologically sound attitudes among professionals in the
audio-visual field and encourage them to credit their sources of pictures
and information;
9) Foster the independence of training centres for journalists and help
develop partnerships with trade organizations, institutions, firms and
associations (NGOs, anti-racism groups, etc.), including associations of
television viewers.
Plan of action:
1) It is important to join forces and develop the potential synergy there is in
the multitude of projects and initiatives on ‘minorities and the media’. An
initial step would be to identify and draw up an inventory of the projects
developed in this field by the European institutions (European
Commission, Council of Europe, etc.), the transnational organizations
(EBU, CIRCOM, PBME, etc.), universities, training and research centres
which could be on the Internet, not forgetting the trade associations
(European Federation of Journalists, etc.);
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2) The Council of Europe could take charge of gathering and co-ordinating
the information, research and survey findings and recommendations
produced by these different initiatives and consider setting up and
developing a resource centre, alone or in partnership with other
organizations, which would have its focus on minorities and media
training.
Observations: The definition of ‘minorities’ adopted at this meeting can be
described as follows: ‘the minority is that which is the most remote from the
control of power and the systems of the media.’ In order to participate in
cultural life, minorities must have access to the media. It is important to
analyse the new relations between the media and their audience(s), in order
to determine how minorities might exploit the new opportunities (of new
media) that are opening up to them. At the same time, in close correlation
with the right to access, the importance of media education and training is
stressed by the participants, particularly in three specific fields:
- training media professionals with a view to improving the understanding
and representation of minorities;
- training minorities and their natural representatives in the practical
aspects of the media;
- education the public in deciphering and understanding the messages
emitted by the media, with a view to increasing the role and critical
participation of the public. In this respect, the role the media itself can
play in training or educating its audience should also be taken in to
account.
5.1.10 New Directions in Broadcasting: ‘The impact of change on
employment and training’, Hilversum, 20 & 21 November 1998
The research department of the European Institute for the Media, together
with Stoa and the European Centre for Work and Society in Maastricht were
finalising a research project named ‘More Colour in the Media’ at the time
of the conference. It was a transnational and multi-disciplinary study that
deals with employment and (handicaps) for professional access to the audiovisual media by ethnic minorities in five European countries. This
conference was organised in connection with this research. Speakers from
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other broadcasting organizations that dealt with employment and training
issues gave their view on the subject. The conference was organised by the
European network ‘More Colour in the Media’.
Selection of Participants:
- Ed Klute, director of Stoa
- Els Bovenlander, director Media Academie, Hilversum
- Prof. Dr. Bernd-Peter Lange, director of the EIM, Germany
- Ms. Veena Bhatti, Equality unit, BBC, UK
- Ms. Kate O’Connor, director of Standards and Qualifications, Skillset,
UK
- Mr. Kevern Oliver, head of Training Development, BBC, UK
- Ms. Andrea Stein, deputy director AIM, Germany
- Ms. Cynthia Reyes, change management leader, CBC, Canada
- Dagny Eliasson, EV co-ordinator Swedish Radio, Sweden
- Amina Krüger, Adolf Grimme Institut, Germany
Themes: development media labour market, employment, national
vocational qualifications, equal opportunities
Background: The conference was organised in connection with the On
Line/More Colour in the Media Network. This network is the follow-up of
the PBME, which was mentioned earlier.
Purpose: exchange of information and good practice dealing with
employment and training of ethnic minorities in the media.
Recommendations:
1. Managers should find the best qualities in people and integrate them in
the media company
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2. Managers should develop extra skills in their people
3. Diversity in program should be linked to people management as well
4. Managers should focus on new audiences
5. Diversity policies should be integrated in general policies
6. The multicultural society should be reflected in programming as well as
personnel
Observations: On this conference, the first connection with Skillset (UK)
and AIM (Germany) was made. These are mainstream organizations
concerned with vocational qualifications. Afterwards, Stoa started cooperating with Skillset in several projects on vocational orientation and
assessment. For Cynthia Reyes, change management leader, CBC, Canada,
this conference became the immediate cause for organising the Innoversity
Creative Summit which will finally take place on May 16 & 17, 2002 in
Toronto, Canada. This Summit will bring media professionals from all
levels and backgrounds together to the challenge of fully embracing and
reflecting Canada’s cultural diversity in the mainstream media.
5.1.11. European Media Conference ‘Cultural Diversity – Against
Racism’, Cologne, May 20-21, 1999
Over two days, in five work groups, speakers and participants from 14
European countries were able to develop numerous proposals and
recommendations on the subject of racism, xenophobia and cultural
diversity in the media. Great importance was attached to the area of training
and further education. A call was made for European politicians to ensure,
by means of legislation in the member states that the cultural diversity of the
countries is also sufficiently well represented in the media. In addition,
recommendations for the practical journalistic work were developed and
innovative programme offers for radio and television were put forward.
Organisers: Westdeutscher Rundfunk (WDR) in Cologne and the European
Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia (EUMC) in Vienna
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Selection of participants:
- Jean Kahn, Management board of the EUMC, Austria
- Beate Winkler, Director EUMC, Austria
- Jo Groebel, Director-General, EIM, Germany
- Marie Gillespie, University of Wales, UK
- Charles Husband, University of Bradford, UK
- Dagny Eliasson, Swedish Radio, Sweden
- Ed Klute, Stoa, the Netherlands
Themes: cultural diversity,
education & training
representation,
minority
programming,
Background: Organised by the Westdeutscher Rundfunk (WDR) in
Cologne and the European Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia
(EUMC) in Vienna, in co-operation with the European Institute for the
Media (EIM) in Dusseldorf and the European Broadcasting Union (EBU) in
Geneva.
Purpose: develop numerous proposals and recommendations on the subject
of racism, xenophobia and cultural diversity in the media. Great importance
was attached to the area of training and further education.
Recommendations: The results of the European Media Conference are
comprehensive and complex. The selected results are categorised according
to the target groups to which the recommendations were addressed.
1. Recommendations to programme makers (selection)
- Social integration can also be encouraged through entertainment on
the TV. Stereotypes of nationalities can be countered through
differentiation. In the long term, we must achieve a situation where
people with a different skin colour or origin are a normal part of TV
entertainment, not something unusual or different.
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- In order to understand developments and conflicts, the reporting of
current events should also reflect the different causes and positions of
a controversy directly – preferably through the personal comments of
those involved.
- We need to develop programmes for the majority of the population in
which the diversity of their own origin and their own migration
history are represented. These are points of reference which the
majority population have in common with ethnic minorities.
2. Recommendations to the management of media organizations (selection)
- Europe’s public service broadcasters need to collaborate more fully on
programme exchanges and multicultural co-productions.
- The larger public service media organizations need to offer further
training events for their journalists involved in mainstream
programmes in which the cultural background of the minorities living
in their country is explained. This will bridge the gap between the
different cultures and reduce the risk of unintentionally offending
cultural minorities in programmes.
- There are numerous important journalistic guidelines in the European
countries (see report University of Bradford) which deal with the
treatment of minorities in the media. These guidelines are only
practical if the controllers and directors-general of the major media
organizations recognise them. Therefore, it would be a good idea if
the senior management of the media organizations were to prove
themselves willing to support the recognised rules of the game when
dealing with minorities in their programmes and to adopt the
necessary measures whenever these rules are flouted.
- The large media organizations in Europe should see it as their
responsibility to offer multicultural programmes for different ethnic
minorities.
3. Recommendations to political leaders in Europe (selection)
- European TV programmes should be monitored. Matters which
concern the whole of Europe should be the subject of continuous
scrutiny.
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- It would be a good idea to develop a documentation centre on
intercultural affairs in the European media. With the help of
researchers and experts, books, films, documentation, etc. could be
made available providing information on extremist and racist parties,
groups or organizations.
- The European Union should set up a foundation dedicated to the
development and creation of multi-cultural programmes throughout
Europe.
- The European Commission should take up the following initiatives in
accordance with Article 13 of the Treaty of Amsterdam:
- Member States should each be required by a directive to ensure that
their media legislation makes due provision, in both public service
and commercial broadcasting, for the multiculturalism of their own
country by offering suitable programmes and to take the necessary
measures to grant the members of minorities equal opportunity of
access to the media and educational institutions. The Commission
would need a suitable watchdog to monitor the implementation of
this policy.
- The Commission should co-ordinate internally the activities of its
directorates with regard to equal opportunity and anti-racism and
involve the European media industry in establishing an intercultural
media policy through integrated action. DG X (culture, media and
sport) should take central responsibility for the exchange of
information between the individual directorates, when the
following subject areas would be considered: media education,
career guidance, education and training, intercultural media skills,
programme development, researching public opinion, promoting
cultural diversity, networks and international dialogue.
Observations: At this conference, a lot of themes were discussed, which
resulted in an enormous set of recommendations. At the time of this
conference, the European Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia
(EUMC) was just established and some of the ideas raised on the conference
were put under the umbrella of the EUMC (for instance, the documentation
centre). Since this conference EUMC has been very much involved in
portrayal and monitoring issues concerning media. In 2002 EUMC
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published a comprehensive European research report on media and
minorities: ‘Racism and Cultural Diversity in the Mass Media’.
During this conference the initiative for the Tuning in to Diversity research
was born. Some delegates had the feeling that during this conference the
wheel was reinvented several times. Therefor these people felt the need to
start mapping the developments and conference results form earlier
conferences and ‘good practices’ in order to be able to build on the
experiences during next conferences.
The conference was an important event for Germany, because the WDR, a
major German broadcaster, publicly committed itself to ‘multicultural’
broadcasting.
5.1.12 Multivision on Television, Berlin, 20 October 2000
In October 2000, the LBR, the Dutch National Bureau Against Racial
Discrimination, organised a seminar ‘Multi-vision on television’ in
connection with the Prix Europa Iris 2000, the European Award for
Multicultural Television, in the Rundfunkhaus in Berlin. At the same time
and place the viewings and hearings of the Prix Europa and the Prix Europa
Iris were held and the deliberation of the international jury took place here
too. The merger of the Prix Iris, a professional prize for media-productions,
which provide a well-balanced picture of the multicultural aspects of
society, with the Prix Europa, was the complement of unrivalled cooperation between NGOs and broadcasters from several European countries.
The Prix Europa Iris 2000 was co-ordinated by the NPS in the Netherlands.
The NPS was also the co-ordinator of the EBU working group:
Multicultural programming. The Prix Europe Iris and this workgroup work
very much together.
Participants: Representatives of NGO’s involved in anti discrimination
activities, broadcasters and programme makers.
Themes: multicultural programming, codes of conduct
Background: In 1996 the Prix Iris started as the European Media Prize for
Equality and Tolerance. The Prix Iris was an initiative of the organisers of
four similar prizes at national levels. This was originally collaboration
between four NGOs. Afterwards the LBR co-operated with the NPS to
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continue these media-activities: organising the media award and the
seminar/workshops.
Purpose: Formulate practical hints how to improve TV-programmes that
deal with the multicultural society in Europe
Recommendations:
1) Multicultural society is not only minorities. Include the whole identity,
such as gender, age, not only race
2) Multicultural is a life-style; make use of the fashionable sides of it
3) Multicultural programmes should meet the same quality standards as
other programmes
4) More ethnic staff members should be employed and move upt to higher
positions
5) Use positive news from different communities to commit minorities
6) Eloquent participants from minority groups in TV shows or quizzes can
have more positive effect that a well meant documentary
5.1.13 European Multicultural Media Conference, Turku, 11-14 Oct.
2001
The aim of the conference was to bring together organizations and
individuals from ethnic minorities in different Nordic countries to interact
with media experts belonging to mainstream media and NGO’s who are
involved in training and policy making. During these 4 days, subjects as
diverse as, women, media and minorities, Islam in the western media,
multicultural reporting, how European media looks at multiculturalism,
ethnic minority media and why and who needs more colour in the Nordic
media, were discussed in detail. There is still no report on the conference
results, the following information is based on a press release and the
conference programme.
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Selection of participants:
- Geert Ates & Dorien Oxenaar, United against Racism, the Netherlands
- Sruti Bala, coordinator of Voices Without Frontiers Network, AMARC,
Sheffield, UK
- Inger Etzler, Swedish Television, editor of ‘Mosaic’, chairperson of the
Intercultural Programme Group of EBU, Sweden
- Myria Georgiou, researcher at LSE, UK
- Ed Klute, Stoa, the Netherlands
- Bashy Quraishy, ENAR/Fair Play, Denmark
- Trine Smistrup, Nordic Journalist Centre, Denmark
Note: as we can see, most participants were media experts or working
directly with multicultural media. This conference was especially focused
on the multicultural media itself, and not on policies or research.
Themes: multicultural reporting, ethnic minority media
Background: organised by Multicultural Information Association (MKTY),
in co-operation with Turku city/International Meeting Point, Finland.
Purpose: bring together organizations and individuals from ethnic
minorities in different Nordic countries to interact with media experts
belonging to mainstream media and NGOs who are involved in training and
policy making.
Recommendations:
1) setting up a co-ordination committee involving representatives of all
Nordic countries to arrange the next meeting
2) setting up a network of TV stations who produce grassroots programmes
3) a 10 point proposal to the mainstream journalists on ethnic sensitivity in
media
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4) using the existing media networks in different European countries
Observations: During this conference a new Nordic network of
multicultural broadcasters was founded. Contacts were established between
the network On Line / More Colour in the Media and LSE. An agreement
was made to jointly organise a European conference for multicultural media
in September 2002. The Nordic organizations also were drawn in to other
European networks.
5.2.
Hidden effects of conferences
Very often people say after attending a conference: 'we heard a lot of
speakers, we heard a lot of beautiful speeches. But did we actually achieve
anything being there for three days?' The answer is often ‘yes’. However,
these results are not always clear and transparent, because results are not
monitored and it is often up to the individual participants to do something.
Results are not always found in the reports in the texts of the
recommendations. Concrete results find their origin mostly in the corridors,
over dinner and during other informal contacts between delegates.
In the overview of conferences we showed that many of the initiatives and
policies concerning media and minorities, which we know today, were
started during European conferences. The reports of these conferences offer
a treasure of information, because many examples of good practice were
presented and quite a few important discussions have taken place. The
recommendations can be analysed further and seen in the context of the time
frame. This exercise will deliver important information for European
countries, which still have to start with the interculturalisation process of
their media.
We can conclude that quite a few initiatives started since 1992. The
European Commission fulfilled the commitment of the European Parliament
by creating funding possibilities for training and education of ethnic
minorities in the media. The International Federation of Journalists (IFJ)
actively stimulates the discussion between journalists on how to conduct
within the multicultural societies. The IRIS Media Prize came in to being. In
the activities of the Year of Tolerance (1995) the media had a very
important place. In 1997 the network On Line/More Colour in the Media
was established by the former transnational HORIZON partnership On -
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Air/More Colour in the Media. The partners concluded that transnational cooperation is essential if a better position for ethnic minorities in radio and
television is to be achieved, both in terms of employment opportunities and
in establishing a more positive portrayal of these groups in the media. Based
on this conclusion the partners decided to establish a wider network in
which all transnational projects concerning media and minorities would cooperate.
In 1997-1999 and 2001 the Network was financially supported by DG-V.
During these years an intensive work programme was successfully realised.
The network organised several European workshops and presentations at
major European conferences (AGORA, Rotterdam Educational Market,
Medien Forum Cologne, yearly conference of the European Institute for the
Media, AMARC). It published a handbook on project development and a
follow-up handbook on the implementation of equal opportunities
employment policies for ethnic minorities in broadcasting. A European
research report on the employment situation of ethnic minorities in
broadcasting in five European countries was produced and presented. In the
field of media education a new European network of multicultural media
education institutes was created with the objective to develop new strategies
of encouraging critical media behaviour among children of ethnic minority
origin.
During a European conference in Bad Honnef on Article 13 (November
2000), representatives of On Line / More Colour in the Media, ENAR and
EUMC decided to develop a European Centre of information and expertise
on Media and Diversity. In March 2001 and in May 2001 the proposal to
create a European Centre of information and expertise on Media and
Diversity was presented at transnational meetings in Firenze (Italy) and
Bradford (UK) to representatives of the major European networks.
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A selection of good practice in Europe
By looking at good practice of informal instruments in several European
countries, we want to encourage new ideas and more and effective transnational co-operation, partnerships and exchanges. We want to identify
different levels and strategies in each country and compare them. This way,
people who work in the media can recognise themselves, and see what
works and what is not working in the media field concerning ethnic
minorities.
In this chapter, we focus on four examples of good practice in the
Netherlands, the United Kingdom, Greece and Sweden:
1. The Netherlands: The working group Migrants & the Media of the
National Union of Journalists
2. The Netherlands: ‘Meer van Anders’, the diversity department of the
National Broadcasting Association (NOS)
3. The Netherlands, United Kingdom, Greece and Sweden: On-line/More
Diversity in the Media.
4. Sweden: The diversity policy of the Swedish Broadcasting Corporation
and its rol within the On line/More Colour in the Media network
6.1
Description of good practices
6.1.1. The Migrants & Media Working group of the Dutch Association
of Journalists
Introduction
The Migrants and the Media Working Group was set up in 1984 in response
to the discontent felt by many Dutch journalists about the way the
multicultural society was portrayed in the media. The latter showed little
restraint in publishing and broadcasting the racist talk and opinions of the
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right-wing Centrumpartij, and generally did little to ensure balanced
coverage and representation. The Working Group focused on the key
objective of encouraging discussion about the coverage and representation
of ethnic minorities in the media. Another objective is the integration of
highly qualified professionals of ethnic origin, the overall goal being to
promote a fair reflection of the multicultural society in the media.
The Working Group consists of journalists, broadcasters and information
officers. It is part of the Dutch Association of Journalists22 (NVJ). The NVJ
is the Dutch union of journalists and broadcasters, or rather their
professional association, as it not only represents their interests, but also
does a lot of journalism-related work. It includes over fifty journalists who
mostly work on a voluntary basis. The Working Group is subsidized by the
Dutch authorities as well as the European Commission.
The Working Group has two main objectives: ensuring balanced coverage
and representation of ethnic minorities, and promoting the integration of
highly-skilled professionals of ethnic origin within the media. These can be
elaborated on as follows.
Coverage and representation
As continued discussion of this objective among journalists is essential, the
Working Group regularly sponsors so-called Journalists Cafés. These are
meetings specifically meant for discussing social and political events or
phenomena such as right-wing extremist attitudes and actions or the
aftermath of the terrorist attacks in America of September 11th and the
consequences for the many people with an ethnic minority background in
the Netherlands. Other topics include information provided by the police
(experienced as biased), talk shows with a multicultural slant, the changing
representation of ethnic minorities in documentaries over the past 25 or 30
years, the Internet, sports coverage and ethnic minorities, the media and
etno-marketing, the impact of negative portrayal of urban areas in the mainstream media, etc. The themes that are discussed during these meetings are
topical subjects which receive a lot of media attention at that time.
Negative representations of minorities clearly focus on those with an
Islamic background, especially after the events of September 11th. With the
22
Nederlandse Vereniging van Journalisten (NVJ)
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disappearance of the East-West chasm, the emergence of fundamentalism in
Arab and Moslem countries has led to increased antagonism towards the
West – a clash between two irreconcilable world views. The fact that in
some Islamic countries repression of fundamentalism takes the form of state
terrorism is hardly conducive to a cool-headed assessment of the situation.
And media generalisations about Islam may render this development even
more explosive. This is why the Working Group also strives to introduce
journalists to various Islamic groups and ideas in the Netherlands, through
regular Islam discussion sessions for journalists. These sessions aim to
increase knowledge of this topic among journalists who write or report
about ethnic minorities, and to enhance coverage about Moslems. It is a fact
that reporters are usually too busy to give sufficient time to the study of the
subject at hand. The Working Group is also known for the debates it has
been holding on the image of ethnic minority communities (representation)
in the press center of the Dutch Parliament in The Hague (Nieuwspoort
debates). Participants include journalists, broadcasters and editors, staff members, managers and other representatives of the Dutch media, as well as
politicians and policy-makers. The last debate (October 10th) focused on the
commotion in the media that followed the September 11th attacks, and the
consequences it had on the multicultural society.
Workshops (“Meet the press”) are held on a regular basis for ethnic
minorities organizations and journalists specialising in minority issues.
These workshops are an opportunity for participants to share their views and
experiences: the journalists explain and discuss the way they work as well
as potential means of enhancing opportunities for minority organizations to
have their news taken into account by the media, while representatives of
these organizations advise journalists on ways to improve news coverage
pertaining to ethnic minority issues. Another forum is the so-called Round
Table Meetings between journalists and broadcasters, politicians, policy-makers, scientists, lawyers, and community and social workers, where
multicultural society issues are debated (in order to eventually contribute to
an improved mutual understanding and societal integration).
To break the “White” stranglehold on mainstream current affairs and news
programs as well as print media, the Working Group produced, in cooperation with Stoa, a directory of more than 200 Dutch experts whose
ethnic minority background has not prevented them from becoming wellversed in a huge range of subjects.
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The media obviously play an important part in the representation of
minorities. Journalists therefore cannot afford not to reflect on the quality of
their coverage of people with different ethnic backgrounds. This is the
reason why the Working Group published a brochure intended to help
improve the outlook of journalists. The brochure contains recommendations
rather than guidelines, nor does it purport to be any sort of journalistic code
of conduct. Its main purpose is to foster fairer-minded attitudes on the part
of journalists. "Tussen Missie en Misser" has been translated into English
(Balance or Blunder) and German (Zwischen Mission und Malheur). In
2000, a handbook for journalists was published, which contains newly
formulated recommendations and several articles about the media and
minorities theme.
In 2001 a network of researchers has been established to share information
and share ideas about research on the representation of ethnic minorities in
the media. This network is a co-operation between the Working Group and
the University of Amsterdam. About 40 researchers are part of this network.
The Working Group is also concerned with research inasmuch as it relates
to its purpose. Various projects are being carried out in partnership with
universities in the Netherlands and other European countries. For instance,
an inventory of research on media coverage, representation and recruitment
policies with respect to ethnic minorities and their presence in the
Netherlands was drawn up in 1997. The print and broadcast media regularly
focus on ethnic minorities, but much of this attention is speculative in
nature, and information about the position of ethnic minorities within the
media is often flimsy or elusive. This inventory should spawn a report
which will include all research done in Dutch universities, colleges and
research institutes in at least the past decade. Interesting results will be
given extra exposure, while the Working Group will promote new research
in this area.
The Working Group's main concern is to safeguard journalistic standards.
And the same should apply to minority journalists. But the fact is that the
journalism schools include a dismal proportion of ethnic minority students.
To give ethnic high-school students better awareness of the doors opened by
journalism training and to help them make better-informed choices, the
Working Group has developed (in partnership with Dutch journalism
schools) a campaign aiming to improve students' awareness of this career
choice.
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Integration of minority journalists and broadcasters
In the Netherlands, less than one percent of the journalists and broadcasters
working for the mainstream print and audio-visual media have another
ethnic background than indigenous Dutch. Television, for example, has a
grand total of seven presenters of ethnic origin. In fact the overall
percentage of ethnic minority employees within the media - at all levels and
all attendant ranks - is barely 1%. And yet ethnic minorities account for 10
to 13% of the total Dutch population. In the four major cities this figure
even exceeds 40%.
Access to media careers must be based on ability, and fairness must be
exercised within the company as well: this takes the form of adequate
supervision and sound communication. Only then can exclusion of
participants from a work experience project and the required training
facilities be avoided. The Migrants and the Media Working Group must
keep pushing for a greater number of such work experience projects if it is
to help establish a more ‘colorful’ media landscape. Not only because this
would add value to media content, but also because it is only right that
media personnel should reflect the make-up of the society they serve.
6.1.2. The NOS diversity department ‘Meer van Anders’
Introduction
The NOS Diversity Department ‘Meer van Anders’ is working towards a
balanced portrayal in the media of men and women, ethnic groups and the
different generations, as well as towards the proportional participation of the
various categories in the media as a working place. The NOS Diversity
Department aims to make programme makers aware of the necessity for
diversity and equality. At the same time ‘Meer van Anders’ support media
managers in their efforts to create a working environment in which diversity
prospers. The Diversity Department is part of the NOS, the umbrella
organisation for public broadcasting in the Netherlands, and reports directly
to the Board of Directors.
The NOS Diversity Department was founded in October 2000, with the
merging of the Gender Portrayal Department and the project More Colour in
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the Media. The Gender Portrayal Department's research has yielded
extensive knowledge about how choices in the editing rooms effect
portrayal and about the complex relationship between genres and effects,
because of specific production processes and target audiences. Discussions,
publications and training have instigated a process of change in
broadcasting circles. But the job is not yet done. For instance, recent studies
have shown that men and women are still not proportionately represented on
radio and TV programmes. The work of the NOS Diversity Department
departs from the idea that the quality of radio and television programmes
improves when more attention is given to the balanced portrayal of gender
and ethnicity. And it is this particular quality that is a distinguishing feature
of public broadcasting.
Activities
The Department monitors the images in the media and initiates qualitative
research into representation issues. It offers workshops and tools for
programme makers to change programme-making routines that often lead to
stereotyped images, and it advises media managers and -organizations on
how to create a working place that allows for a diverse working force.
Therefor, ‘Meer van Anders’ organises meetings with programme makers,
once every two or three months, with a guest speaker. There is a small
group of programme makers who are willing to think about diversity, and
are trying to make a change, but unfortunately it’s always the same (small)
group. And this group is struggling with time pressure and priorities.
An important goal of ‘Meer van Anders’ is to try to make policy makers and
decision-makers think differently about minorities in the media. The only
time when ‘Meer van Anders’ discusses the content of programmes, is when
programme makers ask for advice themselves. There is a lot of resistance
about diversity in the media, according to Garjan Sterk, project leader
Ethnicity & Representation. Programme makers talk about ‘political
correctness’, ‘programmes become boring’, ‘journalistic’ codes are more
important than diversity codes’, ‘there already are a lot of journalistic codes,
we don’t want more’ etc.
But there are broadcasters who want to make an effort, and ask ‘Meer van
Anders’ for help. For instance, a public broadcasting company wants to
change the image of a classic radio channel. They’ve asked ‘Meer van
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Anders’ for advice on how to attract more listeners from ethnic minority
groups and young people. At this moment, all listeners are over 55 years
old. Also, a regional broadcasters has asked Meer van Anders for advice on
how to attract more employees with an ethnic minority background and how
to change their programming content.
Codes of conduct
The only recommendations for journalists in the field of diversity are
described by the national union of journalists (NVJ). These codes are related
to audio-visual media and the printed press, but in the discussions they are
mostly attributed to the printed press. There are no plain codes of conduct
for the audio-visual media, but there is a Broadcasting Act which says that
the audio-visual media should pay attention to the diversity and pluriformity
of the Dutch society. The same is mentioned in the policy paper of the
public broadcasting association. All public broadcasters support this and
have signed this paper. But in practice, this is much to vague. As soon as the
word ‘code’ is mentioned, every journalist, programme maker or policy
maker becomes very defensive.
The NPS (public broadcaster) has to deal with quota for multicultural
programming (20% minority programmes). The programming of the NPS is
tested on the ground of objectives. The ‘Commissariaat voor de Media’
(Media Directorate) has to approve of the annual programming proposal of
the NPS. But there is no research on the effects of this programming policy.
Representation of ethnic minorities on television is becoming better, but
mainly on the commercial channels. Not much has changed on the public
broadcasting channels. With exception of children’s programmes. These
programmes are often quite multicultural.
In future, the viewers and listeners survey of the public broadcasting
corporation will include ethnic minorities. There is a new sample of
respondents with an ethnic minority background. At the moment, the public
broadcasting association is setting up a separate minority survey, but in
future, ethnic minorities will be part of the regular viewers and listeners
survey. But this takes time and a lot of effort.
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6.1.3. On-Line / More Diversity in the Media
From 1995 to 1999, a group of European organizations came together in a
network, which was first called ‘On-Air/More Colour in the Media, and,
from 1997 onwards, On-Line/More Diversity in the Media, to set up media
training and employment projects targeting minority communities. Funded
by the EU Horizon programme, ‘On-Air’ represented a co-operation of
projects in six countries, each focused on training and organising the target
group to promote its representation in the media industry. A slightly
different set of organizations, from the United Kingdom, the Netherlands,
Sweden and Greece, continued co-ordinating their EU-funded projects in
the follow-up partnership ‘On-Line’. The continued collaboration of these
initiatives functioned as the organisational nucleus around which the larger
On-Line/More Colour in the Media network has grown.
Project Info
The On-Line/More Diversity in the Media partnership (1997-1999)
represented a transnational co-operation of five media training and
employment projects, funded by the EU Integra and Adapt programmes.
The constituent projects all shared a common set-up. The common aim was
to encourage the integration of ethnic minorities in the media, both by
creating employment opportunities for minority media professionals and by
promoting the expression of minority perspectives in media programming.
In practice, the projects worked along three lines of strategy:
1. Training. To offer unemployed people from minority groups skills
training to increase their employability and specific vocational training to
prepare them for the media professions. Thus a reservoir of minority
media professionals is created.
2. Mediation. To liase with media employers, arrange job placement
schemes and internship programs, set up mentor programmes and offer
career advice to the target group, in order to facilitate the entry of
minority professionals in media employment.
3. Management Counseling. To organise seminars and training on
multicultural programming and intercultural personnel management for
media employers, personnel officers and journalists.
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Building on the experiences of the preceding On-Air/More Colour in the
Media partnership, the international co-ordination of the various projects
facilitated the exchange of experience and good practice and the gradual
development of a common methodology. The readiness to support and take
part in each other's projects opened up new opportunities to add a European
dimension to the individual initiatives. The On-Line/More Diversity in the
Media network also worked together with the Voices Without Frontiers
network, co-ordinated by the World Association of Community
Broadcasters, which focuses on using community media to combat social
exclusion.
Project details
The On-Line/More Diversity in the Media partnership brought together five
separate media employment projects. In the Netherlands, Stoa co-ordinated
the More Colour in the Media 3 programme, in the UK, the Borough of
Hammersmith and Fulham ran the Inter-Media Work Bureau Project and the
LFVDA set up the 'New Voices, New Visions' training and production
programme; in Greece an On-Line/More Diversity in the Media project was
managed by the training and development institute Dimitra, and in Sweden
Sveriges Radio and Sveriges Television were taking part in the programme
with their own project. All these programmes focused on training, mediation
on the job market and/or management counselling.
Training
The LFVDA 'New Voices, New Visions' project concentrated largely on
providing job-seekers with the necessary qualifications. The aim was to
offer the trainees the full package: extending from business skills and health
and safety training to NVQ-linked vocational training and British
RVQ/NVQ registration. Courses, varying from ten days to three months,
were followed up with trainee posts and an on-the-job assessment. The
Greek On-Line/More Diversity in the Media project, which specifically
targeted the repatriate community in Greece, also focused on training.
Fifteen repatriates received 600 hours of journalism and Internet training.
The Swedish On-Line/More Diversity in the Media project, meanwhile,
offered a year-long training, providing a combination of trainee places and
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university education, to 22 unemployed persons with previous job
experience.
Mediation
All the On-Line/More Diversity in the Media projects involved in some way
setting up a work experience programme. It was the main focus of the InterMedia Work Bureau, which strove to create 150 one-month trainee
placements and twenty mentoring placements a year, and which continued
into 2000 with projects focusing on the new media. Databases of
professionals from a minority background were set up in the framework of
various On-Line/More Diversity in the Media projects. The Dutch Meer
Kleur in de Media 3 project explored new ways of presenting the potential
of minority media professionals, for example by means of an on-line
screentest for tv-presenters. Empowerment of the target group was a priority
for the Dutch and Greek projects, which initiated networks, workshops and
counselling services to bring together aspiring and experienced media
professionals.
Management Counseling
Although much of the On-Line/More Diversity in the Media projects' work
focused on creating a sufficient supply of competent professionals from
minority groups, increasing attention was also given to spur the demand for
them. Several projects promoted the awareness in the media professions of
the opportunities a multicultural programming and employment policy
would offer. Training of employment officers, seminars for employers on
intercultural management and workshops and fora for journalists on
minority perspectives in reporting were part of the Dutch and Greek OnLine/More Diversity in the Media projects. The Swedish Radio employment
project and the Greek project managed by Dimitra I.T.D. were part of the
earlier On-Air/More Colour in the Media network as well, as was a
preceding More Colour in the Media (2) project initiated by STOA. The SR
and Dimitra projects were organised in a roughly similar way as their
follow-ups, the one providing unemployed young people with a six-month
journalism training, the other offering 600 hours of training to repatriate
Greeks. The Dutch More Colour in the Media 2 project gave fifteen people
the opportunity of a two-month professional training and an eight-month
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work experience placement, followed by a temporary work contract. Three
other projects were involved in the On-Air/More Colour in the Media
network: the Bosnian Community Development Project in Ireland and the
On-Air projects managed by the German Adolf Grimme Institut (AGI) and
the London council of Ealing. The AGI offered twenty migrant women a
seven-month training course in journalism for radio and television, followed
up by a year-long work experience placement.
Results
The On-Air/More Colour in the Media and On-Line/More Diversity in the
Media projects resulted in large numbers of media professionals from
minority groups being properly trained and finding employment in the
audio-visual industry. To mention just two examples, half of the graduates
of the On-Air/More Colour in the Media training programme of Swedish
Radio and Television found employment straight away, with many others
starting work on free-lance assignments, and the Dutch More Colour in the
Media projects undertaken in 1993-97 alone resulted in some 45 new jobs.
Apart from the actual jobs created, these projects have worked to influence
broadcast media recruitment policies, heightening the awareness of the
opportunities of a multicultural programming and employment policy. This
is evidenced, for example, by how the Swedish project resulted directly in
the formulation of a new cultural diversity policy at Swedish Radio.
Furthermore the projects have led to a number of publications and project
products of various kinds:
- In order to pass on the useful recommendations that could be based on
the experience of the six On-Air projects, a handbook was produced:
New Horizons, a handbook for trainers working for more 'colour' in the
media
This handbook briefly presents the projects and then lays forth a set of
guidelines for those offering or planning a similar type of project.
A second handbook was published in 1999 :
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Tuning in to Diversity, a handbook for promoting diversity in the
broadcast media
It describes the changes taking place in the media industry and provides
guidelines for the promotion and implementation of diversity in the
media. Such guidelines are given for professionals working in the fields
of training, assessment, work experience projects and personnel
recruitment, respectively.
Both these handbooks can be ordered from Stoa, P.O.Box 1234, 3500 BE
Utrecht, stoa@stoa.nl
- The Adolf Grimme Institut has published two issues of a (Germanlanguage) on-line newsletter in the framework of their On-Air project:
On-Air/Mehr Farbe in die Medien.
- The Dutch More Colour in the Media projects published their own
(Dutch-language) newsletters as well: Update was published until 1997
and We'bweb from 1997 to 2000. Furthermore, recent publications
include Een voet tussen de deur, with practical hints and advice for
beginning journalists, ICM op de av-agenda, an introduction to
intercultural management in the media, and the Nieuwe Deskundigengids,
a reference book for journalists on experts in different fields with a
minority background. All can be ordered from STOA.
- As part of the On-Line/More Diversity in the Media project co-ordinated
by Dimitra in Greece a radio-station and a newspaper were set up by and
for the repatriate community.
- An on-line screentest for tv-presentors was produced by the Dutch More
Colour in the Media project in co-operation with the national
broadcasting corporation. Access was open to all national broadcasters.
- The Bosnian Community Development Project also published a
newsletter, The Future, and produced a monthly radio programme, for its
target-group. For more info contact the Bosnian Community
Developments Association, 40, Pearce street, Dublin 2, Ireland.
- In the course of its Greek On-Line/More Diversity in the Media project,
Dimitra developed a training tool in the form of a board game, the
Educational Highway; it can be used in a pre-training period to acquaint
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immigrants with the social, political and administrative institutions of
Greece.
- In 1997, the Women's Radio Group organised, in collaboration with
amongst others On-Air/More Colour in the Media, the conference 'Airing
Diversity' on women, ethnic minorities and the broadcast media, and
excerpts from the keynote speech, the presentations and the panel
discussion were published on-line.
The umbrella organisation
The On-Air/More Colour in the Media and On-Line/More Diversity in the
Media projects were part of the umbrella organisation On Line/More Colour
in the Media. This network was established in 1997 and still exists today. In
1997-1999 and 2001 the European Commission (EC) financially supported
the Network. During these years an intensive work programme was
successfully realised. The network organised several European workshops
and presentations at major European conferences (AGORA, Rotterdam
Educational Market, Medien Forum Cologne, yearly Conference of the
European Institute for the Media, AMARC). It published a handbook on
project development and a follow-up handbook on the implementation of
equal opportunities employment policies for ethnic minorities in
broadcasting. A European research report on the employment situation of
ethnic minorities in broadcasting in five European countries was produced
and presented. In the field of media education, a new European network of
multicultural media education institutes was created. Its key objective is to
develop new strategies to enable children – particularly children of ethnic
minority origin – to question and analyse media output, especially with
regard to the ways in which race is represented and (often negative) cultural
myths are created.
OL/MCM explored ways of co-operation with and between existing
European networks, institutes and initiatives. Many existing initiatives
strive, after all, as one of their objectives, to encourage the broadcasting
companies to take a more multicultural approach and to stimulate the
empowerment of the ethnic and cultural minority groups in the media. Quite
a few of these networks have members, partners and contacts in the new
member states of the European Union, the states of the former Soviet Union,
the Balkan states and the countries around the Mediterranean. However,
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most initiatives are not able to realise their full potential because of lack of
time, expertise, resources and personnel. Discontinuity of activities, the lack
of a proper financial base and dissatisfaction with the impact of their results
is very often the result. Most participants in these European activities and
projects see the potential of their work, but do not have the means to deliver
to full capacity. What is needed - and often lacking - are sufficient means to
facilitate interaction and exchange of experiences and a centre store of
information and examples of good practice for reference purposes.
Therefore, in March 2001 and May 2001 OL/MCM introduced the proposal
to create a European Centre of information and expertise on Media,
Diversity and Society at transnational meetings in Firenze (Italy) and
Bradford (UK) to representatives of the major European networks. Other
potential partners were visited or approached by telephone or e-mail.
Feedback was positive has evidenced a clear willingness of broadcasters and
broadcasting initiatives that are committed to inclusion, interculturalisation
and anti-racism to collaborate in the final establishment of the European
Centre of information and expertise on Media and Diversity.
6.1.4. Cultural Diversity within The Swedish Broadcasting Association
In Sweden the public service company Swedish Broadcasting Corporation is
the leading information media company, with the largest audience and the
most listener hours. The SR was founded 75 years ago and its four national
radio channels are a cultural and ideological unifier. The 25 local radio
channels binds together cities and regions. This means that political
decisions concerning radio are important, not just economically or
politically, but even more importantly to preserve values of culture,
diversity, and a common world image. In short, radio in the public service
promotes the values of humanism.
SR has a responsibility to reflect the multicultural society in their
programmes as well as in their recruitment of staff. SR is therefore working
on action plans like how to broaden the mix of men, women, immigrants,
young and elderly people. In order to reach those goals some concrete
actions, like several European Union projects called ‘More Colour in the
Media’ took part in the company during 1996-1998. The projects concerned
training in radio/TV production of 75 persons with immigrant background.
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That made an impact of the way to recruit and also the way to choose
subjects in the programmes.
The need for a policy for cultural diversity within SR, concerning both
programmes and recruitment, is to be seen as a result of the projects. This
policy was adopted by the Management of SR in January 1999. Since then
the subject has been on the agenda on most of the meetings for the managers
in SR. The policy was implemented on several awareness raising seminars
during 1999 and 2000.
The Cultural Diversity Policy within the Swedish Broadcasting
Corporation
The Swedish Broadcasting Corporation (SR) has a special assignment to
reflect the Swedish multicultural society in its programming and staff. This
is formulated in the cultural diversity policy of the SR. This policy followed
the obligation of SR to reflect the multicultural society. Also, the successful
results of the ‘More Colour in the Media’ project gave rise to the
implementation of the policy. According to Dagny Eliasson, co-ordinator of
the More Colour in the Media project, the SR started to realise that they
need an audience with an ethnic minority background, otherwise they will
lose profit. Within ten years, the Swedish population will exist for 50
percent out of people with an ethnic background, and these people can only
be reached with programmes which reflect their own life style and social
climate.
The government bill ”A Radio and Television Serving the Public 19972001”, states that ”public service shall contribute to the process of
integrating new ethnic groups into the Swedish society and increase their
possibilities to take part in the social and cultural debate”. The bill also
states that SR is to work actively to make the recruitment reflect the
multicultural society. Also, SR needs to reflect the Swedish multicultural
society in its programming. According to SR, the multicultural society is
best reflected in SR’s programming as a natural ingredient in all kinds of
programmes. However, this approach to programming and production does
not substitute programmes on ethnic minorities. By increasing the cultural
diversity in SR’s programming, the SR each channel/department shall:
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- draw up an annual plan of action showing measurable goals and concrete
measures, continuously discuss, evaluate and give feedback on its output
in order to imbue its members with a clear idea of goals and timetables,
- increase its contacts with schools, local groups and immigrant and ethnic
organizations in order to find people who can contribute to new
programme ideas and angles of approach,
- make a practice of seeking equally qualified people of immigrant or
ethnic backgrounds, when choosing experts, commentators or other
contributors,
- use persons with immigrant or ethnic backgrounds for other roles than as
representatives of groups, i. e. as citizens, business leaders, parents,
experts, commentators and contestants,
- be careful when referring to statistics but not resist from publicising
negative facts,
- not portray persons of immigrant or ethnic backgrounds as exotic or
different in order to create sensation nor emphasise negative clichés
through unnecessary stress on ethnicity by, for instance, using wordings
like us/them.
SR’s cultural environment benefits and develops by contacts between
people of different backgrounds. Therefore SR strives to employ people of
different cultural backgrounds. Co-operation between different cultures adds
to the ability to develop and change. Recruitment of people of different
cultural backgrounds contributes to a dynamic public service radio for the
21st century. The only problem is the monitoring of the number of
employees with an ethnic background. SR don’t know exactly how many
people with an ethnic minority background are working in the company,
because they are not allowed to register the ethnicity of its personnel.
Examples of measures to increase cultural diversity in the personnel file are:
- Each channel/department shall establish an annual recruitment plan,
which clearly shows how to increase the percentage of people of
immigrant or ethnic backgrounds.
- Each channel/department shall continually evaluate recruitment’s,
appointments and training activities and make an annual report of the
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recruitment’s to permanent jobs, substitutes and projects which have
increased the cultural diversity within the channel/department.
- Resources shall be set apart for, for instance, training’s of heads and
seminars in order to increase the staff’s knowledge of the importance of
cultural diversity.
- Each channel/department shall increase its contacts with schools, local
groups and immigrant and ethnic organizations in order to increase the
percentage of employees of immigrant and ethnic backgrounds who will
bring new, enriching perspectives to the company.
The Swedish radio broadcasts programmes in about 20 different languages.
There are special departments with workers with an immigrant background
who only make programmes in their mother tongue. The SR broadcast a lot
of specific programmes targeted at ethnic minorities, but the intention is to
integrate the multicultural aspect in mainstream programming. According to
Dagny Eliasson, the programme makers are willing to reflect the
multicultural society in their programs, but they are not sure how to handle
this. That’s why the SR organises cultural diversity training for producers,
and seminars to share experiences.
The More Colour in the Media project
Several European projects addressed under the name 'More Colour in the
Media' took part in the company during 1996-1998. The projects concerned
training in radio and TV production and 75 participants from very different
ethnic groups took part. The participants were around the age of 20 and had
little working experience in the media. An employment office in
Gothenburg recruited them. The overall objective of the projects was to
integrate persons of immigrant origin in the media labour market and to
make them serve as models for other immigrants by appearing on radio and
television. The exposure of representatives of minority groups on radio and
television may also have a positive influence on the attitudes and values of
the majority of Swedish people. The goal of the projects was to increase the
participants' media competence in order to make them more attractive to the
regular labour market of the media sector.
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According to Dagny Eliasson, the projects of More Colour in the Media
were quite successful. It opened the minds of a lot of managers who worked
at SR. They recognised the potential of these newcomers, with their 'fresh'
look upon different aspects of the media. Most of the participants, about 65,
are now working in the media. The projects could be looked upon as bottom
up initiatives for the co-operation between Swedish Radio and Television,
the departments of journalism and employment offices, which is expected to
give an impact on the national level of the labour market. The things that
could have been done better during the More Colour in the Media projects,
according to Mrs. Eliasson, is the preparation of the employees who already
worked at SR, even though they went to transnational meetings about the
project. Also, the co-operation with the employment office could have been
better, the office had not the right information about the personal data and
interests of the participants.
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7.
Immigrants and ethnic minorities in mass media. Representation and policies
Outline for a ‘blueprint’ for media and minority policies
in European countries
The ‘Tuning in to Diversity’ research looked at the media from different
angles. A monitoring tool was developed, codes of conducts have been
analysed, ‘good practice’ was looked at, alternative media were mapped and
described and lessons were learned from European conferences. During the
transnational meetings the partners in the project have discussed on how to
put the different reports in a comprehensive context. It was felt that the
project offered valuable pieces of a puzzle, which still had to be put
together. Also there was a feeling that the project should offer tools for
broadcasters, NGO’s, universities and authorities to further improve the
media situation in their countries.
The idea was born to develop an outline for a ‘blueprint’ with essential
elements for promoting cultural diversity in the media. This ‘blueprint’
could provide a framework of necessary policies and tools for national
multicultural media environments. The ‘blueprint’ can partly be based on
the outcomes of the ‘Tuning in to Diversity’ project. It will be supported by
examples of ‘good practice’ and available research. Results of future
projects should be added to the ‘blueprint’. After the ‘blueprint’ is designed
one can spot ‘black spots’ for which still policies and tools have to be
developed. Specific project can be developed for this. Of course, one must
keep in mind that implementing this ‘blueprint’ will be different in each
European country. This is due to the fact that certain topics such as equal
opportunities policies and intercultural programming still depend to a
considerable extent on national issue contexts and (media and political)
backgrounds.
In this chapter we will provide a first draft of the ‘blue print’, which can be
further developed during a follow-up research. We will describe the
essential elements, which must be taken into account in promoting cultural
diversity in the media. Strategies for further action will be described as well
as ideas for stimulating the involvement of ethnic minorities in the media.
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Context
The national multicultural media landscape shall consist of diverse and
distinct media that are tailored to the wishes and needs of the national and
European multicultural societies. These media must be directed to a broad,
but ethnically diverse audience, with sufficient scope for target group
programming aimed at specific ethnic minority groups.
Elements
A multicultural media landscape enhances an equal participation of ethnic
minorities in the audio-visual, print and digital media, both in front of and
behind the scenes and at all job levels. Also, the importance of intercultural
(media) competence of all media professionals should be recognized.
Intercultural media competence is a necessary reflexive sensitivity to the
routine professional practice of which will enable media professionals to
comply with the demands of their professionals codes in a viable and
responsible matter (see report on codes of practice by the university of
Bradford). The encouragement of intercultural media competence among
media professionals will lead to a better understanding of the developments
in the multicultural societies. It will help to prevent one-sided news
coverage of events and negative portrayal of minority groups. Intercultural
media competence will lead in the end to a better understanding between the
different ethnic groups.
The potential audiences for all European broadcasters have become more
and more multicultural. To accomplish a multicultural media landscape, the
broadcasting companies have to develop an overall (intercultural) company
policy. This policy has to include programme policies, communication
strategies, external portrayal of the broadcasting company and interaction
with the target audiences. The whole company has to commit itself to the
new policies and the broadcasting as a whole should pick up some
responsibilities concerning training and infrastructures. This requires a high
degree of intercultural media competence from all broadcasters, both public
and commercial, and the employment of ethnic minority media
professionals becomes a necessity if the broadcasting companies want to
attract the ‘new’ audiences.
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Finally, there should be an intercultural infrastructure for both mainstream
and alternative media, which monitors the intercultural developments in the
broadcasting industry. Broadcasters are independent, but very sensitive to
criticism by the audience. If the rates are dropping, programme series are
being stopped or adapted. Consumer’s actions and publicity around these
actions have impact. Therefor ethnic minority groups should be encouraged
to speed up developments in broadcasting and to create a continuous
mediawatch structure which monitors programs and keep broadcasters alert
to negative portrayal effects of their images and comments.
Tools
A change in the way of working and thinking needs to be accomplished on
different levels in a modern, multicultural society. A selection of tools need
to be developed:
a. Legislation
- To implement the elements that are described above, national and
European legislation must be formulated that includes these elements.
Diversity policies with relation to media companies, programme content
and training must be integrated within the media legislation to make sure
that the multicultural aspects of the society will be fully represented
within the media.
b. Programme Criteria & Monitoring
- Quality criteria are to be formulated for the testing and the monitoring of
the results against which the media supply can be tested annually and
conditions shall be created to enable the non-indigenous media consumer
to influence media developments competently.
- The exchange of interculturally sensitive radio and television
programmes between broadcasters will increase the multicultural
programme output and will encourage the discussion among programme
makers about the intercultural quality of the programmes.
- The research and development of intercultural quality criteria on
programming and formal and informal instruments to ensure a fair
portrayal of diversity in the media will encourage the discussion on the
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multicultural content of programmes and its effects on the different
audiences.
- The creation of an ‘Anti Discrimination ISO’ is desirable; a set of criteria
based on which a media company or training institute can obtain a
international quality mark, which should be monitored every year.
Additional, an international monitoring tool based on the ‘ISO’ can be
created.
c. Vocational Training Structure
- Innovative employment and training policies are essential to create an
environment in which media professionals with ethnic minority
backgrounds can find their place in the media labour market.
Transnational co-operation will both yield new intercultural training
methods for media training centres (resulting in intercultural media
competence) and equal opportunities policies for employment in the
European media industry (resulting in a more diverse workforce).
- The development of methodologies, tools and strategies of vocational
orientation will encourage potential talents in minority groups to consider
a professional career in the media.
- Training in intercultural media competence is required.
d. Empowerment Activities
- The empowerment of ethnic minority organizations concerning media is
of great importance. These organizations could give a voice to the
migrant consumers by monitoring the media output and challenging
examples of negative portrayal. They will also play an important role in
encouraging young people in their communities to strive for a career in
the media.
e. Research and development
- New research in the field of media and minorities should be initiated and
existing research should be compiled which will result in on-line
databases of research projects, reports and data. Universities must be
encouraged to join their efforts and expertise in monitoring the
developments concerning discrimination and media, monitoring actual
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media output and evaluating existing policies and examples of good
practice.
f. Intercultural media education
- The development of products and methods for intercultural media
education will enable schools to teach critical media behaviour. Students
will be taught a critical awareness of how media information needs to be
interpreted in the light of the cultural and social backgrounds of
journalists and producers, but also of the ways media consumers
themselves are influenced by their cultural and social backgrounds in the
way they process the information they are presented with. Such a critical
awareness will allow them in the future to be more powerful as media
consumers, more sensitive to multicultural issues, and more successful as
media producers.
g. Audience participation and interaction
- The support of broadcasting activities of ethnic and cultural minority
groups will lead to effective communication platforms for ethnic
minority groups. Through these, groups can be reached more effectively
with information and can be mobilised to participate in the national
debate and institutional structures more easily. Media channels of their
own provide them with an effective medium for community discussion
and the fostering of their own culture.
Responsibilities
The European Commission and national and local authorities have
different interests and responsibilities. They have the public responsibility to
preserve a harmonious multicultural society. They have overall
responsibility for the public broadcasting systems and they provide the
legislation and framework for the commercial broadcasters. Also national
governments are interested in a strong multimedia industrial infrastructure.
This industry is seen as vital for the national economy and future labour. A
structural policy priority should be given to intercultural media competence
on all levels of broadcasting in general and specifically to the multicultural
society in the culture and audio-visual policies of the European Commission
and the national governments. The development of international vocational
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standards in broadcasting and certification of training institutes can be
regulated and supported by the national governments and the European
Commission.
Trade unions can support intercultural media competence training, creating
support for freelancers, organising empowerment workshops for ethnic
minority media workers, creating and supporting networks and opening
existing structures.
Educational institutes have a role to play in encouraging students from
ethnic minority groups to choose a career in the media and to teach them a
critical media behaviour.
The broadcasting industry has to change in order to be able to provide
programs and products which the audiences consume. The individual
companies have to make policy choices and have to understand the
consequences. The industry as such has to reorganise its own educational
infrastructure in order to be able to cope with the overall educational,
training and skill problems they are facing.
The ethnic minority groups as audiences, whose interest the broadcasters
want to get because of commercial and public reasons. They have to be
attracted to the screens and as speakers. But also the ethnic minority groups
are a future talented labour-force for the media industry and can use their
power to influence the programming policies.
Broadcasters are independent, but very sensitive to criticism by the
audience. Actions by consumer organizations and publicity around these
actions have impact. This influence should be used more by the ethnic
minority groups to speed up developments in broadcasting and to create a
continuous mediawatch structure which monitors programs and keep
broadcasters alert to negative portrayal effects of their images and
comments.
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8.
Immigrants and ethnic minorities in mass media. Representation and policies
Further recommendations
This report offers the ingredients for a comprehensive approach towards the
implementation of diversity policies in the media. The follow-up could be a
’blueprint’ enhancing policies and good practice examples concerning
vocational orientation and guidance, employment and managing diversity.
Monitoring tools and databases with research reports and examples of ‘good
practice’ should support the ‘blueprint’. A transnational network of
researchers and diversity officers of media companies should guarantee the
continuation of the yearly national monitoring and the mutual support in the
development of new approaches. Finally methods should be developed to
‘translate’ and adapt the experiences from one country to another. This is
important because in this way the products and achievements developed in
the ‘old’ European countries can be used and introduced in the future
member states of the European Union. This will also achieve a close
European co-operation between all actors in the media. The following
activities could be part of a follow-up project.
-
Describing, for a selected number of European countries, the impact of
national and European developments concerning migration and cultural
divers/multicultural societies and the employment and training policies
enaded by the media since 1980. This description will be done based on
the results in this research project ‘Tuning in to Diversity’. This project
collected research reports and reports of European conferences since
1983. An analysis will be made on the relation between social and
economic developments in a national society in relation to the
employment policies concerning minorities in the media. Also attention
will be given to the transnational co-operation and adaptation of good
practice from one country to another concerning policy development.
This analysis will result in observations and guidelines for ‘new’
European countries.
-
Based on the outcomes of the ‘More Colour in the Media’ research
(1999) of the European Media Institute (EIM) information will be
collected on employment and vocational training policies within the
broadcasting industry in Finland, Germany, France, UK and the
Netherlands. The developments, progress, failures and successes since
1999 will be described and analysed. The information will be gathered
by the project partners and through correspondents in the selected
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countries. Correspondents are researchers and scholars that were
involved in earlier research activities of the network On Line More
Colour in the Media. Experiences of ethnic minority media
professionals, trainers and employment officers will be charted.
-
Information on policies concerning ethnic minorities and on the national
educational - and media training structures in Estonia, Bulgaria, Italy
and Greece will be gathered by correspondents (Universities and
scholars) in these countries. The information will be analysed by EIM
and placed in the historic review of the ‘old’ countries.
-
Innovative practice on employment policies and vocational training
initiatives (best practice) will be gathered and analysed in order to
establish a transnational ‘on line’ database. The work will be build upon
the findings in ‘Tuning in to Diversity’, the European mapping of the
European Monitoring Centre (EUMC) and the data of On Line / More
Colour in the Media. The projects will be described in such a way that
they can be adapted in various national settings.
-
Development of common standards for monitoring access and
professional participation of minorities in media organizations and
vocational training will be done by the University of Bradford based
upon the analysis and evaluation of existing models in the UK and the
Netherlands and by learning from the experiences by monitoring gender
in the media.
-
Policy models and examples of ‘good practice’ which were successful in
the ‘old’ countries will be adapted to the Italian media environment and
introduced in Italy. The introduction and execution of adapted examples
of ‘good practice’ will be closely monitored and evaluated. The
experiences will be used by the adaptation and introduction to other
countries.
-
Encouragement of the discourse concerning monitoring strategies with
broadcasting organizations, vocational institutes and researchers, by
setting up reflection groups of researchers, diversity managers and
policy makers. During the project OLMC will facilitate four meetings of
refection groups. The meetings will have the character of working
sessions in which participants will contribute their knowledge to the
project.
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-
A transnational network of universities and broadcasters that will,
facilitated by OLMCM, closely co-operate in the further development
and monitoring of diversity policies will be created and facilitated with a
secretariat and a ‘helpdesk’.
-
The creation of a European database with access to all European (and
international) research concerning diversity policies in the media
industry and concerning participation in and access of ethnic minorities
to the media labour market will be connected to the European website of
On Line / More Colour in the Media.
-
The transfer of results and policies will be ongoing through the
reflection meetings and the activities of On Line / More Colour in the
Media (OLMCM). OLMCM facilitates a network of more than 90
organizations all over Europe. At the end of the project ‘the blueprint’
will be presented to all national governments, broadcasters and
vocational training centres.
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Part IV
CODES OF PRACTICE AND MEDIA PERFORMANCE:
A SYSTEMS APPROACH
The system approach to codes of practice on media and ethnic minorities was
elaborated by Charles Husband (director) and Yunis Allan from Bradford University.
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1. Introduction
This paper is an integral part of the European comparative research project
entitled Tuning into Diversity which seeks to contribute to the development
of good practice in the mass media’s operation within multi-ethnic Europe.
That the European Union should fund such a project is itself an indication of
the contemporary salience of the interface of ethnic identities and the mass
media. In the context of this project the two British authors of this paper
were mandated to undertake a review of the codes of practice which seek to
inform the practice of media professionals. And there was perhaps an
implicit assumption that out of this review process would emerge a
definitive, ‘generic’, code of practice for media functioning in relation to the
authenticity of ethnic identities and the representation of ethnic relations. On
the contrary, the review process has emphasised the complex determination
of understandings of ethnic diversity in each nation state and the wide range
of values that may be invoked to inform and legitimate specific codes of
practice. In fact, the emergent conclusion points to the impossibility of a
meaningful generic code of practice; and the inadvisability of externally
generated codes of practice to be ‘taken off the shelf’ for deployment in
different locations. Consequently, as part of this developing programme of
work this paper will adopt a specific strategic aim: namely, rather than
generating a generic code, it will work toward defining the generic
conditions which may reasonably be expected to be in place if any specific
code of practice is to have a chance of being effective.
In moving toward this goal, this paper will initially provide a brief account
of the significance of ethnicity in the contemporary world, and of its
interaction with media industries. This will point both to critiques of the
adequacy of media representations of ethnicity, and to issues of minority
ethnic participation within the media. Following this framing of current
media performance within the media there will be a critical discussion of the
relation of codes of practice to the construction and maintenance of
professional identities. By explicitly locating individual media practitioners
within their specific media workplace environment, and by placing that in
the context of the institutional structure of the whole organisation, the folly
of perceiving codes of practice as having implications only for the
individual will be revealed. Through sharing the necessary interaction of
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personal, subjective factors and institutional forces it will be argued that
codes of practice demand a coherent institutional strategy for their effective
operation. Consequently, a provisional model of a systems approach to
implementing a code of practice is outlined. It is hoped that this will provide
a heuristic, ‘ideal type’ template against which current efforts to deploy
codes of practice may be measured.
The context: ethnicity in the contemporary world
The spheres of journalism and broadcasting are defined by very many
variables but the ethnic diversity of the populations of nation states within
the contemporary world has come to have increasing and widespread
significance. Migration is not a new phenomenon in human history and
indeed historical research seems to increasingly reveal the extensive
mobility of peoples and the consequent interaction of markets, cultures and
families (Appleyard 1988). However, there is an awareness that in the states
of the affluent developed world, the post Second World War period has seen
a very real change in the pattern of migration. At the end of that war
extensive movements of refugees crossed adjacent borders; a pattern
presently repeated in parts of Africa and Asia where huge movements of
refugees from country to adjacent country are now driven by the effects of
war and famine as well as political oppression. Additionally, there is now
extensive intercontinental movements of refugees and economic migrants
(Castles 2000). Multi-ethnic states have, therefore, become the norm and the
management of ethnic diversity has consequentially become a recognised
political issue.
In a world where nation building is an on-going process (Brubaker 1996),
and a world where more generally ethnicity is often central, then issues of
identity, citizenship and rights have a powerful political presence (Torres et
al 1999). Nation states everywhere are having to engage with the challenge
of negotiating the realities of ethnic diversity; but addressing this challenge
is steeped in historically determined national and cultural contexts. For
states founded on principles of ethnic homogeneity, such as Germany for
example (Heckmann 1995), even formally recognising the de facto realities
of their multi-ethnic populations can be problematic. For states like France
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with a strong civil conception of a politically equal population defined
through laicite (Hargreaves 1995), acknowledging the claims of difference
made by minority ethnic communities is perceived as a threat to the
historical roots of a French political sentiment founded in the French
Revolution. And for states like the Netherlands (Thränhardt 2000) and the
United Kingdom (Parekh 2001), that in different ways have defined
themselves as actively engaged in managing ethnic diversity, there emerges
a politically painful mismatch between official rhetoric and the realities of
practice. And in that great exemplar of multi-ethnic co-existence, the
‘melting-pot’ of the United States colour remains a major determinant of life
chances, and Hispanic communities are perceived as posing a threat to the
dominant ethnic populations of a number of states. In the midst of the
contemporary conflict in Afghanistan, the prospects of some ‘governments
of national unity’ being formed to replace the Taliban is, inter alia made
problematic by the entrenched ethnic differences in that country. Ethnic
diversity, then, has become a salient factor in the political management of
the nation state throughout the world.
One related problem that impacts both the political environment and the
world of the media is the lack of any available consensus on how to begin to
construct viable models for multi-ethnic coexistence. The very notion of
‘multi-culturalism’ is itself highly contested and to be euphemistic, is
polysemic. To be blunt, it means very different things to different people
(Goldberg 1996); and even when people believe they share a common
meaning it can have different policy implications depending on the political
framework it is embedded within (Jewson & Mason 1986). Political
philosophers are engaged in highly partisan debates about the assumptive
frameworks of multi-culturalism and diversity (Taylor 1992, Kymlicka
1995, Baghramian and Ingram 2000, Barry 2001), and some political
commentators are engaged in more florid polemics (e.g. Hughes 1994). If
the political pragmatics of handling ethnic diversity are fraught, then there is
no resolution of this ambiguity to be found emanating from the scholarly
production of academe. Indeed it would be appropriate to see this academic
domain as being itself an extension of the contested politics of multiculturalism.
However, whatever the chaotic and confrontational state of the politics of
ethnic diversity there is no doubt that amongst the populations of nation
states awareness of the salience of ethnicity is high. Ethnicity as a
foundational element in self definition and collective mobilisation is very
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widely recognised (Modood & Werbner 1997, Amit-Talai & Knowles
1996). Indeed the academic industry committed to addressing this issue is a
reflection of its vitality in everyday life. It is clear that ethnicity is not a
stable, fixed property of individuals. Rather it is a dynamic process of
identity construction in which the markers that signal the boundaries of one
group from another are multiple and fluid over time (Eriksen 1995).
Increasingly now there is an understanding of the complexities of ethnic
identities in which gender, generation and sexual preference fragment and
add complexity to any assumed core ethnic identity. We are used to the
discussion of hybridity in relation to ethnicity (Modood & Werbner 1997).
The shifts of personal consciousness that have accompanied the process of
globalisation generated a sense of complexity, in the spatial and temporal
connectedness of individuals to others, that renders majority and minority
ethnic persons aware of hybridity as characteristic of contemporary
identities.
Intra-ethnic diversity renders more complex the interface between ethnic
groups. If Barth (1969) emphasised the negotiation of boundaries between
ethnic groups as the key route to understanding the dynamics of complex
inter-ethnic societies, then the fact that there are multiple markers of group
membership is critical. The presence of multiple markers ensures that if a
member of an out-group possesses one of these markers it is not sufficient to
guarantee their admittance. And reciprocally if a member of the in-group
lacks one of the markers it is not necessarily sufficient for rejection. Thus, at
the interface of ethnicity with the media, the extensive policing of the
boundaries of hybrid ethnic identities constitute a complex cultural space of
linked, but distinctive, intra-ethnic identities. These identities are themselves
the social psychological bases for finite media markets. For example, young
‘Asian’ men, old first generation migrant women, successful affluent third
generation men, gay minority youth: all constitute potential media markets
and in this regard, mass media have proven their zealous economic acuity in
defining, creating and servicing such minority ethnic audiences (Gandy
1998). The political economy of ‘ethnic’ media, therefore, astutely reflects
the intersection of ethnic identities and their demographic size and
concentration.
Within any particular country the size of a minority ethnic community and
its geographical dispersal have a strong impact upon their status as a viable
media audience (Husband 1996a). Radio can be relatively cheap and can
operate on a shoestring servicing a small urban population. Print media can
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be difficult in terms of both production and distribution costs; but can be
rendered viable through transnational cross-subsidy (Husband forthcoming).
And now with satellite technology, television can be offered over vast intercontinental distances to audiences defined through some ethnic affinity.
With digitalisation and new information technologies the political economy
of all media, majority and minority, would seem to make viable an
increasingly complex media environment of specialist outlets servicing
increasingly diverse, discrete, and fragmented minority ethnic audiences.
Ethnicity has not only become a major variable in civil society, it has
become a key principle in the determination of media audiences and the
mediascape of contemporary societies (Appadurai 1996). In very many
states, and in very many locations within states, media specifically targeting
discrete ethnic audiences are now extensively developed. And, in a
transnational context, the shared cultural agendas of diasporic communities
are being linked in common geo-linguistic media environments (Sinclair et
al 1996). In essence, in both national and global terms the political economy
of the media institutions can be seen to be active in both defining, and
servicing, ethnically constructed audiences.
The potential implications of such media are multiple, but for the purposes
of the argument here we will identify only an immediately relevant few.
First and foremost the availability of minority ethnic media has an
immediate impact upon their corresponding audience as it provides a choice
in relation to what is offered through the majority media. As such, it can
provide a continuing source of alternative representations of themselves and
of political perspectives that may be absent via majority media. As for
professionals generating these materials and managing these media, the
provision of an institutional vehicle for demonstrating in vivo the necessity
and the practicality of alternative production values or alternative
journalistic ethics is facilitated. At a minimum these media challenge the
cultural and political hegemony of the majority media and furthermore, they
constitute a professional and commercial challenge to the dominant majority
media.
Of course the ethnic majority media are not complacent about ethnic
diversity within the national demography. Whether public service
broadcasters or commercial enterprises, these media organisations remain
sensitive to market share (Gandy 1998). This has had implications for their
attempts to render their mainstream product accessible to, and acceptable to,
the widest possible range of ethnic audiences. In turn this has made them
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vulnerable to critiques about the nature of their relation to minority ethnic
audiences: both in terms of failing to address their needs, and in terms of
their offensive (mis)representation of minority ethnic cultures and histories.
There is now a long background to critiques of the role of majority media in
the representation of minority ethnic identities. From the relatively isolated
studies of the 1970s (Greenberg 1972, Hartman & Husband 1974) there is
now a burgeoning literature which is extensively interrogating the
hegemonic functions of the mass media in reproducing the self stereotypes
of majority populations and in excluding and misrepresenting minority
ethnic populations (Jakubowicz et al 1994, Shohat & Stam 1994, Cottle
2000). The initial relative simplicities of content analysis have been
complemented and superseded by sophisticated methods of semiotics,
cultural hermeneutics and discourse analysis (van Dijk 1991 & 1995, hooks
1992, Steet 2000).
The many ways in which the news media may be partial and politically
exclusionary in the reporting of events has been extensively revealed by van
Dijk and his many emulators. This is not to suggest that the scope of
representation is limited to the fields of news and factual media sub-genres
alone. Indeed, the cinema has been robustly revealed to be a far cry from
being a benign medium of entertainment (Bernstein & Studlar 1997,
Ramirez-Berg 1992); and broadcast media have been extensively challenged
in relation to their employment practices and their products. The work and
ideas of academics, and activists and self-critical media professionals has
generated an ever growing assault upon the innocence of the mass media as
mere purveyors of information and entertainment. Claims of ignorance of
their potential negative impact upon minority ethnic identities, or upon the
construction of inter-ethnic politics, is no longer a viable option for media
professionals. The ubiquitous significance of the mass media as critical
agents in shaping the dynamics of contested political and cultural interests
in multi-ethnic societies is now a common place taken for granted fact.
However, the challenge of theorising a priori the potential role of the mass
media in facilitating equity and social cohesion in multi-ethnic societies
remains under developed. Generating explicit models of what should be is a
necessary complement to critiquing the status quo. (The reader is urged to
read ‘Differentiated citizenships and the multi-ethnic sphere’ by Charles
Husband in The Journal of International Communication 5, (1 & 2) 1998
pp134-148 and made available as an Appendix to this text on The
Multicultural Skyscraper website: http://www.multicultural.net/index.asp).
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Thus it is in this environment of the highly politicised place of ethnicity in
individual lives and collective coexistence that the media operate. At the
level of political economy of the media, ethnic identities receive fulsome
media attention as determining features of actual or potential markets. At the
same time the continuing ethnocentrism, institutional racism and active
ethnic propagandising that may be found within the mass media speaks
loudly of the hegemonic interests that shape their management and content.
It is against this multi-layered yet fluid context that media codes of practice
have been developed and currently operate.
This brief overview of the context within which codes of practice are
developed and implemented reveals the specificity of each national context.
As will become apparent below, each code of practice has embedded in it a
specific body of values and expectations that reflect the history, culture and
current circumstances of a particular country or region. Additionally, the
values and expectations any media worker brings to their interpretation of
the practical relevance of a code of practice are themselves a product of
their socialization. Yet, as we have seen above different nations have quite
distinct, historically grounded, ways of thinking about ethnic diversity
(Koopmans and Statham, 2000). Consequently, there may be conceptual
myopia operating in any particular national context where the national
values embedded in a code of practice may have a comfortable fit with the
values of the media worker. It is then quite reasonable to anticipate the
possibility that a specific code of practice de facto has the effect of
sustaining an ethnocentric, or even xenophobic, stance toward ethnic
diversity in a specific national context. In other words, the existence of a
code of practice is not, of itself, a guarantee of unbiased media practice.
Additionally, as has been seen above the contemporary intellectual and
political debates around the nature of ethnic identities, and the potential
forms of multicultural co-existence, are themselves complex and contested.
The very language of multicultural practice is consequently always
politicized. This again underlines the difficulty in a European context of
assuming a conceptual common ground when discussing the development
and implementation of codes of practice. However, a familiarity with the
different arguments developed in these debates does provide an insight into
which views have the ascendancy in any particular national or professional
context. It can facilitate a necessary reflexive self-awareness of the
dominant values in play.
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Finally, it is important to note that the debate around the interaction of
ethnic identities and the nature and relevance of human rights, raised above,
is not merely a highly contested intellectual debate. Issues around the
‘politics of recognition’ (Taylor 1992) do have a real place in contemporary
intellectual debates. However, they are also being worked out and expressed
in vivo in the very many forms of ethnic community mobilisation that can be
seen throughout Europe, and elsewhere. Contemporary social movements
grounded in the politics of ethnic identity and the politics of recognition
constitute a critical element in the multi-ethnic public sphere (Husband
1998, 2000). This ethnic mobilisation provides a powerful basis for
continued active critiques of the current practice of majority ethnic media in
their representation of minority communities. Additionally, it also provides
the practical basis for initiatives to develop distinctive ‘ethnic’ codes of
practice which explicitly assert the legitimacy of a partisan engagement with
the culture and rights of an ethnic minority community in executing a role in
media product. For minority and majority ethnic groups the control of the
institutional fabric of media production is a critical element in shaping an
acceptable media environment (Husband 1994, Gandy 1998).
Thus, in the discussion below this ideological, institutional and political
context will provide a necessary framework to the developing argument.
The specific characteristics of particular codes of practice underlines the
diversity to be found across extant codes. The values invoked by, and
implicit in, codes signals their compatibility with the assumed dominant
values of a particular media workforce. And, the necessary challenge of
translating ‘Codes’ into practice inevitably raises questions about the
organisational environments in which this translation into practice must take
place. Thus, the centrality of individual media worker’s sensitivity to ethnic
diversity and responsible media practice necessarily raises the question of
the adequacy of current professional education and training. These agendas
will be pursued more fully in the subsequent sections of this paper.
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Codes of Practice and Media Ethics
In the context of the Tuning in to Diversity project, colleagues at the
University of Bradford in England have brought together extant media
codes of practice on a CD-Rom that, without claiming in any way to be
exhaustive, already contains over 100 relevant texts. This is in itself a
powerful indication of the extent to which media professionals, and their
institutional bodies, have made normative an acceptance of the power and
the responsibilities of the mass media. These codes have not of course
emerged in a professional vacuum. Indeed, news and broadcast media have
an established tradition of constructing an ethical framework within which
professional practice routinely operates (Belsey & Chadwick 1992, Kiernan
1998, Nordenstreng 2000, Christiens et al 2001). As we shall see shortly
below this ‘in-house’ engagement in formulating an ethical agenda for
media performance is not necessarily an entirely disinterested and self-less
act. However, in developing a discourse and practice around media ethics
media professionals have not lacked in external advice and guidance. From
the contentious MacBride Report of 1980, through to the Council of
Europe’s (1993) resolution and recommendation on the ethics of journalism
to Article 13 of the Treaty of Amsterdam there has been a plethora of
recommendations and requirements provided by extra-media bodies which
would aim to guide the operation of the media. And more specifically in
relation to the issue of ethnic diversity the Vienna Monitoring Centre on
Racism and Xenophobia (1990) published a report of its European Media
Conference entitled Cultural Diversity – Against Racism, which provided
direct recommendations for the functioning of the media in multi-ethnic
Europe. (Again within the Tuning in to Diversity Project colleagues at
Stichting Omroep Allochtonen [STOA] in Utrecht are generating a review of
the very many recommendations relating to the responsibilities of the media
in operating in a multi-ethnic context that has been produced by
governmental, NGO and professional bodies). Thus, codes of practice
relating to the role and responsibilities of the media in representing ethnic
identities and constructing agendas around inter-ethnic relations exist within
a context which strongly supports their legitimacy. The existence of such
codes also makes reasonable the general public’s expectation that they
should be seen to have an effect on media performance.
However, the reality is somewhat different. Not all codes of practice contain
explicit statements relating to ethnicity or racism. Nor are all professional
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bodies committed to engaging with their responsibilities in regard to the
representation of ethnic relations. Whilst the International Federation of
Journalists (IFJ) has, through its International Media Working Group on
Racism and Xenophobia (IMRAX) pursued an active programme of
sensitising the world of journalism in regard to the reporting of ethnic
relations and racist organisations, it could not be said that their initiative has
met with universal enthusiasm. The British National Union of Journalists as
well as the Netherlands and Finnish unions have, for example, produced
specific guidelines pertaining to ethnicity, representation and diversity for
their members. But this is far from a universal practice.
In fact we may usefully reflect upon the manifest and latent functions of
professional bodies and media organisations producing codes of practice
and guidelines for their performance in relation to ethnic diversity. In
examining the wide range of codes and guidelines that are available it is
noticeable that the content typically has a variety of types of statements.
Many documents contain value statements which indicate the moral and
ethical bases for the proposed actions. These statements position the
proposals within the document in relation to framing discourses, inter alia
of professional responsibility, human rights philosophy and theological
belief. They provide a legitimacy for invoking specific values and
behaviours. Such value statements are routinely complemented by
persuasive statements that in general terms outline a range of behaviours
and practices that are desirable. These statements provide the professional
codex of the ‘oughts’ of everyday practice. Going beyond the general
discourse of values they provide a behavioural repertoire of good practice.
However, much more rarely present are prescriptive statements that specify
explicitly behaviours and practices that ‘must’ be implemented if the
practitioner is to avoid changes of incompetence and bringing the profession
into disrepute. Such statements do not invite the conformity of conscientious
professionals to operate within a virtuous voluntary system of autonomous
action; rather they require all members of the profession, on pain of
sanctions, to comply with an explicit code of practice. Compliance by its
nature does not necessarily attract individual commitment, but it does exact
behavioural orthodoxyi.
A not too cynical interpretation of very many of these codes and guidelines
is that they constitute a gestural rhetoric of ‘professional standards’ that
represent sincere aspirations for the collectively imaginable, rather than an
executive order for the regulation of the collectively attainable. As such,
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they are of course entirely consistent with the logics of professional bodies
and the ideology of professionalism itself. A core function of all
professional bodies is to define the terrain of their activity, to provide a selfevident legitimacy for their members’ exclusive occupation of this terrain
and to seek to guarantee self-regulation of their performance within this
terrain. In this respect, journalistic and media codes of practice express a
generic ‘professional’ rationale. Their content provides an exposition of the
professional values that gives the practitioners their distinctive collective
identity, and legitimacy. The specification of professional behaviours, both
persuasive and, where present, prescriptive, demonstrates their serious
minded commitment to self-regulation. The potential absence of any
meaningful sanctions for failure to adhere to the code is of course not made
explicit as a serious qualification to the credibility of these implicit claims.
The ideology of professionalism provides a binding coherence to the
relevance and meaning of such codes. However, we need only to look at the
law, medicine, the church or even academia to sustain a justifiable
scepticism about the adequacy of self-regulation of the professions.
Additionally, and importantly to our discussion here, it is necessary to
remember that ‘being professional’ is not the same as being moral.
Professional ethics and the normative routines of professional work-place
cultures function to define individual’s limits of responsibility as much as to
identify their means of meeting their responsibilities (Husband 1992). Being
professionally competent may not be at all the same as being morally
responsible. Baumann (1993) provided a valuable perspective from which to
view this dilemma. For Baumann morality is found within the individual. It
is driven by a wish to be for the Other. It is a proactive act of imagination
and generosity which is not based upon some rational choice principle of
exchange. From this perspective ethics necessarily become heterogeneous,
external, law like systems of rules; collectively generated. Baumann
suggests an essential basis for this in modernity’s pessimism regarding
human goodness. He argues that:
Throughout the modern era, echoing the concerns of the order-builders,
philosophers deeply distrusted the moral self. That selves cannot be left
to their own resources, that they have no adequate resources to which
they can be, conceivably, left – was an assertion which did not depend
for its truth on empirical findings; it did not generalise from reality; but
defined the way in which (in the case of guardians of order) reality was
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to be shaped and (in the case of the philosophers) was to be thought
about and interpreted. (Baumann, 1993: 63)
Thus this denial of the possibility, and reliability, of a human moral impulse
provided the context for the apparently necessary external imposition of
ethical guidelines, and their coercive collective regulation. And, as we have
seen, ethics cannot stand as a self-evident code of conduct, but must
themselves be legitimised through the invocation of principles which allow
for the recognition of right and wrong in human conduct. Such ethical
packages are themselves normalised via the institutions which promulgate
their existence; and symbiotically regulate their enforcement. Ethics then are
always subject to normative pressures.
For the operation of codes of practice and guidelines for the media
professionals operating in an ethnically diverse world it is possible to tease
out some awkward implications arising from this reality. Firstly, as we have
seen above, in the discourses around ethnic diversity and multi-cultural
responsibilities there is a noticeable lack of value consensus. The values
invoked by media codes are quite capable of becoming ambiguous, open to
contradictory interpretation, or be simply contested when applied to
ethnicity and racial ideologies in the contemporary world. Thus it is
conceivable that we may have compliance within the behavioural
requirements of codes in the absence of acceptance of the framing values.
As such professionalism here becomes a superficial technical
accomplishment. But everything that is known about ethnocentrism in
everyday racism (Essed 1991) suggests that the oppositional values would
leak into the professional performance, through acts of omission as much as
commission.
Additionally the external collective carapace of professional ethics, and their
attendant codes, is always open to alienating the individual professional
from their unique moral agency. As already argued above; codes not only
specify expected behaviours, they also establish a normative limit to the
‘reasonable demands’ that may be made upon a professional. Thus the
work-place culture of a media professional, through confirming the
adequacy of an individual’s ‘professional’ competence, may help to
suppress their personal moral discomfort about their disengagement with
responsibility which professionalism can afford.
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Setting limits of responsibility is particularly relevant since media
professionals routinely operate in institutional structures that are hierarchical
and strongly shaped by strong work-place cultures. Individuals may work
for large corporations, but they work with a finite and relatively stable
cohort of colleagues. These communities of practice (Lesser et al 2000)
provide social, inter-personal terrains of professional practice. Such is the
nature of these communities that they provide the locus and means of
socialization into the profession; and the continuing collective discipline
which regulates normative compliance. It is here that codes of practice are
resisted or embraced, where requirements for sensitivity to ethnic diversity
are given tokenistic existence in a shared glib discourse, or where through
awkward persistence they are developed as a challenge to established
routines. It is exactly in such communities of practice that within the British
context observers would expect to locate institutional racism (Parekh 2000).
Institutional racism exists where the unthinking routines of a work place, in
their effects, are racially discriminatory. It does not require explicit intent
but merely the absence of the imaginative morality of being for the other.
Whilst not being without its critics (Miles 1989) the concept of institutional
racism was central to the philosophy of the British 1976 Race Relations Act
and is fundamental to much equal opportunities policy in Britain: including
the Race Relations (Amendment) Act 2000. In recent years institutional
racism was at the heart of a major enquiry into the death of a young man
called Stephen Lawrence: and the Lawrence Enquiry provided an extensive
review of the operation of institutional racism within the Metropolitan
Police Force in London. This inquiry defined institutional racism as:
The collective failure of an organisation to provide an appropriate and
professionalism service to people because of their colour, culture or ethnic
origin. It can be seen or detected in processes, attitudes and behaviour which
amount to dissemination through unwitting prejudice, ignorance,
thoughtlessness and racist stereotyping, which disadvantage minority ethnic
people. (Macpherson Report 1999)
To emphasise the relevance of this concept to the argument being developed
here, its key insight is in recognising that ethnic discrimination may be
reproduced within an organisation without the wilful intent of the
individuals involved. In the context of national discourses on ethnic
discrimination and exclusion, where it is quite usual to equate racism with
extremist (proto-Fascist) politics, the essence of this concept is to assert that
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‘nice people’ can discriminate. Organisationally it moves the focus of
attention away from an exclusive focus upon the malign behaviours of
‘prejudiced’ individuals to a scrutiny of the effects of the routine practices
of the institution.
The purpose of introducing this concept here is precisely because it
explicitly locates the individual within the normative context of their work
place. It requires codes of practice to have relevance to the organisation and
operation of media production as much as to the behaviour of individual
practitioners. Consequently it follows that media organisations that exploit
codes of practice in order to uniquely locate responsibility for media
performance with individual employees are exercising a deft, and
indefensible, slight of hand. In moving toward developing a systems
approach to codes of practice there is a necessary insistence on seeing media
performance as an outcome of the complex interaction of organisational and
individual factors.
It is precisely because media professionals operate within specific
communities of practice that the pragmatic fragmentation of media
monitoring into distinct domains of content (performance), production
(ownership, human relations practices, economics) or consumption
(audience size and audience appreciation) cannot be analytically tolerated,
or politically accepted. Of course within the logistical constraints of
carrying out media monitoring, data can be collected from within these
discrete domains. But any meaningful analysis of this data must frame it
within a perspective that is alert to the dynamic interaction between these
domains. And certainly a failure to sustain such an integrated understanding
of the nature and operation of the media industries would be likely to
generate analyses that are politically naïve.
We need only to think of the institutional process of news production,
including ‘alternative news’, to have an immediate sense of the necessary
interaction of these processes (Franklin & Murphy 1998, Downing 2001).
Concerns about the impact of the ownership and control of news industries
at a global and organisational level are well known (Herman & Chomsky
1988, Hackett & Zhao 1998). The dynamics of inter-personal relations in
the hierarchical routines of the news room, within the routine community of
practice of news production, provide the social psychological crucible in
which these dynamics are given effect. The ethnic demography of the news
room cannot be divorced from the ethnic balance of media content: a
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consensus about the target audience, and related assumptions about news
values requires a coherent work-place culture. Issues of media performance
cannot be separated from the issues of recruitment and retention of staff.
Transcultural sensibilities are not acquired through the cognitive acceptance
of a code of practice but must be existentially grounded and carefully
nurtured in order to be real and relevant (Kim 2001). Changing the ethnic
profile of a workforce, as in changing the gendered profile of a workforce, is
a necessary adjunct to promoting an authentic representation of diversity
within media content. The morally active, as opposed to the merely
professionally competent, practitioner would have a personal imaginative
understanding of ethnic difference; a willingness to understand others
through their difference, rather than by denying their difference. Existential
negotiations of such differences within the communities of practice is a
powerful, if not always comfortable, route to developing a transcultural
sensibility. The morally active practitioner would not slip into the ethical
amnesia of merely operating with an eye to professional inter-ethnic
decencies. They are likely to be a burden to their professional colleagues. In
the context of the exclusion, inequality and conflict of contemporary interethnic relations, the morally active practitioner would be operating with a
range of self-reflexive sensibilities that would extend, and expose, them
well beyond the demands of extant codes of practice. Their moral
engagement with the contemporary disputed discourses of multi-culturalism
would place their commitment to equality of representation at the level of
personal challenge rather than as a technical requirement. Codes of practice
would not be intrusive external constraints upon their professional freedom,
but rather would be fragile vehicles for promoting change. The different
existential starting points for this moral engagement with practice is given a
specific edge in the multi-ethnic work place. It may be uncomfortable, but
ambiguity is quite usual in cross-cultural encounters. The possibilities of
making this ambiguity creative invites a serious examination of the
preparation of media professionals through their training for negotiating
their understanding of ethnic diversity and of inhabiting a multi-ethnic
community of practice (see the extended discussion of this in the section on
Education and Training below).
The shared values, behavioural norms and taken-for-granted-knowledge of
media professionals’ community of practice can serve to isolate them from
accountability to non-professional persons, communities and institutions. In
this respect, professional identities demonstrate all the in-group/out-group
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dynamics that can be found in any process of collective identity formation
(Capozza & Brown 2000). Out-group critiques strengthen in-group
identities: and additionally narrow the permissible diversity of values within
the in-group. On these terms alone ethnically homogeneous work groups are
hardly conducive to sustaining work place cultures appropriate to
representing a multi-ethnic reality. Although codes of practice are rational
arguments for regulating behaviour, it would be foolhardy to believe that
they are implemented and negotiated in working environments entirely
defined by rationality. Journalists, and other media professionals, have a
strong in-group identity and are highly resistant to external scrutiny and
regulation. Thus, in essence, whilst it is quite reasonable to accept that many
journalists are quite sincere in their endorsement of codes of practice, it is
naïve to assume that they are institutionally well suited to implementing
them.
Notions of autonomy, objectivity and professionalism all too easily smother
critical reflections on routine practices. In order to become credible
instruments of change, codes of practice endorsed by media professionals
need to be implement-able, monitor-able and indeed must contain inbuilt
mechanisms which allow adequate policing. At present, codes of practice
are lacking in several aspects, illustrated through the process of newsmaking which is powerfully structured and subject to continuous internal
monitoring and regulation but which, even so, leave journalism regrettably
weak in controlling racist and xenophobic content (van Dijk 1993, 1991). It
is evident that we do not need the presence of active, intentional, racists
within the newsroom, or elsewhere within the media, in order to explain the
lamentable record of the media in representing ethnic diversity, or in
guaranteeing equity and access of minority persons to the media.
Consequently, in appraising codes of practice we must be realistic about the
institutional context within which they exist and are required to operate. We
must be equally realistic about the essential formal structures that must be in
place in order for them to operate with any prospect of success. Codes of
practice must not become instruments for launching ad hoc assaults upon
individual media professionals who in many instances are institutionally
blocked in their attempts to fulsomely implement them. It is necessary to see
codes of practice as vehicles for change: and to understand that this process
of change is only realistically facilitated when both the institutional and the
subjective axes of communities of practice are appropriately inter-linked in
a co-ordinated programme of action. From this perspective, codes of
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practice become mission statements for change which must be given the
executive power that is located within the organisational structure of the
media industries.
With this in mind, we will now offer an ideal type model of a systems
approach to codes of practice. This aims to set out a mapping of the
organisational structures, and the co-ordinated programme of action, that
must be in place if codes of practice are to be effective in producing a
sustained change in media performance. The model sketched below does not
aspire to be exhaustive, but merely aspires to establish a framework for
evaluating the current implementation of codes of practice, and for the
development of future initiatives.
3.
A Systems Approach to Codes of Practice
A traditional management approach to policy planning provides a basis for a
systems approach to realistically developing, and deploying, codes of
practice. At its simplest this model envisages three phases tied together in an
interactive feedback loop.
For our purposes here the key elements of each phase can be defined as:
- The development of codes of practice is the key task in the planning
phase.
- For the code of practice to have any relevance to practice there must be
explicit and appropriate mechanisms that are organisationally embedded
for implementing these codes
and
- there must be explicit and routine mechanisms for monitoring
performance, and positive and negative sanctions to reinforce compliance
in order to control the whole process of regulating professional change.
From this perspective it becomes immediately apparent that a code of
practice, or guidelines, is merely a necessary element in a much larger
process of ensuring responsible media representation of ethnic relations. It is
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most certainly not of itself a sufficient initiative to meaningfully generate
change in professional practice.
I – The Planning Phase
a) In order to ascertain and then guarantee the ownership of the process we
must ask:
Who participated in the development of the code?
Have the values that are invoked wide acceptance?
Are these values polysemically ambiguous?
Are the issues to be addressed by the code reflective of the hierarchy of
concerns of media professionals, or of their audiences.
A wide process of consultation should be in place.
Additionally, given the polyethnic nature of societies and the increasing
fragmentation of media audiences, who are the intended audiences for the
media product? If it is assumed to be relatively ethnically homogeneous,
this cannot be permitted to justify a view that if the material is acceptable to
that audience, then all is well. Reciprocally, if the intended audience is
ethnically diverse, is that diversity reflected in identifying an appropriate
code of practice.
Ethnic diversity must be built into the process of developing codes of good
practice.
We have seen above that ethnicity is a dynamic process and issues that
define areas of conflict in inter-ethnic relations may be fluid. Consequently
it is dangerous to assume that codes of practice are adequate for
indeterminate periods of time.
The planning process must allow for continuous review and development of
the code.
This of itself requires an intimate linking of planning to implementation;
and from the control phase feedback appropriate to a sustained planning
agenda.
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b) An adjunct to the challenge of guaranteeing ownership of the code of
practice is located in anticipation of possible areas of support or
opposition. For example, where national unions of journalists have
adopted a code of practice for reporting ethnic relations, powers to effect
compliance with their ‘professional’ code may be radically undermined
by the owner of their enterprise and their compliant editor. Where a
newspaper’s editorial stance is to sustain an inflammatory anti-immigrant
stance, or where it is owned by a proto-fascist nationalist, then the decent
phrases of journalistic codes of practice are unlikely to have a significant
impact. Consequently it is important to identify the gate-keepers to
change: have those who can facilitate or block change been realistically
located in the developmental strategy?
Allies for change must be identified and explicitly engaged in the planning
of the implementation phase.
As we have observed above, codes of practice act as vehicles for the
declamatory assertion of professional values. But in anticipating the
subsequent implementation and control phases, these generic values must be
translated into operationalised behavioural requirements in order for
unambiguous targets to be set.
Targets for professional practice; explicit, unambiguous and measurable,
must be set.
In concluding the planning phase it is appropriate to remember that the
specific community of practice within which a media professional works is
in itself embedded in a larger organisational structure. Other communities of
practice and other professional identities will have their own priorities and
perspectives. It is not helpful, for example, if a group of journalists actively
support assertive equal opportunities policies in staff recruitment if the
organisational personnel department maintain a de facto resistance to what
they perceive as a ‘politically correct’ assault on their majority ethnic
community. Consequently, it is appropriate to ask whether the requirements
of the code of practice have been reviewed in relation to their impact upon
all the organisational groupings: is there a planned programme of
information and support for all personnel in facilitating the anticipated
change?
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The requirements of the code must be made organisationally relevant; with
the perspectives of employees at different locations in the organisation being
identified, recognised and engaged with.
II – The Implementation Phase
Given the issues, raised above, about ensuring the ownership of the planning
of codes of practice, it follows that at the implementation phase the strategy
must be planned to ensure the active participation of all relevant elements in
the organisation. There must be a clarity about the ownership of
responsibility for implementing change which is paralleled by effective
channels of communication: individual initiatives can be stifled by
collective resistance or complacency.
Individuals at each locale in the organisation must be aware of their
responsibilities for facilitating change.
Codes of practice require a collective understanding of what is to be
achieved, and a personal and institutional capacity for change. However,
communities of practice are not defined solely by individual professional
identities, inter-personal relationships, and a commitment to implement the
ethos and specific requirements of a code of practice. This subjective axis of
a community of practice exists in dynamic tension with an institutional axis
which is composed of the organisational structure, the power relations
within the organisation, the resources available at any specific locale, and
the managerial ideologies which shape the operation of all these (Burkitt et
al 2001: chapter 5). Thus the good intentions of individuals must be
matched by the appropriate institutional resources of the organisation.
The systems for monitoring and feedback must be explicitly agreed, and
resources committed, to ensure that the process of change can be sustained
over time.
Monitoring of course can be something of a taboo issue amongst media
professionals. In particular, when linked to external accountability, the
whole issue of media monitoring can raise a range of hostile responses. But
such defensive professional posturing flies in the face of the cumulative
evidence of its relevance, and necessity (Nordenstreng 1999). Advocating
media codes of practice without establishing systematic mechanisms for
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measuring their efficacy is a professional variation on children making
promises with their fingers crossed. Individual commitment is a necessary
component in making codes of practice work, but like many components
already discussed, in isolation it is not sufficient to foster change. Similarly
‘race awareness training’ of individuals in the 1970s and 1980s was a
markedly fragile initiative for changing corporate equal opportunities
practices (Gurnah 1989, Sivanandan 1981). One means of ameliorating
resistance to systematic monitoring is the development of tools of
assessment at the planning phase that are understood by, and have relevance
to, the media professionals themselves.
The monitoring process that will provide the evidential basis for later
feedback should provide qualitative as well as quantitative data.
This will be particularly important in relation to monitoring changes in work
place culture.
Clearly monitoring can be excessive, intrusive and destructive of trust
through building a collective negative resistance; to both monitoring and the
political agenda it purports to address. Consequently a few units of
assessment that are likely to be stable over time and provide a sensitive
tracking of a process of change are preferable to an unnecessarily inclusive
barrage of variables.
Given the many potential opportunities for misunderstanding, misguided
positive posturing or quiet neglect, the process of operationalising a code of
practice requires clear and sustained management.
There must be one person with the ultimate responsibility for overseeing the
process of change. They must have direct access to the most senior levels of
management.
III – The Controlling Phase
It would be ironic if all the effort and commitment implicit in the prior two
phases were to be undone by an inept execution of the last. The operational
essentials of the code of practice have already been agreed, the hard work of
their implementation and monitoring has been achieved and it is now time
to carefully translate the monitoring data into appropriate feedback.
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However, neither the implications of the data, nor what constitutes
appropriate feedback are necessarily self evident. Given the many different
perspectives on ethnic diversity, and given the different agendas of media
professionals and their audiences, it is entirely probable that the data
generated through monitoring will be open to different interpretations, and
that use of this idea can be perceived by some as vindictive or an abuse of
the monitoring process. Accessing appropriately sensitive insights into the
process of change places a heavy burden of trust upon media professionals.
Information may be elicited which is confidential, or which jeopardises an
individual’s standing within their community of practice. The purpose of the
monitoring phase is to facilitate sustained collective change: not to brutalise
or expose individuals. Consequently it is essential that the interpretation and
use of the monitoring data does not violate the professional integrity and
personal trust which are essential to the ethos of implementing a code of
practice in a systematic manner. Thus:
It is essential to be clear about what is for internal and external use; and to
ensure that sensitive and confidential data is not used inappropriately.
Interpretation of the data raises all of the issues about the ownership of the
process that was raised in relation to the Planning Phase. The different
perspectives of the media professionals, of different consumers and
academics and ethnic activists may all have a contribution to make. There is
an opportunity here to extend all the alliances for change introduced in
Phase I. It is here that self-regulation can demonstrate an openness to
external inputs and be seen to be credible. Minority ethnic pressure groups,
academic research groups and other interested parties are all potential
partners in a process of evaluating performance. The more serious the
commitment to a shared evaluation of data, the greater is the potential
accuracy and credibility of the analysis.
Minority ethnic colleagues and members of the audience, a range of
audience members and external groups should engage in generating the
evaluation of the data.
In order to attract partners into sharing a process of evaluation the media
professionals will be expected to demonstrate that they are serious about the
process per se, and that it will have meaningful consequences. Thus:
The evaluation of the monitoring data must be seen to be systematic,
balanced and owned by senior management.
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The whole credibility of the process of change driven by codes of practice
pivots upon the adequacy of the way in which feedback on performance
sustains the momentum of progressive positive change. A failure to have a
credible feedback loop in the Control Phase discredits the whole process. It
is tantamount to declaring the previous two phases to be no more than a
tokenistic veneer: a fig leaf of multi-cultural ‘awareness’. Such a judgement
might be harsh for those individuals who have been committed to change
and who have struggled hard to initiate Phase I; or who have fought off
resistance to the implementation of Phase II. But the process of change will
be measured by the performance of the professional collectivity, not by the
virtue of the few.
There must be appropriate mechanisms for the sanctioning of the
performance of individuals and communities of practice.
Specifically:
There must be positive rewards for improvement and negative sanctions for
failure.
The controlling phase has the purpose of closing the circle of performance
management. It requires a multi-layered strategy of feedback in which
different audiences and different interests are addressed appropriately.
Amongst the many actions, the outcomes of the data analysis and
subsequent managerial actions require widespread dissemination to media
audiences as they are the supposed beneficiaries of this process.
Additionally it is respect for their sensibilities, and evidence of their
acknowledgement of meaningful change, that is fundamental to the whole
process. Individual media professionals need confidential feedback upon
their performance in relation to the code. It should be part of their systemic
appraisal and development routine. Exemplars of individual good practice
and crass bad practice may receive appropriate publicity through activities
organised by their professional bodies. And the management of media
organisations should review the feedback in the control phase to update and
fine tune their systems for implementing the code of practice. Clearly the
feedback process confirms that a serious engagement with a code of practice
requires a dynamic, coherent systems approach in order to facilitate and
sustain change.
The Implications of Codes of Practice for Professional Education and
Training
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In all that has been argued above it is apparent that a systematic approach to
the implementation of codes of practice has far reaching implications. One
of the most important of these must be in relation to the content and purpose
of professional education and training. The institutional mechanisms and
structures sketched above will have only a minimal impact if the
professional personnel inhabiting the media institutions lack the insight and
motivation to promote a positive change in practice.
As we have seen above, Codes of Practice are typically informed by value
frameworks that reflect national and historically specific circumstances.
Thus, media professionals inducted into their profession through an explicit
reference to such ‘professional’ codes are implicitly frequently being invited
to rehearse and consolidate extant culturally specific values. As Shohat and
Stam (1994) have argued vis-à-vis Eurocentrism and others have argued
more specifically in relation to national and regional media, (Law 2002,
Sinclair 1999, Eickelman and Anderson, 1999), there is a potent fusion of
media commercial interests and the taken-for-granted cultural assumptions
of media professionals that readily facilitate the reproduction of dominant
cultural and political norms. Much, if not in fact most, of this process
requires no particular coercion to be applied to the media personnel in order
to produce this outcome. This provides a clear challenge to the adequacy of
most professional education and training in preparing personnel for work in
a multi-ethnic context.
An induction into competence in the technical accomplishments of
producing media content, whether journalism, drama or film, is in the
contemporary world only a necessary, but not a sufficient basis, for
professional practice. The plethora of formal requirements, and persuasive
injunctions, about the responsibilities of the media in the contemporary
multi-ethnic world ensure technical competence must be complemented by a
carefully honed sensitivity to the dangers of unthinking professional
practice. Unintentional, as much as malicious acts of misrepresentation, are
the legitimate concerns of critiques of media performance (see
Westdeutscher Rundfunk 1999, and particularly the STOA Report in this
project). Responsible media practice, requires both specific knowledge and
technical competence; but also a very particular mind set. Thus, in opening
up the educational agenda for preparing media professionals for responsible
media practice we may usefully look to the considerable literature on intercultural competence. There is an enormous body of literature, and university
and commercially based training provision, in this area. However, for our
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purposes it is useful to pragmatically start by clarifying the conceptual
language that will assist in helping to define the educational task; and
provide a framework for operationalising the content of relevant training.
Kim (1992) provides a useful “systems-theoretic” model which
distinguishes between two complementary competencies: specifically he
distinguishes between inter-cultural communicative competence on the one
hand and cultural communicative competence on the other.
Inter-cultural Communicative Competence
Intercultural communicative competence he sees as a generic
communicative skill which enable us all to be flexible and open in adapting
to the challenge of inter-cultural interactions: regardless of the specific
cultures involved in the exchange. In arguing for the possibility, and
necessity, of this competence he refers back to the stress that is inherent in
all cross-cultural interaction. Unfamiliarity with the culture and behaviour of
other people, a concern at getting things wrong, an ambiguity about the real
content and meaning of the information flow, and a wish to control the
interaction all transpire to generate anxiety. Additionally, this anxiety is
likely to interact with existing inter-group stereotypes and sentiments and
feed a specific ‘inter-group posture’. Namely, a perception of people of
different ethnic identities through an ‘us versus them’ perceptual filter.
Stereotyping not only radically reduces ambiguity about what may be
expected of other people, it also reciprocally makes relevant the individual’s
own identity and offers a spurious certainty about their own values and
beliefs (Turner 1987, Kim 1989). This inter-group posture is, of course,
itself made reasonable and non-problematic by the taken-for-granted world
view that a person brings to any inter-ethnic situation. Thus, at the heart of
intercultural communicative competence is a reflexive critical selfawareness of our own cultural baggage and agendas. In Kim’s words:
‘In other words, individuals who hope to carry out effective intercultural
interactions must be equipped with a set of abilities to be able to understand
and deal with the dynamics of cultural difference, intergroup posture and the
inevitable stress experience’ (Kim 1992 : p. 376).
Whilst Kim’s model is essentially intended to be applied to in vivo intercultural encounters, it clearly can be seen to have relevance for the range of
activities encapsulated in the processes of media production. This is
particularly so when his opening up of inter-cultural competence into three
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related dimensions is taken into consideration. He suggests that the
adaptability at the core of this competence should be expressed in relation to
three related dimensions of human behaviour: the cognitive, the affective
and the behavioural dimension.
In relation to cognition Kim draws upon the literature on cognitive styles in
which cognitive simplicity, having a limited range of concepts, is associated
with cognitive simplicity; and cognitive rigidity is juxtaposed to cognitive
flexibility (see Applegate and Sypher 1988, Kim 1989). In relation to interethnic relations the classic model of cognitive defensiveness and rigidity is,
of course, expressed in the syndrome of the ‘Authoritarian Personality’
(Adorno et al 1950). But, social psychology has continued to provide rich
insights into the cultural and psychological dynamics that interact in
producing selective perception (Brown 1995, Capozza and Brown, 2000).
And, in relation to the media, van Dijk (1991) has elegantly revealed the
limited mental schemata that may be found in the shaping of news stories.
Thus, the cognitive dimension of intercultural competence would aspire to
sustaining a flexible openness in engaging with the world. It is a refusal to
be dogmatic, and it is a practised willingness to refuse to reduce new
experiences to comfortable clichéd categories. In this respect it is entirely
consistent with the emphasis on truth and objectivity in journalism, and to
the creative impulse of the entertainment media and the arts.
Kim’s affective dimension is characterised by an emotional and aesthetic
openness. It is defined by a rejection of ethnocentrism and prejudice. It
requires a rejection of the emotional laziness of scapegoating where rigid
stereotypes feed the expression of hostility and misplaced claims to
superiority (Douglas 1995). On the positive side, the affective dimension of
inter-cultural competence is characterised by empathy with others: not just
knowledge of others but an emotional engagement with their lives and
experience. As we have seen above, whether in news media, literature or
film, there is a distressing body of literature revealing the negative
emotional agendas expressed in, and evoked by, the contemporary media in
multi-ethnic societies. Thus, this effective dimension invites a deliberate
inculcation of a positive and other-directed emotional openness in our
encounter with others, rather than an unthinking, but active, rehearsal of
emotional closure and defensiveness. Exactly this fusion of cognitive and
emotional openness is advocated in Stockwell and Scott’s (2000) All-Media
Guide to Fair and Cross-cultural Reporting. This important Australian
handbook asserts that cross-cultural competence requires that:
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“The media worker who aspires to tell the full story has to leave behind the
familiar and approach the unfamiliar with curiosity, sensitivity, respect and
the moral imagination to understand the world from a cultural perspective
that may differ from their own...
Media workers should always be aware that their own values, beliefs and
practices are influenced by their own experience of culture and are not the
only ‘right’ view of the world.”
(Stockwell and Scott, 2000, Section 5)
Additionally, the behavioural dimension of intercultural competence
highlights our capacity to be adaptive and flexible in our behaviour. In
ethology, the study of animal behaviour, the concept of ‘behavioural
repertoire’ refers to the full range of potential behaviours an animal has
available to it. Thus, in relation to intercultural competence the aspiration is
to be comfortable with a wide range of behaviours; only some of which may
be part of the daily routine. Again, the aspiration is toward optimal
flexibility. The behavioural dimension, contrary to first impressions, does
not relate only to face-to-face encounters; for example, whether a journalist
would be comfortable with the different inter-personal social distance that is
the norm in another culture. For behaviour is also part of ideology; the
embodied self has a ‘practical consciousness’ that regulates our actions just
as much as the schemata of our ‘discursive consciousness’ (Giddens 1984,
Burkitt 1999). Consequently, the issue of openness, flexibility, and
adaptability that was critical in relation to cognition and affect is equally
central to our understanding of the generic relevance of the behavioural
dimension of intercultural competence.
These three dimensions in dynamic interaction in the lived practice of any
media professional define their readiness to be able to enter into an
engagement with difference. It is a skills based disposition to remain
reflexively self-critical and open to the difference of others; without
prejudging that difference negatively and behaving accordingly. As such, it
could be readily integrated into the curricula of courses of professional
training; and most certainly into journalism training.
As we have seen above, there is a great diversity between European states in
terms of their understanding, and management of, ethnic diversity.
Additionally, the issues of pluralism and multi-culturalism have become
heavily contested political agendas. Consequently, in order to prepare
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journalists and other media professionals to work in this European, and
global, environment of highly politicised practices and debates around
ethnicity and citizenship, they must be introduced to this debate in a
considered and structured manner. They must be enabled to explore their
own location in this debate; and to locate the dominant discourses in their
country of origin, and of practice, into this context. Developing intercultural
competence must always involve the individual in a process of revealing
their own taken-for-granted worlds of ideas and values. Consequently, this
in every instance involves exploring the interface of personal biography and
the specific context of the individual’s socialization. This can in itself be
taxing and uncomfortable. However, when the conceptual language that
might help in revealing an individual’s own sense of national and ethnic
identity is itself unstable and contested, this task becomes doubly difficult. It
is for this reason that current academic and political debates about the nature
of identity, citizenship, difference and multiculturalism should be examined
as part of a generic process of preparing media personnel for practice in the
contemporary multi-ethnic world. Developing a generic intercultural
competence ironically requires the individual to interrogate the specificity of
their own identity and culture.
In essence, the acquisition of intercultural competence requires that all
media workers should be facilitated in acquiring a critically reflexive
understanding of the belief structures and feelings they bring into their
relationship with ethnic diversity. Equally, they should have the opportunity
to reflect upon the adequacy of their own behavioural repertoire for
efficiently interacting across a range of cultural settings. These issues can be
raised in a specific short course, and then be consolidated by tracing the
implications of this learning into specific concrete agendas layered
thematically throughout the curriculum and probationary practice. Since
intercultural competence is defined as a generic skill it can reasonably be
assumed to be of relevance over a very wide range of media practice.
Cultural Communicative Competence
However, whilst intercultural competence properly developed and applied,
may empower a media professional in relation to any intercultural agenda, it
will also ironically leave them seriously exposed and ignorant in relation to
any specific cultural context. Being in a general sense disposed toward
openness and a non-prejudgemental attitude toward difference facilitates the
media professional’s ability to seek information and to handle that
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information equitably. It does not of itself provide knowledge of other
cultures and people. Consequently, Kim specifies the necessity of a
complementary cultural communicative competence. Not surprisingly, this
refers to the necessity when dealing with another culture or person of a
different ethnic background, of acquiring specific relevant information
about the history, cultural values, institutional systems and behaviour of that
society.
The essence of ethnocentrism lies in assuming that the behaviour and values
of one’s own culture are an historical, universal norm that may be applied in
all other cultures, or that may be employed to judge them. Thus, the
acquisition of culturally specific knowledge has two benefits. It provides for
the accurate representation of that culture and its people, and it provides
concrete experience of difference that feeds the practice of intercultural
competence. Of course, the open disposition that is characteristic of
intercultural competence is also a necessary prerequisite to the appropriate
interpretation and employment of such culturally specific knowledge. The
outsiders understanding of another culture is a fraught activity even for
anthropologists with a supposed disciplinary expertise in the matter (see, for
example, James et al 1997). For journalists seeking to report on another
community, and for other media professionals whose work creates a
representation of communities other than their own, responsible media
practice requires that they equip themselves for the task through acquiring
the appropriate cultural competence. It is reasonable to assume that schools
of journalism operating in specific countries would provide within the
curriculum an introduction to cultural competence in relation to at least the
larger and/or most salient minority ethnic communities in that country. This
can be facilitated through self-directed learning modules and guidance to
appropriate web sites, as well as placements with minority ethnic media and
community organisations.
Here again Stockwell and Scott provide a very useful illustration of the need
to provide media workers with specific cultural knowledge when working
with people of particular ethnic communities: in this case Aboriginal and
Torres Strait Islander people. Amongst the specific cultural norms which
they introduce are sensitivities around eye contact, modes of greeting, time,
the significance of kinship, naming deceased persons and access to
indigenous land. The information they offer illustrates eloquently the ease
with which misunderstandings and resentments may be created in the
absence of the appropriate use of culturally specific knowledge.
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Importantly, they also carefully and explicitly warn against the casual
application of such ‘cultural knowledge’ to all and any member of the
Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities. Such ‘informed’
stereotyping is as dangerous as ignorance. They, amongst other things, note
that:
“Indigenous communities throughout Australia have their own distinct
history, politics, culture and linguistic experience. Although indigenous
people may share many experiences and similar circumstances, they are not
a homogenous group and no single person can speak for all indigenous
people”
“It cannot be over-emphasised that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander
communities are diverse, and, therefore, no tips on procedural matters, or
definitive list of ‘right’ or ‘wrong’ approaches will be relevant to all
situations.”
(Stockwell and Scott, 2000, Section 12/13)
This caution underlines the complex challenge of integrating intercultural
competence with cultural competence in order to promote responsible media
practice. The flexibility and learned ability to creatively tolerate ambiguity
in a situation that is at the heart of intercultural competence, provides the
appropriate relation to information collection and processing. It creates the
space within which the relevance of culturally specific knowledge, in any
particular instance, may be evaluated. It nurtures the ‘moral imagination’ to
remain open to difference.
Intercultural Media Competence
Clearly, intercultural communicative competence and cultural
communicative competence are highly interactive skills that are essential to
the media professional operating in the contemporary multi-ethnic world.
But, they are also equally relevant to the transcultural nurse (Gerrish et al
1996) and to the international business executive. However, for media
professionals there are quite distinctive skills, embedded in their routine
professional practice, which themselves demand a specific intercultural
media competence.
Like the previous competencies much of the insight into their necessity and
nature has been derived from critical reviews of past practice. As we have
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already seen above, there is a quite remarkable body of literature which has
graphically revealed the topography, and causes of, media failure in the
representation of ethnic diversity. Probably the major source of such failures
is to be found in the unthinking and routine practice of professional skills.
This is important for it points precisely to the fact that ‘good professionals’
are adept at bad representation of minority ethnic persons and cultures.
Thus, a core element of training in intercultural media competence lies in
developing a critical reflexivity toward the dangers of the routine exercise of
acquired professional skills. Once again there is no shortage of insightful
and critical literature that can underpin the development of a critical
intercultural media competence. This literature is actively embraced in the
extensive range of university and school based courses in media education,
where course curricula and texts provide a sensitisation to the power of
narrative and visual representation in normalising extant power relations in
society (Twitchin 1988, Hobbs 1998, Nelmes 1999).
In any act of representation there is a necessary interpretative link between
the represented and the represented to – between the subject and the
audience. Typically, those represented by the process of media production
have little or no input into the process of representation. And, typically the
process of production is permeated by an implicit understanding of who is
the intended audience. Thus, the audience, in coming to consume and
interpret the news story, novel or film, routinely experiences no bewildering
chasm of incomprehension when faced with the professionally generated
product. The shared world view of dominant ethnic media professionals and
dominant ethnic media audiences provides a hermeneutic symmetry that
allows the transmission of meaning to be efficient, and multi-layered. The
notion of the passive audience helplessly bombarded by media messages is
long gone (Ang 1991). The audience brings to media content an
interpretative repertoire that is deeply rooted in their socialization, identity
and current circumstances.
Thus, in encoding or decoding the narrative structure of a news story or a
film plot, a powerful complex of cultural and political assumptions are
brought into play. Consequently, the narrative structure of mainstream film
has, for example, been extensively deconstructed to reveal the dominant
ideologies of race and difference embedded in them (Bernstein and Studler
1997, Davies and Smith 1997, hooks 1992, Young 1996). Equally, as has
been noted above, journalism’s capacity to create highly partisan
representations of reality is continuously exposed and critiqued. Indeed, it is
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the power of ‘news values’, that have been internalised as the core of a good
journalist’s practice, that have over a very long period of time been
frequently identified as providing the impetus toward partiality and myopia
in routine press and television reporting (Hartman and Husband 1974, van
Dijk 1988, Franklin 1999). It follows from this that one element of
intercultural media competence must be a critical reflexive awareness of
how these outcomes may be unthinkingly reproduced in routine professional
practice. Appropriate instruction in avoiding such outcomes must be part of
all professional training. Clearly, the transmission of facts and insight
through such training would be a necessary, but not sufficient part of
professional education. For, in the absence of an appropriate disposition
toward learning and practice this information may be easily discounted. A
complementary intercultural communicative competence is a necessary
catalyst to the process of acquiring sensitivity to the dangers of narrative
construction. And, again, reflexive insight into the dangers of ethnocentric
dominant ideologies provides a basis for avoiding a variety of forms of
negative misrepresentation; but it does not provide the substantive
knowledge that must underpin accurate and appropriate representations of
other cultures and people. A willingness to invest in the necessary labour of
acquiring specific cultural competencies is also a necessary positive
complement to the self-discipline of avoiding misrepresentation.
However, in relation to the visual media, the narrative is not independent of
the visual construction of reality. In relation to photography and film the
audience’s capacity to read the conventions of visual representation has
been opened up to scrutiny. It is again an acquired skill deeply embedded in
unspoken cultural assumptions. Professional skills of visual production have
been translated into an audience’s normative competence in reading the
visual. Reading the visual is a collusive partnership of the media and the
audience in exercising complementary learned techniques of visual
representation. In Nelmes’ (1999 p. 108) words: “the techniques and
‘language’ of camera use had to be both developed by film makers and
‘learnt’ by the audience”.
The visual framing of majority and minority ethnic interaction through the
technical construction of a specific mis en scene employs a range of
professional judgements, including camera angle, lighting and location of
persons in the frame, which paradoxically are routinely invisible: but
powerful. Responsible media practice consequently requires that an
additional element of intercultural media competence must involve a self-
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conscious sensitivity regarding the potency of professionally routinised
techniques. The subtlety and power of these visual codes makes them
particularly dangerous tools of racist and ethnocentric media practice.
Many, but certainly not all, racist elements of a verbal discourse are readily
vulnerable to detection and critique, (certainly in particular European
newspapers for example). But, the very nature of the codes of visual
representation render them unobtrusive and routinely non-problematic.
Training for intercultural media competence requires a sensitivity to, and
respect for, the expertise of the media worker, and appropriate media
credentials in those who would offer the training. STOA and More Colour
in the Media have provided just such courses and training in promoting
responsible media practice in the European context.
Codes of practice specifying media professions’ responsibilities in relation
to the representation of ethnicity, demand a consistent vigilance on the part
of media professionals. It is a vigilance which can only begin to become
attainable if appropriate training is built into courses of professional
education. This training will regrettably often be seen as peripheral to the
core purpose of professional socialization; namely, an acquisition of the
skills of the trade that guarantee acceptance as a member of the profession.
However, it has cumulatively become apparent in the review above that it is
exactly these routinised skills which form the basis for the reproduction of
dominant ideologies and racist imagery. Responsible media practice
requires that as young people are inducted into all the media professions
they are facilitated in acquiring a generic intercultural competence which
will inform all their practice. Equally, they must be enabled to understand
the need for, and the means of acquiring, specific cultural competence
which will be contingent upon the particularities of their work. And,
intercultural media competence is a necessary reflexive sensitivity to the
tools of their trade which will enable media professionals to begin to
comply with the demands of their professional codes in a viable and
responsible manner.
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Conclusion
The argument developed above has sought to engage with the challenge
faced by the mass media in operating in a multi-ethnic world. The contested
political debates about the definition of diversity, and the related struggle
around how the de facto reality of diversity within the nation state shall be
managed, provide a complex and shifting political context within which the
media must operate. Nor is it the case that ethnicity is merely a peripheral, if
interesting, phenomenon in the contemporary world. The politics of
difference and the immediacy of ethnic identity claims have given ethnicity
a distinctive salience in our world. At one level, ethnic identities have
emerged as a powerful force for defining incipient and extant media
audiences. And the commercial force of this reality has been expressed
through the political economy of the media industries actively shaping a
media environment that is responsive to the ethnic demography of the
national, and transnational, population. Ethnic identities and the mass media
have an extensive and intimate interface.
Nowhere has this been more apparent than in the growth in the critiques of
media performance in their representation of ethnic communities, and in
their definition of ethnic relations. No media industry and no product genre
has remained immune to this assault. Because of its power, the news media,
and journalism, have been subject to particular critical scrutiny. But the
cinema, literature, children’s stories, broadcast entertainment and academic
texts are also amongst the media to be interrogated. Faced with this
cumulative body of data and argument, inter-governmental bodies, national
governments and NGOs have all generated recommendations for the
media’s operation in a multi-ethnic world. And professional media
organisations have developed codes of practice and guidelines to
demonstrate a responsible professional response to both the critiques and
recommendations. It has been these codes of practice and guidelines that
have formed the focus of this argument.
The critique of these codes that has been developed above has been
embedded in a wider critique of ‘professionalism’. There are two reasons for
this. One is to avoid any charge of uniquely singling out media professionals
for critical scrutiny, by pointing to the familiar process of professional selfdefence as being endemic to all professions. Secondly, it has been important
to identify the power of the ideology of professionalism as being one of the
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key forces framing the development and deployment of media codes of
practice.
Additionally, through invoking the concept of ‘communities of practice’, it
has been important to demonstrate that individual media practitioners
operate within specific work place cultures that are uniquely situated in any
organisational structure. Wishing to reject easy vilification of ‘prejudiced’
individuals, the argument above has sought to demonstrate how individual
behaviour must be understood in relation to the dynamic powers of
organisational structures and routine institutional practices. It is through
understanding the linkage between the subjective and the institutional axes
of communities of practice that the need for a systems approach to codes of
practice becomes apparent.
The extensive discussion of education and training above serves to
underline the argument that the acquisition of technical competence in
professional valued production skills is an adequate preparation for
responsible media practice in the contemporary multi-ethnic world. A
reflexive understanding of the contested debates around ethnicity,
citizenship and multiculturalism is necessary to sensitise media workers to
the politicised taken-for-granted national agendas around cultural diversity.
And an education in intercultural competence provides a complementary
disposition to the acquisition of intercultural media competence. Clearly
appropriate professional education and training is necessary to the
development of a media work force that can meaningfully respond to the
challenge of codes of practice.
The provisional model sketched above is seen as a heuristic, ‘ideal type’
template against which current efforts to deploy codes of practice may be
measured. Such an exercise is perhaps inevitably harsh in its evaluation of
those individuals and professional organisations, majority and minority
ethnic, who are trying to make codes of practice relevant and effective in the
media. But this is not necessarily a criticism of them, but rather a necessary
exposure of the power relations wihtin media organisations. Given the
dynamics of ownership and control in the contemporary media, codes of
practice cannot be expected to have a significant impact if ownership of the
process of change is located in an isolated professional group. The argument
here has aspired to generate a robust honesty about the tenuous relation
between the rhetoric of change implicit in codes of practice and the relations
of inertia built into media organisational structures.
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PART V
MEDIA AND MINORITIES POLICIES: THREE
NATIONAL CASE STUDIES
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1.
ITALY:
FREEDOM OF THE PRESS AND RACIAL DISCRIMINATION A
REVIEW OF THE LEGISLATION AND AN ANALYSIS OF THE ROLE
OF CODES OF CONDUCT
BY COSPE
1.
Laws, Charters and Orders of Italian journalists
In 1963, the Italian Press Association was instituted under Law No. 69 of 3
February 1963. Based on the provisions of the Law, the journalist has an
absolute duty to respect “substantial truth”, and always to comply with “the
duties imposed by loyalty and good faith”.
Subsequent to Law No. 69 of 1963, the Press Association, together with the
Italian National Press Federation drew up the “Charter of Duties: Ethics
and Deontology”. This document is more specific than Law No. 69 because
it addresses journalism by providing for contexts and situations in which the
journalist has to abide by ethics that are not longer solely spontaneous but
are codified. For example, the third principle of the Charter establishes, as a
fundamental duty, that the journalist shall “respect the individual, his/her
dignity and his/her right to privacy and never discriminate against anyone
for his/her race, religion, sex, physical or mental condition, political
opinions”. Likewise, the third point of the section entitled “Duties of the
Journalist” asserts that “the journalist shall not discriminate against anyone
for his/her race, religion, sex, physical or mental condition, political
opinions. The non discriminatory, reviling or disparaging reference to these
characteristics in the private sphere of individuals is only allowed when it is
of considerable public interest”. Lastly, the Charter significantly concludes
with the paragraph dedicated to “Children and Weak Parties” where it states
that “the journalist shall, in any case, undertake to use the maximum respect
towards individuals in the news who, for social, economic or cultural
reasons, are less able to protect themselves”.
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Beyond that which is sanctioned by the Charter of Duties, some journalists,
both personally and as member of an organisation, have often fought for
free, independent, truthful and non racist information. In this Report, we
shall attempt to cite the most significant charters of principles, paying
special attention (in the final Part) to three documents produced in Italy: the
Herculaneum Charter (1995), the Declaration of Commitment to
Information in Colour (1993-1994) and the Recommendations for Non
Racist Information (1996).
2.
The Italian Public Broadcasting Service: Impartial
Information in the 2000-2002 Service Contract
The service contract, signed by the Ministry of Communications, by the
Government and the Rai (Rradiotelevisione Italiana) defines the functions,
contents and the mission of the Italian public broadcasting service. One of
the assumptions underlying the contract is that it is “an explicit duty of the
public broadcasting service to guarantee the display of the multi-coloured
realities of the world of employment and emerging social and cultural
realities in a weak condition on the level of information tools, paying
particular attention to those relating to voluntary services, feminism,
environmentalism, problems of old age, immigration, and the relations
between the North and South”. The Rai, therefore, is committed to widely
representing the socio-cultural panorama of Italy and, in Art.6 bis, it is
provided that special attention shall be paid to Programming for Foreign
Citizens. Article 6 bis establishes as follows: “In the programming of the
television and radio networks, the licensee shall undertake to dedicate
special attention, possibly with special programs in foreign languages, to the
social, religious, employment problems of foreign European Union and nonEuropean Union citizens in Italy, also for the purpose of promoting
integration processes and for guaranteeing adequate information about the
rights and duties of immigrant citizens”. The Article arose out of an
amendment presented by the Parliamentary Committee of Inspection on the
draft contract23, where the discussion was mainly focused on the question of
programming in foreign languages, as the element of prestige of what the
radio-television offered. These suggestions, however, came up against the
objective problem of the programme schedules, so much so that it was
agreed that the duration of the programmes in a foreign language should not
23
The opinion of the Commission is obligatory but not binding.
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determine the quality of what was offered, given that they would in any case
be relegated to night time viewing time, but rather shorter and more
efficacious programmes were to be preferred in prime time viewing time.
This is the third service contract and compared to the two contracts prior to
the introduction of Art.6 cited above, it marks an evolution and significant
innovation on the topic of immigration and multi-culturalism. In fact, whilst
in the first service contract there was no reference to the question, in the
second, there was only a mention of respect for and recognition of the rights
of immigrant citizens in the general preamble.
Furthermore, the current contract was produced almost at the same time as
the Social Secretariat which is the main organ of reference for implementing
the programming trends set out in the service contract, and it is to this we
have referred in order to understand the effects of the introduction of the
Article on programming.
Carlo Romeo, chairman of the Secretariat, reminded us how Art.6 of the
contract is substantially a continuation of the commitment of the RAI in the
fight against discrimination that began with the propulsive push of
numerous associations for the disabled which, since the end of the 1970s,
have been working on this issue. Art.6 bis arose, instead, out of a
parliamentary debate and was put into practice over the course of these
years with programming that rapidly adapted to the social fabric which was
changing in an increasingly multicultural sense. That is why, then, that the
programmes dedicated to questions of multiculturalism, such as the
introduction of professionals of immigrant origin into the editorial staff, are
at the same time the cause and effect of these changes. Un mondo a colori
[A World in Colour], like before it, Il coraggio di vivere [The Courage to
Live] and, on the radio Permesso di Soggiorno [Residence Permit], are
useful examples for documenting this attention. Within the Rai, Rai
Educational is the most active sector on the level of immigration, with
courses in Italian for immigrants (“Io parlo italiano” [I Speak Italian]) and
distance-learning courses for inter-cultural education (in collaboration with
the Ministry of Education); also Rai Net provides useful information for
immigrants in the section “Società e diritti” [Society and Rights].
From other conversations and interviews carried out within the ambit of this
research, it was nevertheless, stressed how multiculturalism behind and in
front of the screen is a very poorly defined sphere, where the
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“professionals” in the sector (associations, co-operatives, NGOs, etc.) have
never been listened to for the purpose of writing specific articles on the
question of racism and equal opportunities for immigrants. At the time when
the contract expires and the new one is to be drafted, which will begin in
July 2002, are the occasions, according to many of those interviewed, on
which to submit documents and make comments so that the real needs of the
immigrant audience emerge.
3.
The Charters of Principles
In this section, three charters of principles drafted at different times but with
some common features will be presented. Above all, all are documents that
have no legally binding force and are not, therefore, linked to any type of
sanction.
They are charters of principles or charters in which the signatories combine
“requests” directed towards third parties as well as stating their own
“convictions”. All three documents are the fruit of work done by groups of
journalists at meetings or seminars for raising awareness with regard to non
racist information. Generally, the work of the journalists was co-ordinated
by associations that are sensitive to the topic of immigration and
communications and it was subsequently presented to the Press Association
and/or the National Press Federation.
3.1.
The Herculaneum Charter: Appeal to the National Press
Association, and the National Press Federation
On 12 and 13 November 1995, Coordinamento di Iniziative Popolari di
Solidarietà Internazionale (CIPSI) organised a seminar in Herculaneum on
“What Kind of Information is Needed for the Global Village?”. The
intention of the organisers was that the charter should take the form of a
“code of behaviour” but bureaucratic obstacles did not make this possible
and the document was drafted as a “declaration of intent”.
The document proposed two main objectives: 1) to offer instruments for
reflecting on information that is respectful of human rights and cultures; 2)
to constitute a National Jury that would supervise that the principles
emerging from the charter were respected (an objective reached with the
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creation of an Observatory on the Mass Media and the Developmente
Countries within CIPSI).
According to Nicola Perrone of CIPSI, who was one of the promoters of the
initiative, the document was disseminated pretty well and, after having been
presented to the Press Association and the National Press Federation, it
acted as a fundamental stimulus for conferences and research relating to the
topics arising out of the charter.
The main points coming from the charter:
- the gathering of information and images shall not become “a form of
physical or psychological violence”
- the sources and statistics shall abstain from “opinions that are not
supported by proof”
- the language and titling shall avoid “summary and discriminatory
judgements instigating violence”
- local interlocutors shall be involved in education on global issues.
3.2.
Declaration of Commitment to Information in Colour
In 1994, in the wake of the Mancino Law No. 205/93, a meeting entitled
“Immigrant Raise Your Voice!” was organised thanks to the commitment of
the editorial staff of Nonsolonero [Not Only Black] and Abbonato alza la
voce! [TV Licence Holder Raise Your Voice!], both RAI transmissions.
The document, drafted and signed exclusively by journalists, intended to
offer “colleagues” who were less sensitive to the issues of immigration and
non racist information, guidelines to follow as truly inalienable
deontological commitments.
Massimo Girelli, who in 1994 was part of the editorial staff of Nonsolonero,
believes that the charter had no substantial effect if not that of being talked
about for a brief period after the document had been drawn up. It was
presented to the National Press Federation and to RAI, but in neither case
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was it followed up, indeed, it was seen as an unsought after interference in
the work of journalists.
The main points coming from the charter:
- To fight stereotypes in information about immigration and the South of
the planet.
- To stimulate broader knowledge of migratory phenomena.
- Not to confine immigration to crime news.
- To systematically expose acts of discrimination and racism.
- To broaden the space dedicated to social investigations highlighting the
analogies between social problems experienced by foreigners and by
large sectors of Italian society.
- To encourage the access of citizens to the information media both as
beneficiaries and as workers.
3.3.
Recommendations for Non Racist Information
1995/96 was the two-year period of the European Youth Campaign against
Racism, Xenophobia and Intolerance, promoted by the Council of Europe.
On the occasion of the week promoting public awareness in Rome, from 18
to 24 March 1996, the Department for Social Affairs organised a working
group of journalists who, after meeting several times in locations made
available by the National Press Federation, concluded their meetings by
drawing up Recommendations for Non Racist Information.
All the journalists who signed the document had at least one article
published on the initiative, each in their own newspapers, but beyond the
initial sensation created, the Recommendations had no follow-up, and, on
the contrary, were frowned upon by the Press Association.
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Immigrants and ethnic minorities in mass media. Representation and policies
The main points coming from the charter:
To mention nationality, religion, culture unless this did not constitute

an integral part of the information

To enhance cultural differences

To keep in mind the change in the connotation of words over time

Generalisations and popularising of differences leads to the
falsification of reality.
3.5.
Assessment of Those who Signed the Charters
We interviewed some of the journalists and organisers of the meetings from
which the three charters took shape.
For the Herculaneum Charter, we contacted Nicola Perrone of CIPSI, for
the Declaration of Commitment to Information in Colour, Massimo
Ghirelli (who was, in 1994, a journalist with Nonsolonero) and Giuseppe
Giulietti (who is currently a parliamentarian, but at the time, was a member
of Usigrai), for the Recommendations for Non Racist Information, Vaifra
Palanca (in 1996, she was part of the Department for Social Affairs) and
Roberto Zuccolini of Corriere della Sera.
Those interviewed were asked the same questions and, in the following, we
bring together the replies they gave:
How do you judge the experience or, in other words, do you believe in the
effectiveness of charters similar to the one you signed?
All the interviewees showed a certain amount of perplexity about how
really effective charters of principles are.
Ghirelli argues, for example, that in Europe codes of conduct are not
generally well accepted, not even in the case where codes of self-regulation
are concerned. Vaifra Palanca thinks it was a good experience and that the
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journalists were very involved, but she does not believe that the
Recommendations could have had been more successful. Zuccolini and
Giulietti are in agreement in stating that debate is always useful for creating
a comparison and for increasing reciprocal knowledge (in this case, between
associations that work with immigration and journalists). Giulietti talks, in
fact, about the positive aspects of a “regulated” conflict from which those
working in communications and social groups benefit reciprocally: the
former learn to widen their point of view about reality, the latter learn about
tools for communicating.
Likewise, Zuccolini, believes that, whilst keeping in mind the differences
that may emerge regarding controversial issues like that of non racist
information, it is always better to face certain problems than to keep quiet
about them.
Why didn’t the charter work?
Some agreement in opinions emerged from the interviews, particularly in
relation to the obstacles constituted by features that cannot be eliminated
from the journalistic machine. Ghirelli argues, for example, that the good
will of individual journalist often clashes with the policy choices of
management. Zuccolini, on the other hand, maintains that the fact that every
day the individual newspaper has only a very tight amount of space to
attribute to a given argument cannot be left out of consideration; Perrone
talks about the “small margin of autonomy” given to editorial staff.
The problem of ignorance that Italian journalists demonstrate about socalled developing countries and also about the phenomenon of immigration
also emerged from the interviews. Zuccolini believes that this may depend
on the fact that the issue of immigration has only recently appeared on the
Italian civil and social scene (at the beginning of the1980s) compared to
countries with long colonial histories such as France and England. There is
also, always according to Zuccolini, great disinterest in the newspapers for
continents like Africa and Latin America. Ghirelli, instead, believes that the
lack of preparation of journalists on these issues mainly depends on the lack
of good will of the individual members of the editorial staff who consider
‘intercultural knowledge’ as a burden hindering them from quickly carrying
out their daily work. Regarding this point, it is important to point out that
almost all those interviewed stressed that the journalists who generally
prove to be less sensitive to the problems of immigration are, in fact, those
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who, in most cases, deal with it, or, in other words, crime journalists.
Instead, the presence of correspondents in certain countries reveals an
explicit interest of the newspaper in a situation of “emargination’ and,
therefore, these journalists are often very attentive and ‘respectful’.
The last aspect, but not less important, is the lack of sanctions linked to the
charters of principles. Vaifra Palanca and Giuseppe Giulietti share the idea
that the lack of “binding” instruments is a real weakness in documents of
this kind.
How could charters of principles be more effective?
Giulietti believes that, in the future, that there will be no need for charters of
this kind because journalists will not be able to resist for ever that which
will overwhelm them or, in other words, the change of Italian society into a
multiethnic society. However, he thinks that discussions and occasions for
meetings have never been as important as now.
Zuccolini does not stop at any formal modifications but argues that the
charters of principles should be publicised more and linked to initiatives that
broaden their persuasive force further (conferences, workshops,..).
Similarly, Perrone maintains that documents like the Herculaneum Charter
should be supported by a series of scientific and research works that stir up
greater interest in the initiative.
4.
Review of Legislative and Sources and Case Law on
Freedom of the Press and Racial Discrimination
This Report does not claim to be exhaustive with regard to the topic of
discrimination and freedom of the press, but it collects together the most
important and recent Italian legislative and case law sources on the matter.
A short paragraph shall be dedicated to the public broadcasting service and
to the charters for the self-regulation of journalists.
In the final part, instead, three charters of principles produced in Italy will
be presented together with the opinions of some of those who have signed
them.
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4.1.
Immigrants and ethnic minorities in mass media. Representation and policies
Freedom of Expression
Legislative framework: fundamental documents in Italy on freedom of
expression
Freedom of expression in Italy is guaranteed by Art.21 of the Constitution
which states that “all persons have the right to freely express their thoughts
by speech, in writing and by all other means of communication”. In 1963,
Press Association, which we will discuss later in Part II, was instituted
under Law No. 68.
On the level of case law, we will mention two examples relating to freedom
of expression: one, a decision of the Court of Appeal and the other a
decision of the Criminal Division of the Supreme Court.
- Court of Appeal of Rome 16 January 1991. This decision upholds that
the lawful exercise of the freedom of the press, as an expression of the
constitutionally protected freedom of thought, even if it leads to the
dissemination of news of a dishonourable fact, assumes that the
information, the truth and the exact representation of the narrated facts
and the correctness of the expressions used are useful to society (Foro
Italiano, 1992, I, 942)
- Criminal Division of the Supreme Court 29 March 1995, decision
relating to instigation to commit genocide (Foro Italiano, 1986, II,19)
4.2.
Prohibition of Discrimination
The principle of non discrimination in Italy: legislation
Italy, in its Constitution, recognises that all citizens, despite differences in
race, are entitled to equal dignity and equality before the law.
All citizens are, therefore, guaranteed “political, economic and social
solidarity” (Art.2), “equal social dignity” and equality before the law
“without distinction of sex, race, language, religion, political opinions,
personal or social conditions” (Art.3).
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“The foreigner”, moreover, “who is prevented in his country from
effectively exercising the democratic freedoms guaranteed by the Italian
Constitution, has the right to asylum within the territory of the Republic”
(Art.10).
The provisions of the Constitution guarantee, therefore, that the foreign
citizen has dignity, equality before the law, the right of asylum and freedom
of expression.
Even the Penal Code (Rocco Code) of 1930 indirectly provides instruments
that can be adapted to the needs of foreign citizens to be protected whenever
there are distorted representations regarding them in the mass media (Arts.
406-407-408-409-410-411-414-415-594-595), as some decisions of the
Supreme Court demonstrate.
The need was, however, felt on various occasions in Italian case law to
better articulate Italian legislation regarding racial discrimination, from1967
up until 199824 ( Turco-Napolitano Law).
Law No. 962 of 1967 (implementation of the Convention against Genocide
of 1948) punishes the partial or total destruction of a national, ethnic, racial
or religious group, the imposing of distinctive marks or signs on people
because they belong to a national, ethnic, racial or religious group, the
simple agreement to commit genocide, the public instigation and defence of
genocide.
Law No. 654 of 13 October 1975, (Reale Law) was passed for the purpose
of implementing the international Convention of New York on the
Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (1965).
Law No. 205/93 (Mancino Law) “Emergency Measures on Racial, Ethnic
and Religious Discrimination”: directed towards the stricter enforcement of
“instruments for the prevention and repression of the phenomena of
intolerance and violence of xenophobic or anti-Semitic origin”.
Law No. 45 of 1995 entitled “Emergency Measure to Prevent Violence
during Competitive Sports Events”: takes up, at a more general level, the
penalties provided for under the Mancino Law.
24
In October 2001, a new Bill on immigration was currently under examination by the
Senate.
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Law 6 No. 40 of March 1998 Cases which can be said to involve ‘racial
discrimination’ are listed in Art. 41, entitled “Discrimination for Racial,
Ethnic, National or Religious Reasons”. From among a large number of
cases, we shall point concentrate on that aspect which in some way may
pertain to communications and the media (Art. 41 (2)(a)): “[Committing
acts of discrimination] A public official or person in charge of a public
service or person exercising an essential public service who, in the exercise
of his functions, commits or fails to carry out acts in regard to the foreigner
or to the person belonging to a given race, religion, ethnic group, unjustly
discriminates against him or her”. Furthermore, Law No. 40/1998
introduces, for the first time, an article providing “civil action against
discrimination” (Art.42). Art. 42 (1) states that: “When the behaviour of a
private individual or a public administration produces discrimination for
racial, ethnic, national or religious reasons, the court may, on a motion of
one of the parties, order that the detrimental behaviour cease and take any
other appropriate measure, according to the circumstances, to eliminate the
effects of the discrimination”. Therefore, on the basis of this Law, detailed
rules and regulations about the condition of the foreigner in terms of
employment, housing, instruction, training, social services and welfare (…)
and the relative penalties for failure to comply with these provisions of the
Law have been laid down.
Legislative Decree No. 286 of 25 July 1998, entitled “Consolidation of the
Provisions Concerning the Regulation of Immigration and Rules on the
Condition of the Foreigner”, brings all the legislative material together
(even Law No. 40 of 6 March 1998) relating to the conditions of
immigrants with regard to: entry, residence, family reunification, border
controls.
Directive 2000/43/EC of 29 June 2000 to which Italy must bring its
legislative, regulatory and administrative provisions into conformity by 19
July 2003, implements the principle of equal treatment between persons
irrespective of racial or ethnic origin. The fields of application provided for
are: employment, vocational guidance and training, working conditions,
membership of workers’ associations, social security and healthcare, social
advantages, education, housing.
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4.3.
Immigrants and ethnic minorities in mass media. Representation and policies
The Principle of Non Discrimination in Italy: Case Law
Court of Milan 30 March 1992 (in Diritto di Informazione e Informatica
1992 pag. 856). The freedom of thought guaranteed by Art.21 of the
Constitution shall be correlated to all the other rights provided for under
fundamental law in force in Italy and, in particular, to the principle of the
equal treatment of citizens without distinction of race, in accordance with
Art.3 of the Constitution.
Adjudicating Body 16.01.86 Criminal Division, Supreme Court, 16
January 1986. (Parties in the action D'Amato Riviste Riv. Pen. , 1986, 891
Rif. legislativi 30.10.30 RD 30 ottobre 1930 n. 1731). The local Jewish
communities and the coalition of these communities constituted by law as
legal persons (Royal Decree No. 1731 of 30 October 1930), may be passive
parties and may be harmed by the crime of defamation against the Jewish
people through the press: the individual member of the Jewish race may also
have this standing, as the common interest of the Jewish community, as
distinct from the general interest due to its indivisible nature, must be held
to be susceptible to subdivision and to individual consideration. (Source
CESTIM)
Adjudicating Body 29.03.85 Criminal Division, Supreme Court, 29
March 1985. (Parties in the action Abate Riviste Foro It. , 1986, II, 19, n.
FIANDACA Rif. legislativi 09.10.67 L 9 ottobre 1967 n. 962, Art. 8). The
crime of instigation to commit genocide under Art. 8 (2) of Law No. 962 of
9 October 1967 is a crime of pure conduct, that is punished for its
intolerable inhumanity, for the hateful cult of racial intolerance it expresses,
for the horror it arouses in the civil consciousness wounded by memories of
the exterminations perpetrated by the Nazis and the ordeals still tragically
occurring in many African and Asian populations. The kind of the conduct
needed to meet the requirements of the crime is not that of generating an
improbable contagion of ideas and intentions regarding genocide but that of
more simply clearly manifesting the unconditional approval for well
identified acts of genocide (in this case: it was attributed to the
incriminating facts of the case where several local supporters, during a
basketball game between Emerson Varese and the Makabi team of Tel
Aviv, staged a gross display of racial hostility holding up banners with antiSemite sayings written on them and chanted slogans of the same kind such
as "Mauthausen, a palace for the Jews" "Hitler taught us that killing the
Jews is not a crime" "Jews, Cake of Soap, Cake of Soap". (Source CESTIM)
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Adjudicationg Body 06.12.90 National Council of Journalists, 6
December 1990. (Parties in the action Panerai Riviste Dir. Informazione e
Informatica, 1992, 853). The use by journalists of expressions that are
useless and irrelevant for the purpose of both a substantial and critical
expression of thought, expressions which, remarking on some particular
physical features belonging to a certain race fall outside the correctness of
journalistic language and appear indecorous, so much so as to cause
resentment in the community to which the people who are the object of the
information belong, is detrimental to professional dignity, which the Press
Association is called upon to protect, and constitutes an abuse of
professional skill. (Source CESTIM)
5.
5.1.
Access of the Foreign Citizen to the Journalism
Profession
Framework of the Regulation of the Journalism Profession
The legislative basis of the organisation of the journalism profession is to be
found in Law No. 69 of 3 February 1963, which completely regulates the
profession, regulating both the Press Association and the maintenance of a
professional roll, the practise of journalism, the disciplining of members and
dispute resolution.
The regulations formulated under the Law have, from their origin, provoked
strong disagreement and problems, but it has remained, in its underlying
features, unchanged up until today. In most cases, these problems appeared
to be linked to the actual existence of a Press Association and a professional
roll which required obligatory membership. For the purpose of this Report,
it is necessary to briefly analyse the current regulations of the journalism
profession and, therefore, of the fundamental features of the Law regulating
the profession.
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5.2.
Immigrants and ethnic minorities in mass media. Representation and policies
Press Association
The organisational system and legal regulation of the journalism profession,
as resulting from Law No. 69 of 3 February 1963, is marked by one main
feature: that of being founded on an Association, which has the statues of a
legal person under public law for required membership in it, in the sense
that joining it constitutes the condition for legally exercising the profession.
Despite the doubts and the uncertainties surrounding the form of the Press
Association, the journalism profession continues, however, to be regulated
by the aforesaid Law on journalism..
The provisions found in Art. 1 of Law No. 69/63, provide for the creation of
a Press Association, recognised as a public body, membership of which is
obligatory in order to practise the journalism profession. The Law on
journalism provides that the Press Association should be structured through
a capillary presence of organisations at a local level. The Press Association
is governed by a National Council, located at the Ministry of Justice, with
the task of presiding, on a national level, over the system of sections of the
profession, and by the various regional or inter-regional Councils elected by
all those belonging to the roll.
The Italian legal order, in recognising the autonomy of the structures at a
local level, namely the regional Press Associations, has also regulated the
National Council, which is an expression of the category in its entirety.
In Arts. 16 and following, it is provided that this organism shall, as a rule,
be made up of two professional journalists and one freelance journalist for
every regional or inter-regional Press Association, unless there are special
electoral criteria laid down by law that give greater representation to the
individual Council in connection with the particular numbers of the
respective voters.
5.3.
The Persons with Rights and Duties under the System
The Law on journalism in regard to the different ways of practising
journalism and the special subjective connotations of the workers
distinguishes different categories of persons with rights and duties within
the system:
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- professional journalists;
- journalists of foreign (non European) nationality, for whom registration
in a special list annexed to the roll is required (Art.28);
- editors responsible for periodicals or magazines of a technical,
professional or scientific nature who do not practise as journalists;
- trainees.
Under subsection 3 of the same Article, professionals are those who practise
exclusively or permanently the profession of a journalist. Freelance
journalists are, instead, defined as those who have carried out non
occasional and remunerated journalistic activities for at least 2 years even if
they work in other professions or jobs.
Among the persons regulated by the Law on journalism we also find
trainees, who do not make up part of the Press Association, even though
they are subject to disciplinary measures.
5.4.
The Roll, Lists and Register
Title II, of the Law on journalism, lays down a series of rules aimed at
regulating the professional roll, matters relating to enrolment and the
practise of the journalism profession.
The first provision, on the matter, is Art. 26. This provides that there shall
be a roll of journalists instituted at every Council of the regional or interregional Press Association, divided into two lists: one for professionals and
the other for freelance journalists.
According to Art. 29, in order to enrol in the list of professionals, it is
necessary to possess the following requisites: to be not less that 21 years of
age, to have been enrolled in the list of trainees, to have permanently trained
as a journalist for at least eighteen months, to possess the requisites referred
to in Art. 31 (birth certificate, residence certificate, declaration issued, after
eighteen months, by the editor responsible for the publication where the
training as a journalist took place, in accordance with Art. 34, and, finally,
documentary evidence of the payment of the government licence, required
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for enrolment in professional rolls), and passing the test of professional
qualifications provided for in Art. 32 of the same Law.
Article 35 regulates how to register in the list of freelance journalists by
providing that, in order to be able to enrol in it, the application must be
accompanied, not only by the documents set out in 1), 2), and 4), of Art. 31
(1) (birth certificate, residence certificate, documentary evidence of the
payment of the tax required for enrolment in professional rolls), but also by
the newspapers and periodicals containing articles written under the
signature of the applicant, and certified by the editors of the publications
which prove that the journalist has worked as a paid freelance journalist for
at least two years.
Likewise, special lists are provided for in Art. 28 of Law No. 69 of 1963,
especially that of journalists of foreign nationality working in Italy, that of
those who, whilst not exercising journalistic activities, take on the position
of editor responsible for periodicals or magazines of a technical,
professional or scientific nature, excluding those relating to sport or the
cinema
Finally, the register of trainees, regulated by Art. 33, to which those who
intend to become journalists and have tuned 18 years of age may be
enrolled, is annexed to the roll.
Articles 38, 39, 40 and 41 lay down the grounds for being struck off the roll
which are defined, by the provisions, as measures which necessarily result
from the verification of acts or facts that are incompatible with the person
remaining on the roll
The following constitute grounds for being struck off:
a) the loss of enjoyment of civil rights, however this comes about;
b) the loss of Italian citizenship. Moreover, in this case, whenever this
occurs the interested party may be enrolled in the special list;
c) to have been found guilty of a criminal offence that leads to the
permanent disqualification from holding public offices;
d) to fail to comply with the requisite of the "exclusivity " of the
professional service;
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e) inactivity lasting for two or three years, according to whether the
interested party has or has not been enrolled respectively for at least ten
years.
With regard to the editorship of newspapers, the Law establishes that the
editor and deputy-editor responsible for a daily newspaper or a periodical or
press agency, shall be enrolled in the list of professional journalists, whilst
other publications edited by political parties or movements or trade union
organisations may be entrusted to persons who are not enrolled on the roll;
in this case, the editor may be provisionally enrolled in the list of
professionals (in the case of the editorship of a daily newspaper) or
freelance journalists (in the case of the editorship of periodicals). In these
cases, it is provided that the deputy editorship should, at the same time, be
entrusted to a journalist enrolled on the roll.
5.5.
Journalists of Foreign Nationality
Under current legislation, not everyone is permitted to practise the
journalism profession but only those who are Italian citizens or citizens of a
European Union Member State. However, it should be emphasised that
foreigners are admissible for enrolment in a special register (Art..36 of Law
No. 69/1963) on the condition that they are citizens of a country with which
the Italian government, on the basis of reciprocity, has stipulated a special
agreement that allows them to practise the profession in Italy.
The Constitutional Court, in Decision No.11 of 1968, held that the
requirement of reciprocal treatment was not unconstitutional because it is
reasonable that the foreigner is allowed to work in Italy only if an Italian
citizen is guaranteed equal opportunities in the country to which the former
belongs. The foreign journalist must also prove that he/she is in possession
of professional qualifications by means of producing documentation before
the regional or inter-regional Council where he/she resides, showing that
he/she has practised the journalism profession in conformity with the laws
of the country to which he/she belongs (Art..33, D.P.R.115/65 “Regulations
on the Enforcement of Law No. 69/1963). However, foreign journalists are
precluded from becoming the editor of a daily newspaper or periodical as
this role can only be held by an Italian citizen enrolled on the roll
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Uncertainties in interpretation have arisen out of Law No. 39 of 28 February
1990 regarding “Emergencies Measures on Political Asylum, Entry and
Residence of Non-European Union Citizens and Stateless Persons Already
within the Territory of the State”. Art.10 (7) of this Law provides, in fact,
that non-European Union citizens in possession of a degree or diploma
attained in Italy or who have had a similar qualification recognised “may
take examinations for professional qualification and apply for enrolment in
the respective rolls as an exception to the provisions that provide that they
should possess Italian citizenship in order to practise their relative
professions”. It is reasonable to argue that the right provided for in the cited
provision, as far as the professional roll of journalists is concerned, can be
linked to Arts. 28 and 36 of the Law which, as we have already mentioned,
set up a special list for foreigners in which, depending on reciprocity, those
who practise the journalism profession in their country of origin and who
find themselves in Italy for reasons of employment can already be enrolled.
Therefore, all those non European Union citizens, whose countries have not
established specific agreements with Italy, are still excluded from the
possibility of exercising the profession of journalism.
Therefore, if on one hand, the most recent Italian legislation regarding the
residence of foreign non European Union citizens (Law 40/98 –
Consolidation and its Relative Regulations) broadens the possibility of
entering the freelance professions, as an exception to the rule on reciprocity,
the professional orders do not seem to acknowledge this interpretation
which is more favourable to the non European Union foreigner.
In a different way, European Union citizens are given the same rights as
Italian citizens for exercising the journalism profession. European Union
citizens may also take the State exams for becoming professional journalists
in Italy in their own language.
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5.6.
Immigrants and ethnic minorities in mass media. Representation and policies
Trends in Constitutional Case Law on the Press Association and
the Roll of Journalists
In recent years, there has not been a lack of analysis, from the legal point of
view, of whether the Law instituting the Press Association is constitutional,
in relation to both Article 21, a fundamental article of the Constitution and
to other articles of it25.
Can the actual institution of a Press Association, as a required associative
structure and the existence of a roll of journalist requiring obligatory
membership for those who practise the journalism profession be considered
to be in conformity with the constitutional system?
According to an initial approach, the institution of a Press Association and a
roll of journalists may be disputed, on a constitutional level, with reference
to the freedom guaranteed in Article 21 of the Constitution.
The Court clearly distinguishes between the exercise of freedom of the press
and the practise of journalism as a profession, whereby the Law on the
profession does not restrict the right that Article 21 of the Constitution
recognises to all persons to express their opinions through a newspaper.
This right would undoubtedly be infringed if only those enrolled on the roll
were “authorised” to write in newspapers, but it must be excluded that such
an effect derives from this Law. In fact, the simple existence of a
professional roll is not such, per se, to represent an undue restriction or a
serious obstacle to an ordinary person’s freedom of expression of thought
through the press.
25
On the constitutional legality of Law No. 69 of 3 February 1963, see, among others,
BONACCI, A., La legge sull'ordinamento della professione di giornalista in rapporto
alla Costituzione, in Democrazia e diritto, 1967, p. 535; CHELI, E., In tema di
legittimità costituzionale dell'Ordine e dell'albo dei giornalisti, in Giur. Cost., 1968, p.
318; MEZZANOTTE, Libertà di manifestazione del pensiero, libertà negativa di
associazione e Ordine professionale dei Giornalisti, in Giurisprudenza Costituzionale,
1968, p. 1561; PAJNO, A., Giornalisti e pubblicisti (entry) , in Digesto delle discipline
pubblicistiche, Utet, Torino,1991, vol. VII, p. 175; PEDRAZZA GORLERO, M.,
Libertà di stampa e Ordine dei Giornalisti, in Giur. Cost., 1969, p. 1507; ZACCARIA,
R., Materiali per un corso sulla libertà di informazione e di comunicazione, Cedam,
Padova,1996, p. 387; ZAGREBELSKY, Questioni di legittimità costituzionale della
legge 3 febbraio 1963, n. 69, istitutiva dell'Ordine dei giornalisti, in Giur. Cost., 1968,
330.
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The Constitutional Court, in the same decision, found that Art. 45 of the
Law No. 69/1963 was unconstitutional, as far as “No one may take the title
or practice the profession as a journalist, if he/she is not enrolled in a
professional roll”, even though only limited in its applicability to the
foreigner who has been prevented in his/her country of origin from
effectively exercising the democratic freedoms guaranteed by the Italian
Constitution.
However, the Court which held that, per se, the requirement of reciprocal
treatment is not unconstitutional, also found that the grounds of the
aforesaid requirement "may not extend to the case of the foreigner who is a
citizen of a State that does not guarantee the effective exercise of the
democratic freedoms and therefore of the most important expression of
these”.
It is not by chance that Art..36 of Law No. 69/1963, as amended by Art.1 of
Law No. 308 of 10 June 1969, excludes the condition of reciprocity, as a
requirement for enrolment of a foreign citizen on the roll, with regard to the
FOREIGN CITIZEN WHO HAS OBTAINED RECOGNITION OF THE RIGHT
TO POLITICAL ASYLUM.
6.
General Profiles on Freedom of the Press e Racial
Discrimination
In discussing this topic, it seems advisable, as an introduction, to refer to the
constitutional principles that regulate the matter. On the one hand, in fact,
there is freedom of the press, founded in Art. 21 of the Italian Constitution,
according to which, as is well known, “all persons have the right to freely
express their thoughts by speech, in writing and by all other means of
communication”. In this regard, it should be stressed that, right from the
time of the preparatory work on drafting the Constitution, there was
considerable debate about restricting to all “citizens” the recognition of the
right to this freedom. In fact, the point was the object of special attention by
the members of the Constituent Assembly as a result of the presentation of a
specific amendment signed by Hon. Andreotti aimed at defining and
describing how the right to exercise the freedom in question depended
precisely on citizenship but the amendment was rejected.
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On the other hand, there is the principle of equality, sanctioned by Art. 3 of
the Italian Constitution, which recognises that all citizens are equal before
the law, without distinction of race, whilst “the legal condition of the
foreigner is regulated by the law in conformity with international rules and
treaties” (Art. 10 (2)). A special form of guarantee applies to “the foreigner,
who is prevented in his country from effectively exercising the democratic
freedoms guaranteed by the Italian Constitution”: he/she “has the right to
asylum within the territory of the Republic, in accordance with conditions
laid down by the law” (Art. 10 (3)). To complete the picture, it should be
noted that the legislative framework within which the Constitution of the
Italian Republic was placed, at that time, was inspired by Art. 16 of the
Prelaws of the Civil Code, according to which “the foreigner is permitted to
enjoy the civil rights attributed to the citizen on the condition of
reciprocity”, providing on a general level that the clause of reciprocity was
required for the recognition of civil rights, the explanation fir which can be
found in the attitude of great caution with which the State approached the
foreigner at the epoch in which it was established (1942).
On the matter of the practice of the journalism profession, subsequent to the
entry into force of the Constitution, whilst on a general level it should be
noted that the proviso found in Art. 10 (2) of the Constitution was only
implemented starting from the middle of the 1980s, when the phenomenon
of the immigration of workers began to become more substantial – like in
other European countries that had also enacted new legislation -, in the
specific sector of the practice of the journalism profession , Law No. 69 of
1963 supported the condition of reciprocity already sanctioned in general, so
the model deriving from the Law, and, in particular, from Articles 28, 36
and 45, provided for the institution, among the other special lists, of the list
of journalists of foreign nationality working in Italy, to be kept by the
territorially competent regional and inter-regional Councils; solely if these
persons are registered on the roll in this list can they practise the journalism
profession.
But, the admissibility of the enrolment of foreigners in this special register
is subject to the fact that – being at least twenty one years of age - they are
citizens of a country with which the Italian government has stipulated, on
the basis of reciprocal treatment, a special agreement that allows them to
practice the journalism profession in Italy. The case law of the
Constitutional Court has not found the provision of the clause on reciprocity
in our area of interest to be unconstitutional, finding that it is reasonable,
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except in the case where the foreigner is the citizen of a country that does
not effectively guarantee the exercise of civil and democratic freedoms
(Decision No. 11 of 23 March 1968). Provided, that is, that there is a
distinction between freedom of expression in the press of any person and
freedom to exercise it in the professional form of journalism – a distinction
that rests at the very basis of constitutional legitimacy of the Law
establishing the Press Association, which will only be mentioned briefly
here given the brevity of this Report -, the Court has held that the
requirement of reciprocal treatment is not unreasonable, limiting itself to
applying the principle laid down in Art. 10 (3) of the Constitution with
regard to the asylum-seeker as an exception to this reciprocal treatment.
In this regard, it should be stressed that the Constitutional Court has held
that the grounds of reciprocal treatment “may not be extended to the case of
the foreigner who is a citizen of a State that does not guarantee the effective
exercise of the democratic freedoms and therefore of the most important
expression of these”, finding the corresponding provision in Art. 45 of Law
No. 63 of 1969 to be unconstitutional. However, in the light of the
Convention implementing the Schengen Agreement (ratified under Law No.
388 of 30 September 1993), which expresses the current Community policy
approach to entry, residence and expulsion of the foreigner (including
Stateless persons), the new general regulations on the matter, found in the
Consolidation of Legislative Decree No. 286 of 25 July 1998, recognises
that the foreigner who is legally resident (or in possession of a residence
permit for specific periods of time or of a residence paper that, instead,
permits unlimited stay), has the civil rights attributed by the Constitution to
the Italian citizen, as well as the right to participate in local public life.
This principle is also guarantees all legally resident foreign workers equal
treatment and full equality of rights with regard to Italian workers, from
which it emerges clearly that the clause on reciprocity under Art. 16 of the
Prelaws is, in practice, surmounted, being today in Italy’s interests, as a
country that cannot do without immigrant workers, to protect the position of
the foreigner. However, this Law has indeed extended the right to exercise
civil rights, guaranteed to Italian citizens by the Constitution, also to
foreigners, but this recognition, even though the ordinary legislator is
permitted to do so, is not, it should be kept well in mind, constitutionally
guaranteed: therefore, the legislator has taken the responsibility for choice
that could legally, from the point of view of the constitution, well have been
different. Consequently, there is reason to believe that the legislator who
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maintains the reciprocity clause required for the practice of the journalism
profession by the foreigner according to a regulation that has a special
nature and, therefore, basically prevails compared to the general regulation
under Legislative Decree No. 286 of 1998, does not directly violate the
combined provisions of Articles 10 and 21 of the Constitution.
However, it is argued that there should be another parameter of
constitutionality as the standard for evaluating Art. 45 of the Law No. 69 of
1963, and, that is, precisely, the principle of formal equality sanctioned by
Art. 3 (1) of the Constitution, and even more, the principle of
reasonableness that constitutes the corollary for what is by now consolidated
constitutional case law, the principle as the standard on which, at the cost of
the sanction of unconstitutionality, a control on the reasonableness of the
choice made by the legislator is imposed, subject to the constitutional duty
to treat the same fact situations in the same way and different fact situations
in equally different ways. In other words, the legislator may not arbitrarily
put the regulation of the practice of the journalism profession according to
reciprocal treatment out of reach of the general rule that recognises that the
legally resident foreign has the civil rights attributed to the citizen and that
foreign workers are entitled to equal treatment and full equality of rights
with respect to Italian workers, but it is necessary that this choice stands up
before the test of constitutionality in terms of the reasonableness of the
choice of the legislator, reasonableness that, in the opinion of the author,
appears to need to be demonstrated, regarding the exercise of a civil right –
but even before that, a fundamental human right, also given to illegally
resident foreigners under the provisions of Art. 2 of the Consolidation practised in the form of a profession, such as freedom of the press of the
professional journalist.
Another important profile relates to racial discrimination as the eventual
object of freedom of the press. In this regard, the civil action against
discrimination introduced by Art. 42 of the Law No. 40 of 6 March 1998 is
particularly important where it provides that “when the behaviour of a
private individual or the public administration produces discrimination for
racial, ethnic, national or religious reasons, the court may, on a motion of
one of the parties, order that the detrimental behaviour cease and take any
other appropriate measure, according to the circumstances, to eliminate the
effects of the discrimination”. From this point of view, the general
instrument available in the area of interest to us, goes to integrate and
strengthen the framework of instruments already provided in the legal order
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such as, for example, the right of rectification, covering a wider range of
values, discriminatory news, for example, being much more difficult to
strike at without this kind of instrument than inaccurate news. However, the
application of this measure has already found fertile ground ploughed by the
case law of the Supreme Court in cases in which racial discrimination was,
in practice, the object of the expression of the thought.
Worthy of special attention, in this sense, is the decision of the Criminal
Division of the Italian Supreme Court of 29 March 1985 on the instigation
to commit genocide (Art. 8 of Law No. 962 of 1967). The case referred to
the circumstances of several local supporters who, during a basketball game
between Emerson Varese and the Makabi team of Tel Aviv, staged a gross
display of racial hostility holding up banners with anti-Semite sayings
written on them and chanting slogans of the same kind, such as
"Mauthausen, a palace for the Jews" "Hitler taught us that killing the Jews is
not a crime" "Jews, Cake of Soap, Cake of Soap". The principle which the
Criminal Division upheld was that, by defining instigation to commit
genocide as a crime of pure conduct, punished for its intolerable inhumanity
and for the hateful cult of racial intolerance it expresses, as well as for the
horror it arouses in the wounded civil consciousness, for integrating the
grounds of the crime, conduct that is capable of generating an improbable
contagion of ideas and intentions regarding genocide is not required but it is
sufficient that it is capable of clearly manifesting unconditional approval for
well identified forms of acts of genocide. In this way, an important
precedent has been established, open to being applied vis-à-vis any
expression of thought and by any means of communication whatsoever.
Another decision of the Criminal Division of the Italian Supreme Court of
16 January 1986 is also important. It established that the crime of
defamation against the Jewish people through the press may have as the
passive parties and those harmed by the crime (therefore, victims and
aggrieved parties acting in criminal proceedings to recover damages) the
local Jewish community and the coalition of these communities, as well as
single individuals belonging to the Jewish race, having to consider the
common interest of the Jewish community, susceptible to subdivision and to
individual consideration.
More specifically with regard to the practice of the journalism profession,
duties with respect to the substantial truth, loyalty, good faith and
professional dignity provided for under Law No. 69 of 1963 and the Charter
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of Duties, all rules which the adjudicating bodies within the Press
Association are responsible for seeing that they are applied, are important.
For example, the third principle of the Charter establishes, as a fundamental
duty of the journalist, “to respect the individual, his/her dignity and his/her
right to privacy” without ever discriminating against anyone “for his/her
race, religion, sex, physical or mental condition, political opinions” or the
third point of the Duties of the Journalist, according to which “the journalist
shall not discriminate against anyone for his/her race, religion, sex, physical
or mental condition, political opinions. The non discriminatory, reviling or
disparaging reference to these characteristics in the private sphere of
individuals is only allowed when it is of considerable public interest”. The
matter was then integrated by the Code of Conduct approved by the Privacy
Commissioner pursuant to Law No. 675 of 1996 and gazetted in August
1998.
Unlike the various Charters of Duties (such as the Herculaneum Charter of
1995, or the Declaration of Commitment to Information in Colour of 1993–
94, or the Recommendations for Non Racist Information of 1996), which
are of ethical significance but not legally binding, the provisions mentioned
above lead to an application by the Councils of the Press Association, like,
among others, occurred in the case decided by the National Council of the
Press Association on 6 December 1990, in which the use by a journalist of
useless and irrelevant expressions which, by remarking on some particular
physical features belonging to a certain race, fall outside the correctness of
journalistic language and appear indecorous, so much so as to cause
resentment in the community to which the people who are the object of the
information belong, is detrimental to professional dignity which the Press
Association is called upon to protect, and constitutes an abuse of
professional skill. We would hope, therefore, that more specific and precise
provisions will be inserted in the Code of Professional Ethics of the Press
Association, in order to furnish greater details about the ethical regulations
on this point.
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2.
FRANCE:
THE REPRESENTATION OF ETHNIC MINORITIES IN THE FRENCH
TELEVISION AND CODES OF PRACTICES FOR MINORS IN
TELEVISION
BY GRREM
1.
Introduction
Tuning in to diversity is a European research project on the representation
of ethnic minorities in the media. The GRREM, a partner in the project,
will present, in part one, the state of the art, meaning an analysis of existing
studies in this area in France.
These studies26 are not limited only to the question of representation, but
also offer analysis of the presence of persons of foreign origin in French
television, specifically an analysis of their access to professions in the field
of audiovisual production.
Our position concerning this phenomenon holds that the enactment of
quotas would not solve the current problems because they are the result of a
qualitative, and not a quantitative, phenomenon. On this issue, we agree
with the opinion of the former president of the CSA (Conseil Supérieur de
l’Audiovisuel, France’s broadcast regulatory body) Hervé Bourges who
considers that quotas would be unconstitutional, based on an affirmative
action approach.
26
CIEMI, 1991; More Color in Media, 1999; Malonga, 1999; CSA, 2000.
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While we agree on the need for more diversity in the media in general and
on television in particular, for a representation that more closely resembles
reality, we are persuaded that it is not by replacing a white male journalist
by a North African or black woman that we will solve the problem, which in
the end is a question of political will regarding the integration of immigrants
in France.
The objective of the European study, which discusses the means that
might be used to obtain more diversity in the media, is to suggest a series of
regulatory recommendations.
The contribution from the GRREM naturally focuses on young people
and their complex relationship to the media. It is for this reason that we
underline, in the first part, the importance of CSA regulations concerning
the protection of minors.
In the second part, in order to contribute to the development of
recommendations and strategies aiming to change the current situation, we
will present a case study in reception analysis, carried out among young
television viewers, in majority of immigrant origin.
This study falls within the scope of what the British call “good practices of
media portrayal” and seeks to be educational. It was conducted from a
qualitative approach, the principal working method consisting of discussion
groups in which the points of view of young people were collected, in
schools in Paris and its suburbs. The experiment should be seen as a case
study for the preparation of a veritable teaching method for education
about media and citizenship.
The central questions to which we would like to bring some elements of
response can be formulated as follows:
- Does the under-representation of people of foreign origin on French
television, as observed in studies conducted in France, reflect an
absence of recognition of those people?
- Is this phenomenon similar to denial in the psychoanalytic sense of a
refusal to recognize a reality the perception of which is traumatizing
for the subject (Le Petit Robert 2000).
- Would we then be in the presence of a phenomenon of exclusion?
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- Would that exclusion then be a form of racism?
In order to avoid confusion or erroneous interpretations, we will start by
defining the key concepts on which our work is founded, because certain of
those concepts may pose some difficulty.
This is principally the case for the concept of ethnic minority. Commonly
used by our partners, particularly in the Anglo-Saxon countries, it
nonetheless requires a precise definition as well as an explanation, indeed
even an invitation to be prudent with its usage in the French context.
Minority
According to the Petit Robert French dictionary, the word minority is above
all a quantitative term in opposition to majority, signifying a grouping of
persons inferior in number in relationship to a majority, for example during
voting.
We also have the meaning of a group of persons of a small number whose
ideas or interests can be distinguished in a party, a country.
But minority also signifies collectivity in the sense of a collective body (ex: a
state, nation, homeland), or a racial, linguistic, or religious collectivity
characterized by a desire to live together, encompassed in the majority
population of a country (ex: ethnic minority).
In France the term community is often used in place of minority to signify a
social group whose members live together or who have common property or
interests, or a religious group (ex: a congregation, a religious order).
The term minority has been used for decades by anthropologists as a neutral
term, equivalent to people or population, to designate communities who
identify themselves by a language, a dialect, a territory, or a shared history.
Ethnic Group
The word ethnic has its etymological roots in the Greek ethnos which in fact
means people, nation: an ensemble of individuals who share a number of
characteristics of civilization, in particular a shared language and culture
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(whereas race is based on biological characteristics). Of long-standing use,
the term was principally developed in English anthropology, where the form
ethnicity is also common.
The adjective ethnic signifies whatever is relative to ethnic group.
Ethnic minority
In English, ethnic minority is often used in connection with the terms
community or immigrant group. Despite the difficulty in defining it
precisely, and without negative connotations, this term is little by little
entering French usage, in particular among young people who see a term
with more neutral connotations than those associated with immigrant. But in
French, it is often assimilated with visible minority, specifically a
community of immigrants that distinguishes itself from the majority, in
particular through an ensemble of hereditary physical characteristics (skin
color, hair texture). In other words, there is a tendency both toward a
linguistic evolution, under Anglo-Saxon influence, and a semantic shift.
We think that this shift risks evolving toward an arbitrary categorization,
and we would like to underline the importance of not limiting the question
of the representation of ethnic minorities in the media only to visible
minorities, but to ethnic minorities in general.
It is therefore a denomination the designates a minority group of
persons who are characterized by different language, customs, and
sometimes religion from those of the majority group.
And that is precisely what can create confusion, because it is a
differentiation that can lead toward a stigmatization, and which can, if illused, lead to racism.
Racism
This term can be defined as a theory based on the idea of a hierarchy of
races, race being a subdivision of the human species designating a human
group or an ethnic group (!) that would be differentiated from others on the
basis of an ensemble of physical, psychological, and cultural characteristics
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originating from a shared history and representing variations within the
species (Le Petit Robert 2000).
A racist therefore signifies a person who, consciously or not, adheres to the
theory of racism, who concludes that there is a necessity to protect the race
considered to be superior from any mixing, and that said group has the right
to dominate the others.
And yet the difficulty of using the term ethnic minority in French also
resides in French history, specifically the history of the origins of the French
Republic and its egalitarian and universalist design. Founded upon the idea
of an indivisible nation, the idea that “the Realm is one and indivisible” is
inscribed in the 1791 constitution, and this idea is again expressed in the
1958 Constitution of the Fifth Republic, article 1: “France is an indivisible,
secular, democratic and social Republic. It ensures the equality of all
citizens before the law, without distinction as to origin, race, or religion.”
This definition thus originates with the 1789 Revolution and the Declaration
of the Rights of Man and Citizen in which it is stipulated, in article 6: “all
citizens, being equal in the eyes of the law, are equally eligible to all
dignities and to all public positions and occupations, according to their
abilities and without distinction except that of their virtues and talents.”
This democratic ideal, based on the three eternal values, Liberty, Equality,
Fraternity, is powerfully rooted in the idea of the Nation specifying that all
citizens living in France, including those of foreign origin, are full citizens.
In France one is first and foremost French, after which one may cultivate
one’s specificities: this is the idea of dual belonging. The cement of the
nation, the means of guaranteeing social cohesion, is of course the French
language. This is the reason that school has always played, and continues to
play, the leading role in the integration of immigrants.
Integration models
But in reality, the French Republican model for integration functioned until
the end of the “30 glorious years” after the Second World War as an
assimilationist model. To be accepted and integrated in France, one had to
fit into a pre-established mold, at the risk of losing one’s cultural specificity.
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This model has been seriously questioned for several decades, and we speak
today of a relativist model of integration which would tend toward an
intercultural model based on exchange and reciprocity, allowing for the
maintenance of a relatively authentic identity in connection with one’s
original culture.
Clanet (1990), one of the forerunners in intercultural education, presents the
example of the “beur27 generation” in his book, L’interculturel. With their
dual cultural identity, North African and French, these young people, most
of whom were born in France, demand a pluralist approach to cultural
integration that includes changes on the level of symbolic representations.
The key to these demands appears to be mastery of the preferred means of
expression of the dominant culture, written and audiovisual expression,
which, in combination with music, for instance, tends toward new forms of
cultural expression.
The multicultural integration model in place in the United States is often
cited in contrast with the French model. Called a “melting pot,” in reality
this model works more like the juxtaposition of various communities,
without real integration.
This differential model also recalls the approach in place in Great Britain,
where different communities lead parallel existences. Though long
considered an example of successful integration, three recent reports written
after the riots of the summer of 2001 in the suburbs of major British cities
expose the limits of this model, which includes a considerable risk of
ghettoization (Noiriel 2002).
Media and Representation
While school is the most important institution of integration, reaching all
young people without exception, it is equally true that the ensemble of the
media (defined as any medium of mass circulation of ideas: press, radio,
television, cinema, advertising), and in particular television—described as a
27
The “beur generation” are the 2nd and 3rd generation of descendents of North African
immigrants in France. “Beur” is a “verlan” term designating the children the North
African immigrants in France. Verlan is type of slang produced by inverting syllable
order. L’envers, meaning backwards, inverted becomes verlan. “Beur” is thus an
inversion of “Arab” – Translator's note.
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parallel school (Porcher 1973)—can be considered as an institution of
socialization in its own right, as Marie-Josée Chombart de Lauwe noted
(1979).
Socialization occurs in particular through a process of identification, by
means of different characters presented in programs that function as social
models with which young people identify. It is thus of major importance,
from an educational point of view, to offer a wide range of diversified
models that reflect every element of society.
Most sociology theorists currently agree about the concept of media nontransparence, according to which “the media are neither windows on the
world nor mirrors of society, but symbolic constructions and representations
of certain aspects of reality.” (Masterman 1985)
Certain elements of French social reality
Among these elements of reality, there is the fact that French society is
multicultural, with an important number of persons of various foreign
origins living permanently in France.28 This phenomenon, which is not new,
is therefore not linked to the economic climate, but rather is structural, and it
is therefore perfectly normal to expect great diversity with regard to the
representations offered by the French media.
And yet, studies of the representation of ethnic minorities show serious
under-representation of persons of foreign origin, for example on television.
We note that studies in this domain in France have been concerned
exclusively with television (broadcast channels). We regret this, as other
media, in particular radio, also play an important role. This lack of studies
28
It is not possible to obtain precise numbers of various minorities because, during the
census, the INSEE (national institute of economic and statistical information) does not
ask individuals about their ethnic origin, only their nationality and country of birth. The
INSEE therefore cannot produce information about populations of foreign origin.
On 1 January 2001, the population of France was 60.7 million, 59 million living in
European France and 1.7 million living in the overseas departments and territories.
From 1990 to 1999, the number of immigrants increased by 3%, which is the same
proportional increase as the rest of the population. Due to naturalizations, the number
of foreigners over age 18 has remained essentially stable: during the 1999 census,
France counted 3.26 million foreigners and 4.3 million immigrants.
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of the media in general is the reason for which the presentation of the
current situation deals only with television, the medium which, because of
its large following, in particular among young people, remains the most
popular medium, despite the multiplicity of media offerings.
Part one - State of the art
I.
OVERVIEW OF THE CURRENT SITUATION
I.1.
Studies of the representation of ethnic minorities on French
television (broadcast channels) from 1991 to 2001
I.1.1. Study by the CIEMI (Center for information and study on
international migrations) Paris, 1991 (Perotti).
Purpose, research question, methodology, and results
In 1991, the association Rencontres Audiovisuelles (ARA)29 commissioned
a study from the CIEMI on the relationship between the PAF (Paysage
Audiovisuel Français – French audiovisual landscape) and immigration.
The study was conceived as an analysis of the place television reserved for
immigrants and ethnic minorities in different programs, as well as an
analysis of the presence in, and therefore the access to, the profession of
foreigners residing in France as well as French citizens of North African,
African, and Asian origin, and residents of the DOM-TOM.30
Purpose and research question
29
ARA ceased activity on 31December 1991, after three years of producing Racines,
Relais, et Rencontres, a program broadcast on France 3 television.
30
The French overseas departments and territories – Trans.
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The primary purpose consists of shedding light on the image and discourse
that French television accords immigration, by verifying quantitatively to
what extent persons of immigrant origin have access to television as:
1) professionals
2) guests/speakers
3) information sources
It is thus a first look at the capacity of public and private channels
(broadcast only) to function as factors of integration:
- Are persons of immigrant origin integrated into the social and cultural
reality of France?
- Are they represented in programs and political discourse?
- Does television work to integrate or to exclude? Does it serve to create,
reinforce, or destroy prejudices?
Methodology
The analysis considers three sources of information:
1) image
2) journalistic commentary
3) political discourse
The survey was carried out on a sample of 750 programs (555 hours of
programming) broadcast between 5pm and midnight, from 16 to 31 October
1991.
The sample was composed of the following categories of programs: news,
fiction, entertainment, game-shows, music programs, music videos, and
advertisements.
These programs were observed according to framework developed by the
technical advisory board. 11 observers, of 7 different origins, filled in forms
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daily, classifying their observations according to program type. The
framework allowed for the legibility of the ensemble of the programs
without any major difficulties, aside from the impossibility of producing a
qualitative analysis of the programs.
The observations were coordinated by journalist Ahmed Boubeker, and the
final report was written by Antonio Perotti.
Results
A first observation is the very limited access of immigrants to television
as professionals. (The observers only noted three journalists with North
African names.)
They also noted that persons of foreign origin participate only rarely as
guests, as ordinary audience members, and even less as speakers/experts or
as sources of information.
On the other hand, we note the immigrant element is strongly integrated
in television images and that persons of foreign origin are part of the social
reality as reflected by television news, though without commenting or
speaking for themselves, and with a tendency toward a certain confusion
of images.
News programs
News programs are incontestably the central pole for presenting and
representing immigrants and ethnic minorities. The themes, often recurring,
to which those images are linked, are unemployment, security,
delinquency, problems in major urban areas, violence—in general, and
in schools in particular—drugs, etc.
The integration of immigrants or ethnic minorities is present above all in
discussions about youth. Young people constitute a category, and are seen
as such, which dominates all other points of view.
In viewing several programs dedicated to the theme of racism, a tendency
toward the victimization of persons of foreign origin emerges clearly.
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The observers also note a discontinuity between images of social realities
and political discourse, in the form of dramatization and an important
mediatization that serves the political class.
The role of the public sector appears primordial, and within the public
sector, France 3 television accords the most importance to questions of
immigration.
Fiction programs, advertising, sports, and music programs
Concerning fiction, advertising (3992 ads viewed, with persons of foreign
origin present in 278 (6.6%), in which we note a tendency toward the
exploitation of the body as an object of consumption, both male and female,
(cf. Minot 2001), and other television genres like sports programs, the study
notes a very stereotyped, uniform, and simplistic image of the roles of
“blacks” and “beurs,” limited to that of police or sports hero, or delinquents,
hoodlums, or the unemployed.
Observers nonetheless noted a more nuanced presence of singers and
musicians of African or Caribbean origin in certain entertainment programs,
and, of course, in music programs and videos.
In conclusion, this first study of the relationship between immigration and
television notes that French television does not neglect immigration as a
social phenomenon, but that those more directly concerned, the immigrants
themselves, have very little access to expression, and that the image that
television channels reflect is, for the most part, in discontinuity with social
reality.
I.1.2. Study of the relationship between immigration and the
European media
In the matter of immigration and the representation of ethnic minorities in
the European audiovisual landscape (principally the representation and
presence on public television stations), we can refer to several studies,
conference proceedings, and reports to consider the state of the question (cf.
Frachon and Vargaftig 1993; PBME 1995; More Color in Media 1999).
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Given that these studies are summarized in the report, we refer to the section
Historical Overview of the Situation in Europe written by
STOA/Netherlands.
However, because our objective is to outline the situation in France, we will
offer a brief summary of the main arguments of the article “Les politiques
Audio-visuelles nationales: La situation en France,” published in the PBME
Conference Proceedings, Strasburg, 1995. This article was written by
Catherine Humblot, a journalist with the daily newspaper Le Monde.
I.1.3. The PAF and the representation of ethnic minorities
Humblot underlines that the debate about audiovisual programs concerning
immigrants has a long history in France, dating from 1975.
The first program was created in 1975, Immigrés parmi nous (Immigrants
Among Us), followed by Mosaïques in 1976 on France 3. That magazine
was very successful—which explains its longevity (more than ten years)
with a large audience (more than 4 million viewers)—and presented many
issues. But little by little, Mosaïques lost part of its audience, which
criticized the program for not being in touch with the second generation, and
for not addressing itself more equitably to all communities.
Those programs were followed by others, including Rencontres, Racines, et
Relais, but none of them was able to satisfy everyone, a goal that would be
impossible in any case. The last program developed specifically for
immigrants on France 3, Premier Service, was broadcast from 1993 to 1995,
but at 7am (a scheduling problem common to this type of programming
generally).
Since 1995, there is thus an absence of programs specifically targeting
immigrant audiences, though the subject of immigration was discussed
regularly in documentary segments included in various magazine programs:
Envoyé spécial, La marche du siècle, Le Cercle de Minuit, Les mercredis de
l’histoire, and Mots croisés, or was (and continues to be) the subject of
“theme evening” programs on ARTE.
The general audience program Saga-Cités on France 3 is probably the
program that speaks most often and best about immigrants and life in the
suburbs, without prejudice or negative or sensational connotations.
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Humblot notes: “But in general, the daily life, worries, and needs of
immigrants are insufficiently addressed in French media. Immigration is
simply not part of the national collective imagination. This void can have
important consequences.”
And we can – and this is the main thesis of Humblot’s article – establish a
direct relationship between the incapacity of French governments to define a
clear audiovisual policy on this question, and the absence of magazine
programs satisfactory to immigrants. The result of this was their haste to
access foreign stations when they became available via satellite.
Not only has French public television never defined a policy on this issue,
but it has also not considered it necessary to finance the specific magazine
programs, which are largely funded by the FAS31 (Fonds d’Action Social), a
public establishment under the trusteeship of the Ministry of Employment.
According to Humblot, France is the only country in which these types of
programs are not produced and financed by the public television service.
This constitutes a risk for the French integration model, which has always
had difficulty taking into consideration different cultural needs.
Rather than leaving this task to various foreign channels (with the risk of
political or religious proselytizing), it is the role of public channels to bring
to immigrants a feeling of recognition and belonging to the French
community.
I.1.4. The CSA and the Egalité Collective, an example of collaboration
between the state and associations via an articulation between
formal and informal methods
The study of the representation of minorities in the audiovisual media has,
since 1997-1998, essentially been directed by the CSA in interaction with
associations. This work has, in large part, been stimulated by the personal
participation of the former president of the CSA, Hervé Bourges.
The Conseil Superieur de l’Audiovisual (CSA) was created by the law of 17
January 1989 as a regulatory body (replacing the Haute Authorité de la
31
The FAS changed its acronym in 2002 to FASILD, Fonds d’Action Social pour
l’Intergration et la Lutte contre les Discriminations.
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Commission Audiovisuelle, created in 1982, and the Commission Nationale
de la Communication et des Libertés (CNCL) of 1986). It is composed of 9
members, one third appointed by the President of the Republic, one third by
the National Assembly, and one third by the Senate, the term of each
member is 6 years, non-renewable. The current president, Dominique
Baudis, has held that position since 2001.
The CSA has at its disposal various means of control and sanction. Among
its most important powers are the power to authorize the use of frequencies
and to define the rules of broadcast and programming, and of broadcast
during election periods. The CSA establishes and regulates teleshopping,
and makes recommendations to communications services and the
government in terms of audiovisual competition, suggests improvements in
terms of quality of programming as well as modifications of on the level of
the Cahiers des charges for the public service channels.
The CSA plays a consulting role in various fields related to the PAF, it
monitors equal treatment and free competition as well as the quality and
diversity of programs; it guarantees the independence and impartiality of the
public sector; and it oversees the defense of French culture. The CSA also
attends to the pluralistic expression of thinking and opinion in
programming, and to the honesty of news programming and advertising.
Finally, the CSA has responsibilities concerning the protection of minors.
The Egalité Collective
Created in 1997, the Egalité collective has worked for a better
representation of visible minorities in the media. By visible minorities one
must understand “ethnic minorities of non-European origin whose physical
appearance, different from the “white” French majority, makes them
visible.” (Malonga 2000)
The demands of the collective have often been expressed in a provocative
and unconventional manner, for example in overthrowing protocol and
taking over the microphones during the French film awards, the Césars, in
January 2000, or by sending an open letter to the Minister of Culture, or
even by filing a complaint for discrimination. The president and
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spokesperson for the Egalité collective is Calixte Beyala, a writer of
Cameroonian origin.
The fight against exclusion on television
In April 1998, the CSA had already taken an interest in the issue, including
their ethical and deontological thinking in the question of exclusion on
television. Conscious of the impact of television as a component in the
building of identity and as a social bond, Hervé Bourges favored the
dynamic dimension of television in social action, qualifying it as an
instrument of solidarity and social transformation. Concerning visible
minorities, often excluded, Hervé Bourges essentially denounced two
factors:
1) the attitude of journalists on news programs, sometimes showing
segments that are “complete fabrications” about the suburbs, feeding
stereotypes that are far from honest information and that are nourished by
bad faith.
2) the absence of heroes representing cultural diversity in fiction, which
plays a particularly important role as a basis for dreams and possible
identification.
Of course, television is not the only media that needs questioning, but it
must set an example and abstain from a stereotyped and simplistic approach.
It must push itself toward a more objective point of view, more in line with
reality, showing both positive and negative aspects of the immigration
situation, while also offering examples of successful integration.
Starting in 1999, the CSA began addressing the subject of visible minorities
on television, in a plenary meeting, and in October 1999 it invited the
Egalité collective for a hearing in response to its complaint for
discrimination.
Their demands (published by the daily newspaper Le Figaro) can be
summarized as follows:
The collective suggests, among others, the following modifications to the
television channels’ Cahier des charges:
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- the introduction of quotas
- the creation of weekly and monthly programs, during prime time, by and
for minorities
- the end of “degrading, hurtful, and humiliating” stereotypes about
minorities on public television channels.
The Egalité collective criticizes the media for distorting the image of the
visible minorities and different cultures that compose French society, and
whose
members
feel
penalized
by under-representation
or
misrepresentation, as well as by the difficulties in gaining access to the
media via the journalism profession. Attention is also drawn to how original
works representing the culture of the communities are received.
It was during this first hearing that Hervé Bourges declared that he opposes
quotas, which are in opposition to “the Republican principle of the equality
of all citizens.” However, he also announced that he was prepared to open a
discussion about the representation of minorities on television and to find
democratic solutions.
The objectives to be reached are thus established:
- an awareness effort directed toward the various television channels
- an objective review of the current situation through an analysis of
programming on the broadcast channels
- a comparative European-North American study
- a judicial study concerning the Cahier des charges and the agreements
with the private channels.
Hervé Bourges would like to inaugurate a better ethics within the PAF by
resisting the logic of audience share when it comes to everyday racism.
He insists on the social bonding role that general program channels play,
and also underlines the educational and integration role of television. And,
in order to move the debate forward on a solid basis, the CSA
commissioned a detailed study of the question from a young journalist,
Marie-France Malonga, a specialist on the issue who had prepared a thesis
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for a degree from the Institut Français de la Presse in September 1999,
entitled:
I.1.5. French television and multiracial society. Presence and
representation of persons of foreign origin
This interesting text, in which one feel a real personal involvement, is a
second review of the question based on the study by the CIEMI in 1991. In
her thesis, Malonga deepens and updates the results of that study while also
offering a comparative study of France and Great Britain, noting that ethnic
minorities are better represented and their presence is more frequent on
English television in comparison to French television (reaching the
conclusion, somewhat hastily, that ethnic minorities are probably better
integrated in Great Britain than in France. Cf. Noiriel 2002).
Thanks to this thesis, the CSA commissioned Malonga in November 1999
to establish a new review of the positions reserved for the various elements
of the French community. That study is entitled:
I.1.6. Presence and representation of visible minorities on French
television
Research questions and methodology
This new study had as its objective, more precisely, to build a detailed
analysis of the programming on the broadcast channels of French television
in order to evaluate the presence of ethnic minorities on the small screen
(Malonga 2000).
Conducted under Malonga’s responsibility, using a quantitative approach,
the study analyzes the presence and representation of visible ethnic
minorities in programming from 11 to 17 October 1999 on the five French
broadcast channels (TF1, France 2, France 3, Canal Plus, and M6) in the
5pm-midnight time slot. Selected at random, that week presented the
advantage of being neutral, without any particular socio- or geo-political
events.
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In the general synthesis, the author recognizes the difficulties in applying
the concept of visible ethnic minorities (establishing three categories: 1)
Arabs, 2) Blacks, 3) Asians), since the physical characteristics of a certain
Mediterranean “type” are not always visible (Malonga 2000). This
difficulty, in our opinion obvious, is another argument for not using this
concept (cf. introduction).
One week of programming would be, according to the author, sufficient for
forming a “more or less objective idea of the programming of a channel.”
The programs were grouped into eight major categories:
1) news, 2) game-shows, 3) entertainment, 4) information, cultural, and
social programs, 5) sports, 6) fiction programming, 7) music videos, and 8)
advertising.
Observation was thematic and based on a manual that allowed for the
coding of: ethnic origin, sex, attitude, and context, based on an observation
framework specific to each type of program. 32 All of the data were then
computerized.
Results
Regarding studio-based programs, the observers noted a low
representation of visible minorities among the persons present: television
professionals 6%, guests/participants 11%, and audience 6%.
Generally, Africans are the minority the most often presented in news
reports as well as in fiction, the latter including an non-negligible position
for Asians, whereas Arabs are practically absent.
Visible minorities benefit from a large representation (77%) in music
videos, in particular Blacks. Out of a total of 522 commercial
advertisements, 102 show visible minorities (19.5%). In these 102 ads, 242
persons visibly of minority origin were counted, among whom 176 Blacks
(72.7%), 22 North Africans (9.1%), and 44 Asians (18.2%).
32
The coding system used was inspired by the one used for a CSA study on the
representation of violence on television, directed by Sophie Jehel in 1994.
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Malonga concludes that French television offers a limited
representation of visible minorities (on average 6%) and that they are,
as a general rule, better represented in foreign productions, in
particular American (in fiction programming on TF1 and M6) (Malonga
2000).
I.1.7. Codes of conduct and their application since the CSA study
Modifications of the Cahiers des charges for the public service channels
France 2 and France 3
On the legislative level, and following the CSA study, Hervé Bourges and
Catherine Tasca, the Minister of Cultural Affairs and Communications,
undertook a proposed decree relative to the modification of the Cahiers des
charges of France 2 and France 3, modifications which would also be
included in the agreements with the private channels.
Concerning the young audience in particular, aiming to protect it from
discrimination, the decree has as a particular goal to promote “values of
integration and citizenship” in youth programs while reinforcing the public
service missions concerning the plurality and multiethnic nature of French
society.
The text stipulates that it is necessary to “take into consideration the
richness and diversity of origins and cultures that constitute French society,
to fight against discrimination, and to facilitate a civic approach to
contemporary society, particularly for young people.”
La 5ème33/ARTE supports the CSA in the modification of the Cahiers des
charges and affirms that it already respects them, with its diversified
programming and its foreign presenters. In addition, Jérôme Clément, the
former president of La 5ème and ARTE, shares the opinion about quotas,
declaring that the “imposition of quotas on television for presenters of color
33
Note that the 3 public service channels were brought together into one holding, France
Televisions, entitled, since January 2002: France 2, France 3, and France 5.
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would not be a real solution to a real social problem; it would in fact mask
the question of the definition of minorities and their place in society.” (Cf.
Clément 2000)
Canal Plus signed a new agreement on 29 May 2000, in which the channel
agreed to “take into consideration, with regard to representation on the
channel, the diversity of origins and cultures of the national community,”
while respecting Republican values, and avoiding all forms of exclusion or
discrimination.
On 6 July 2000, Hervé Bourges spoke in the Senate before the Commission
Nationale Consultative des Droits de l’Homme (the National Consultative
Commission on Human Rights), explaining the role of the media in the fight
against racism.
In December 2000, the association Dire, Faire Contre le Racisme (Speak
and Act against Racism) produced – based on a screenplay contest for
people under 26, the winning screenplays to be directed by professional
directors – a series of 12 short films entitled 12 regards contre le racisme
au quotidian. Co-produced by Little Bear (Bernard Tavernier’s production
company), TF1, France 2, France 3, France 5, and M6, the shorts were first
shown on those channels, and then, starting on 17 December 2000, in movie
theaters.
These are the films that served as the audiovisual support for our case study
among young television viewers, in majority of immigrant origin, in order to
incite reflection on the way television represents ethnic minorities. (Cf. Part
2 of the GRREM contribution)
The decree modifying the Cahiers des charges of the public channels
finally appeared on 14 February 2001, stipulating in article 2: France
Televisions will assure that its programming testifies to the diversity of
cultures that constitute French society.”
I.1.8. CSA Annual Report 2000
In the CSA Annual Report for 2000, approved by the plenary assembly of
the CSA at its meeting on 2 May 2001, we read on page 116, under the
heading “Representation of minorities”:
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“The decree modifying the mission statements and Cahiers des charges of
the public channels, with the goal of assuring a better representation of
minorities on television, came at the end a process begun in 1999. At each
step in the procedure, the Conseil contributed to accelerating the necessary
decision-making. It estimates that an equitable representation of visible
minorities in the media is the only way for television, in particular, to play
its integrating role in a credible manner, by reflecting French society as it
is.”
The Conseil declares itself attentive to the efforts of the public and private
channels, and congratulates itself in particular about the new agreement with
Canal Plus in May 2000, cited above.
Of a total of 221 pages, the question of the representation of minorities
occupies barely half a page, and the CSA seems to think it has played its
regulatory role, and that it is now up to the channels to do what is necessary
to apply the decree.
In a telephone contact with the press service of the CSA in January 2002,
we hear that “the subject doesn’t interest anyone anymore.”
Naturally, we are not in agreement with that statement, and we are in fact in
a position to show that the question is of great interest to young people as
well as to the education sector. It also appears to continue being of interest
to associations working on immigration issues, as well as a segment of
media professionals. We are numerous in thinking that there remains a great
deal of work to be done, and that we need more than decrees to change
mentalities.
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I.1.8.2. The current situation of the PAF: slow improvement
If we look again to the PAF, do we see any change? Have the modifications
of the Cahiers des charges of the channels already born fruit? In other
words, what is the evolution of the presence and representation of minorities
on French television?
According to mediator Geneviève Guicheney (pers. com. 2002), we can see
a clear improvement in particular as concerns in-studio programs in which
she observed greater representation of persons of foreign origin, particularly
on France 3, which the CIEMI study had already designated as being the
channel that made the greatest contribution toward diverse representation.
This effort is, according to Sylvie Fansten, assistant director responsible for
ethics at France 3, particularly visible in three sectors:
1) magazine programs, through the presence of journalists of foreign origin,
for example C’est pas sorcier, presented by Sabine Quindoux, of
Caribbean origin, or through the choice of subjects, for example Un jour
en France, Saga-cités, previously cited, and Espace Francophone,
broadcasting programs from RFO.
2) news programs, also through the presence of journalists such as Ben
Salama, Kadour Hamlaoui, Morad Aït Habbouche, and Michel Reinette,
as well as through the subjects selected.
3) in the fiction sector, with the broadcast of films dealing with integration,
for example La tresse d’Aminata, which tells the story of the difficult
transition from childhood to adolescence of a young girl of Senegalese
origin adopted by a Breton family, and, in development, a series called
Famille d’acceuil, in which one of the on-going characters (the judge)
will be of North African origin.
According to Sylvie Fansten (pers. com. 2002), the fiction department
regularly calls on actors of diverse origins for roles that expand their work
beyond habitual and stereotyped characters.
In an article entitled “Timides métissages,” published in the weekly Express
on 11 October 2001, journalist Véronique Mougin presents her conclusions
about the 2001-2002 program. She notes timid changes in the fiction
programming, on public channels as well as private ones.
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However, the directors of the various sections and departments all declare
that they did not wait for the decree to start changing, and that television
that washes whiter than white is definitively over. That does not necessarily
mean that screenwriters write specifically for North African or black actors,
but, as Thomas Anagyros, director of French fiction for M6, affirms, they
imagine characters and distribute roles to the best actors.
A few exceptions exist. For example, the TV movie Fatou, la malienne,
produced by France 2, was created specifically as a slice of life of a young
woman born in France to immigrant parents, with all of the problems that
such dual identity poses. That TV movie, which received the 7 d’Or for best
fiction of the year, and for which a sequel is in preparation, is a good
illustration of the difficulties one encounters when one describes the
intercultural and intergenerational conflicts around morals and rituals in
place in certain communities. This TV movie presents an arranged marriage,
and one might regret that a specific community was implicated, in particular
when the practice is illegal in the country in question, a fact which was not
mentioned. A popular success among French audiences, it was strongly
contested by the community, and by young women in particular. The Malian
High Council in France communicated its indignation, seeing only
reinforcement of stereotypes and confirmation of preconceived ideas,
therefore increasing the gap between the French and the immigrant
communities. According to Geneviève Guicheney, the TV movie, based on
real events, provoked interesting debates everywhere, in particular in
African countries.
Other TV movies and series (above all crime series) already on the small
screen or planned for the 2002 season, also offer important roles to “blackbeur” minority actors: we can cite as examples Crimes en séries, with Pascal
Légitimus on France 2, and Commissariat Bastille, with Smaïn, a series on
TF1 since 1997.
According to Express, we can expect a multi-colored year with the sequel to
Villa, Mon rêve, a tumultuous comedy between a French family and a
family of Guinean origin, with Eric Ebouaney, Mariam Kaba, and Thierry
Desroses on France 2. Docteur Sylvestre will be replaced by a black doctor
named Fabien Cosma, played by Louis-Karim Nebati. Le Pion, with Faudel
on M6, and les Grands-Frères with Mouss Diouf on TF1. On the public
channels, in particular on France 2, we also note the presence of journalist
Patrick Fandio (black), on the 8pm news, etc.
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We must also note Canal Plus, the leader concerning the presence of North
African, Caribbean, and other comedians.
Finally, we note the efforts of ARTE, which, under the direction of Pierre
Chevalier, director of fiction productions, has invested in the production of
African fictions.
These are the signs of slight improvement, which must not lead us to believe
that French television has really committed itself to reflecting our
multicultural society in a balanced way.
According to Monique Dagnaud, sociologist and research director at the
CNRS and former member of the CSA, France is very far behind on this
subject, and the directors of the various television services ought to call on
sociologists and representatives of the minorities themselves.
French fictions continue essentially to describe the middle class, and very
rarely the immigrant communities. These few innovations that we welcome
are only the exceptions that prove the rule.
We are still very far from a television that reflects reality, respecting the
diversity of the multiple components of French society.
I.2.
CODES
OF CONDUCT CONCERNING YOUTH.
AND THE MEDIA
CHILDREN’S
RIGHTS34
In the Convention on the Rights of the Child, two articles, 13 and 17,
address young people and the media in general, with one reference to ethnic
minorities in art. 30.
Art. 13 addresses the question of free expression, which includes: “the
freedom to seek, receive and impart information of all kinds, regardless of
frontiers, either orally, in writing, or in print, in the form of art, or through
any other media of the child’s choice.”
Art. 17 stipulates the role of the media in assuring that the child has “access
to information and material from a diversity of national and international
sources.” In line d) the media are encouraged to “have particular regard
34
Note that the notion “child” signifies any human being under age 18.
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for the linguistic needs of the child who belongs to a minority group or
who is indigenous.”
Finally, in art. 30, there is a reference to children members of ethnic
minorities:
“In those states in which ethnic, religious, or linguistic minority, or persons
of indigenous origin exist, a child belonging to such a minority or who is
indigenous shall not be denied the right, in community with other members
of his or her group, to enjoy his or her own culture, to profess and practice
his or her own religion, or to use his or her own language.”
I.2.1. Representation and protection of youth in the French media
Government texts concerning youth and ethnic minorities are extremely
rare. We hypothesize that the reason for this is related to the fact that France
is a republic which does not recognize minorities, and therefore even less
the children of minority origin.35 But the absence of texts concerning ethnic
minority youth and media representation is also probably related to the fact
that this aspect of the media appears completely supplanted by the question
of the protection of young people in terms of violence.
These two phenomena arise from almost completely opposite concerns.
In the first case, at issue is a media representation of all youth, often
deformed, and without any opportunity for expression by the young people
themselves, and who most of the time are limited to a witness dimension,
their role being limited to that of either the victim or the threat.36
In the second case, at issue is assuring the protection of minors as a whole
from programs broadcast by audiovisual communications services. This
35
36
These young people, in large part born in France, can, in accordance with the Guigou
and Chevenement law of 1997, obtain French citizenship after they turn 18.
Nonetheless, in order to do so, they must have no police record, and the problem of
“dual punishment” that we consider discriminatory, consisting of deporting young
delinquents to their supposed country of origin, has yet to be settled.
This is very clear in two studies about the representation of young people on the
television news on the subject of raves on France 2 (1pm and 8pm news in May and
June 2001) and in news magazine programs (on all broadcast channels since 1999)
(Conseil national de la Jeunesse, Drouet and Garnier-Lavalley 2001).
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protection comprises not only refraining from the representation young
people in difficulty but also respecting, through a technical masking of their
identity, the anonymity of minors as witnesses.37
These phenomena affect all young people living in France, regardless of
origin.
We hypothesize that these two phenomena often affect young people of
immigrant origin in a discriminatory way, and that we can, in some cases,
speak of ‘dual discrimination’ on the basis of both age and origin.
We found a reference to multiethnic reality in a CSA document, dated 15
May 2000, about the proposed decree concerning modifications of the
Cahiers des charges et des responsibilities of France 2 and France 3.
The document seeks to reinforce their public service mission by inciting
them to take into consideration in their programming the multiethnic and
multicultural reality of contemporary French society.
The text stipulates that the Cahiers des charges exclude all discrimination or
exclusion based, in particular, on national origin, religion, culture, social
condition, or place of residence.
The text also encourages the refusal of discrimination based on sex, as well
as on the physical characteristics of individuals.
Finally, in the last paragraph, the text stipulates, in reference to programs
targeted at young audiences, that the “project is reasonably intended to
protect audiences potentially victims of discrimination. The mission of
France 2 and France 3 with respect to young audiences could usefully be
reinforced by the addition of a measure encouraging them to promote, in
programs targeted toward young audiences, values of integration and
citizenship.”
This addition in fact appears in the new Cahiers des charges et des
responsibilities of France 2. Art. 28, speaks of “values of integration and
public-spiritedness that favor, in particular, young people’s access to
citizenship.”
37
Cf. Protection de l’enfance et de l’adolescnce à la télévision, Les brochures du CSA,
July 2001, under the direction of Sophie Jéhel.
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The text does not specify what is meant by audiences potentially victims of
discrimination (we think it primarily addresses young people of foreign
origin), but it is clear that the text aims essentially to protect all young
people.
Protection of youth with regard to television involves the question of
violence on television. That question has been the subject of research and
debate practically since the dawn of the television era. Often producing
passionate controversy, it finally led, in France, to the application of antiviolence warnings on television, starting in November 1996.
We do not intend to relate the history of those warnings here (cf. FrauMeigs and Jéhel 1997), but rather to stress a number of elements that
brought about that regulatory measure, which is one of the most important
ever enacted by the CSA.
We can underline the multifactor aspect of the instauration of this antiviolence warning system on French television.
A first non-negligible factor is the role of associations, notably
associations of parents38 that were particularly worried about the potential
impact of television violence on their children.
An evolution toward more and more programs with scenes of violence also
preoccupied politicians like Senator Jean Cluzel, and, notably, women in
politics, among whom we can cite Ségolène Royal and Christine Boutin.
A second triggering factor was thus related to the reaction of politicians
who asked the Juppé government to intervene on this matter.
A third factor was researchers, for whom the question of violence is an
inexhaustible research topic. We can, in summarizing succinctly, highlight
two major theoretical models strongly influenced by Anglo-Saxon research
in information sciences and communications:
1) “the model of direct effects dominated by behaviorist theory – the
‘bullet theory’ – based on the stimulus/response paradigm. According
38
These consist largely of consumers associations such as En jeu télé, or the federation
Familles et Médias, and Médias, Télévision et Téléspectateurs (MTT).
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to this theory, television is seen as a danger, and the viewer as passive
and a potential victim, particularly of the effects of violence;
2) “the model of indirect effects dominated by the functionalist theory,
notably that called “uses and gratifications,” that introduces the notion
of pleasure and the minimalist option of effects on the viewer, seen as
active and participative, composing their own ‘television menu.’
According to this theory, there is a ‘filtering’ of messages and a
reinforcement of pre-existing opinions.” (Cf. Eriksen-Terzian 1999)
A fourth factor
This research is often based on surveys and polls, and the veritable trigger
was in fact a study of the representation of violence on French television,
conducted for the CSA in 1994 by Sophie Jéhel. That study went against
preconceived ideas about the subject. France long considered itself to be
isolated from danger, because, in comparison to American television,
French television seemed very ‘good-natured.’ Yet the CSA study presented
a very different image, and revealed a large amount of violence on the small
screen.
In 1994, the French Parliament voted expanded sanctioning powers for the
CSA with regard to the public sector, accrediting the delegation by the state
of its regulatory function to an independent organism. The CSA took up the
issue and played its role of regulator that must explicitly “assure the
protection of minors,” notably with regard to violence and pornography.
But the 1986 law already foresaw measures in this domain, because, after
having stipulated in art. 1 the “Liberty of audiovisual communication,” the
law goes on to define different principles limiting the exercise of that
liberty. These largely concern the “respect and dignity of the human
person.”
Various previous decrees had already addressed the imposition on television
channels of the requirement of audience warnings prior to broadcast of films
prohibited for minors (decree of 23 February 1990), or, for example,
regarding advertising, “advertising must be exempt of any scenes of
violence,” and “advertising must not be prejudicial to minors” (decree of 27
March 1992).
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The Cahiers des charges of France 2 and France 3 foresee as well the
abstention from “broadcasting programs susceptible to damage the physical,
mental, and moral development of minors (…), pornographic scenes,” and
from showing “violence for the sake of violence,” particularly in news
broadcasts.
The protection of young people has always been one of the most important
control and regulatory missions conferred upon the CSA, producing
recommendations and protection measures such as those regarding the
broadcast of family programs during prime time, and the obligation for
broadcasters to define family programming schedules in 1989.
What changed in November 1996 was the ensemble of codes concerning the
protection of minors that asked all channels to subscribe to a 2 July 1996
text that foresaw, notably:
1) the creation by each channel of a screening commission
2) the classification by that commission of fiction and documentary
programs into five categories
3) the adoption of warning labels
4) the respect of programming schedules according to the classification of
programs.
This ensemble of measures called for increased responsibility from the
broadcasters, and aimed at giving families and parents the means to fulfill
their roles.
A first labeling system (green circle, orange triangle, and red square) was
put in place on 18 November 1996 by TF1, France 2, France 3, and M6.
A modified system consisting of five pictograms corresponding to the five
classification categories, was adopted in June 1998, and went into effect on
31 August 1998.39
Acclaimed by some, criticized by others, the studies and polls indicate
parental awareness about the labeling system, considered to be a useful tool.
39
For more information about these CSA protection measures, cf. Gouvernet 1999.
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A study conducted by Médiamétrie in August 2000 also shows that the
meaning of the pictograms, which posed difficulties at the start, now seems
well understood.
We can also note, and with reason, that these measures allow channels to
place full responsibility on parents, who, for a variety of reasons, do not
always fulfill their role. This is of particular concern in households where
the television is on constantly, without any selection of programming, and
therefore without forbidden programs, and in families with several
television sets, and where children watch whatever they want in their rooms,
alone or with friends.40
CONCLUSION OF PART ONE
Having surveyed the issue, we must note that there exists in France, on the
one hand, studies on the representation of minorities on television,
conducted from a quantitative approach, and on the other hand, studies of
the representation of young people on television. The latter are extremely
rare, to our knowledge the above mentioned study conducted by the Conseil
National de la Jeunesse on the representation of young people on the
television news and in news magazine programs being the only one.
However, there is no work that links the two variables, age and ethnic
origin, and for that reason, the conclusion of this first section of our
contribution takes the form of a two-part suggestion.
We suggest:
1) the creation of an observatory that would study the question of the media
representation of young people.
2) conducting studies, both quantitative and qualitative, taking into account
an ensemble of independent variables, in particular sex, age, sociocultural origin.
The existing studies are all based on an analysis of production and
conducted via a quantitative approach.
40
According to a national survey of 6 to 17 year-olds, this is the case for 30% of young
people (Pasquier 1999).
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To our knowledge, there has not been, to date, in France, any study
conducted on the basis of reception. Nevertheless, it would be interesting to
know how television programs, as well as the question of representation of
minorities, are perceived by the audience, notably the youth audience.
In the second part of our contribution, we will thus offer a description and
analysis of a qualitative case study conducted among young people of
diverse origins. We proceeded by establishing discussion groups in order to
try to understand how the question of representation of ethnic minorities is
perceived by young people.
In an era of globalization, the questions of identity, community, and local
belonging seem once again to be a center of interest in general.
We hypothesize that this subject is of great interest, notably among young
people. The question of representation on television, which directly touches
the identity of the person, is a question of recognition and integration in
French society. It is also one element of a vast issue concerning the rights of
citizens to manage their own image.
Part two - Case study among young French television viewers
In this second part, we will present a case study of media reception,
conducted among young television viewers, a majority of whom are of
foreign origin.
This experiment falls within the frame of good practices, and seeks to be
educational.
It is a reflective analysis on the representation of ethnic minorities on
television, on exclusion, and on daily racism, based on the reception of
audiovisual products addressed to a large audience, particularly a young
audience.
II.1.
DEFINITION OF THE RESEARCH-FIELD
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The study is situated at the intersection of the sciences of communications
and education. It can be qualified as an attempt to link research on the
relationship of young people to the media (in particular the audiovisual
media), and educational actions conducted in the domain of mediaeducation and citizenship.
The experiment corresponds to the general objective of the of Tuning in to
diversity project, contributing to reflection about the representation of ethnic
minorities in order to present a series of recommendations and strategy
suggestions aiming to make the media more representative and diverse, in
relation to all of the cultural components of our society.
Research Questions
The principal research questions to which we will seek to contribute some
elements of response can be formulated as follows:
- How is the so-called under-representation or inaccurate representation
of people of foreign origin on French television – specifically a
distorted representation vis-à-vis reality, offering simplistic and
stereotyped images, reinforcing prejudices, and rarely allowing them to
express themselves – perceived by young people?
- Does it reflect an absence of recognition for these persons?
- Are we thus confronted with a phenomenon of exclusion?
- Would this exclusion conceivably be a form of racism?
- How could the media – in this case television – become tools of
integration?
Working hypotheses
The issue of improved representation of ethnic minorities in the media in
general (and on television in particular), meaning a representation that is
more diverse and closer to socio-cultural reality, appears to be of central
interest to young people questioning their identity.
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We think that representation on television – which is part of a vast issue
concerning the right of citizens, including future citizens, to manage their
own image – directly effects the identity of the person.
Consequently, we hypothesize that the under-representation of young
people, and notably young people of immigrant origin, and/or the
deformation of the representation of young people, is experienced as an
absence of recognition, and, in the end, as symbolic violence41 against them.
For them it signifies a refusal of integration on the part of society, or even a
certain form of exclusion, similar to racism.
Finally, we hypothesize that study of the representation of minorities on
television can lead to broader thinking among young people about the
concepts of equality, fraternity, and liberty, universal values it is important
to define with young people in order to dust them off and to restore their
meaning, before including them in a reflection on the roles of young people
as future citizens.
Objectives
The objectives of our study are three-fold:
1) Objective of the European project
The general objective of the European research project consists of
contributing to the development of a methodology in the domain of
regulation of the representation of ethnic minorities in the media, in view of
future recommendations and guidelines.
2) Research objective
The research objective of the GRREM consists of bringing together the
points of view of young people in order to understand how they perceive the
question, and to be open to their strategy proposals in view of possible
changes and improvements.
3) Educational objective
41
“Symbolic violence is a form of violence committed against a social agent with his
complicity.” (Bourdieu and Wacquant 1992)
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The study also includes an educational objective that consists of elaborating
a concrete approach to education about media and citizenship.
II.2.
MOTIVATION
IN THE CHOICE OF MEDIUM AND PRESENTATION OF
THE SHORT FILMS 12 REGARDS CONTRE LE RACISME AU QUOTIDIEN
The medium we chose was a series of short films entitled 12 regards contre
le racisme au quotidien (12 points of view against daily racism), coproduced by Little Bear (Bertrand Tavernier’s production house), TF1,
France 2, France 3, France 5, and M6. We selected this series for its
cinematographic qualities in conjunction with its educational qualities.
Recognizing the impact of television as a constitutive element in the
construction of identity and as a social bond, we felt this series of films
would be able to take advantage of the dynamic dimension of television as
an educational instrument capable of provoking thought, and to contribute to
a transformation of mentality.
We thought this series of films would, more than other audiovisual products,
allow un to include the question of the representation of minorities often
excluded from the small screen, not only in social action against
discrimination, but also in ethical reflection about the causes of that
exclusion.
Aware, therefore, of the exceptional aspect of these audiovisual products,
completely beyond the usual television formats, we chose them in order to
provoke group discussions.
The 12 films constitute a total running time of 69 minutes, handling in a
clear fashion many aspects of racism and discrimination.
The results of a screenplay contest for writers under 26, and directed by
experienced professionals, these short films show the small daily incidents
that constitute ordinary racism. Behind the initiative were four young
audiovisual professionals who had created an association, Dire, Faire
Contre le Racisme (DFCR).
The films were first presented on the broadcast channels, and then, starting
on 17 December 2000, in various movie theaters.
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Of the 12 films, two are animated, and the 10 others are fictions. The
screenplay contest42 revealed more than 500 stories, for the most part blackblanc-beur,43 often based on real incidents, sometimes quite personal.
Frédéric Bourboulon44 of Little Bear summarized the goal of the series as a
desire to provoke questioning and debate about daily discrimination,
showing minor prejudices, abnegations, fears, and unspoken assumptions,
but also the “automatic” gestures and words that are hurtful and provocative.
Some of these short films highlight the humiliation of exclusion or
segregation, for example in employment (Le Vigneron français and Petits
Rien), or the fact of not being part of the collective imagination
(Pimprenelle). Others accent the generational conflicts that show the
differences in the conception of integration between the first generation of
immigrants, who slipped into the mold, ready to make sacrifices without
fuss (Pas d’histoire), and the third generation, meaning the grandchildren of
the immigrants, who are not afraid to demand full integration, all the while
affirming the specificity of their dual cultural identity.
One of the most complex, Tadeus, the story of the arrival in France of a
little Chechen boy, questions the capacities of public school as an institution
of integration. This particularly interesting film reminds us that the
exclusion of minorities is not limited only to visible minorities.
Finally, Relou dares to deal with the macho attitudes of young beurs in the
suburbs, establishing a parallel between racism and sexism, and showing
that the phenomenon of racism is not always unilateral, from the dominant
toward the dominated.
Our selection of films to screen in schools was often composed of these last
three, because of their complexity, though other criteria, such as the age of
the protagonist or the theme determined our choices.
II.3.
42
43
44
PARTICIPANTS AND LOCATIONS
Some of the stories not selected for film treatment were published by Mango under the
title Sans l’autre, t’es rien : 20 regards sur le racisme au quotidien.
A play on slang for the French flag, bleu-blanc-rouge, based on its blue, white and red
colors. Literally, black-white-Arab – Translator's note.
This producer had already been the moving force behind film series against AIDS and
anti-personnel mines.
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Work at University of Paris 8: two groups of students in informationcommunications and education sciences as mediators
Interventions to elaborate and concretize the project were carried out by me,
and then by students at licence and maîtrise levels at the University of Paris
8.45
Research on the representation of ethnic minorities in the media was
developed in two courses I offered at University of Paris 8.
The first class was held during the second semester 2000-2001 in the section
‘Theory and practice in information and communication sciences,’ for
licence students in the Information and Communications Department.
In Info-com.: the work was accomplished by groups, and divided among
the following activities:
- reading of major texts in intercultural communications (Hall 1971;
Goffman 1981; Lipiansky 1989) and sociology of the media (Bourdieu
1996; Mattelart 1996; Ramonet 1999)
45
I will present here an overview of French school-system, and hereafter use the French
terms in the text – Trans.
Ecole maternelle = pre-school, approximately ages 3 to 6
Ecole primaire = primary school, consisting of:
Cours préparatoire (CP) – age 7
Cours élémentaire 1 (CE1) – age 8
Cours élémentaire 2 (CE2) – age 9
Cours moyen 1 (CM1) – age 10
Cours moyen 2 (CM2) – age 11
Collège = middle school, consisting of:
6th class – age 12
5th class – age 13
4th class – age 14
3rd class – age 15
Lycée = high school, consisting of:
Seconde – age 16
Première – age 17
Terminale – age 18, after which the baccalaureate exams are taken
University, divided as follows:
DEUG (Diplôme d’Etudes Universitatires Générales) – 2 year program of study
Licence – 1 year program (approximately bachelor’s level)
Maîtrise – 1 year program (approximately master’s level)
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- reading of studies and surveys
- elaboration of definitions of key concepts
- contribution to the elaboration of the overview of the current situation
- documentation research on the internet
- institutional visits (in particular France 5, CSA, and Radio Beur FM) and
on-site research
- contact and interviews with resource persons (notably Malek Boutih,
president of the association SOS Racism, and Bernard Loche, journalist
with France 3, Saga-Cités)
- viewing/summarizing/analysis of audiovisual productions (notably Fatou,
la Malienne; Saga-Cités, and 12 regards contre le racisme au quotidien)
In Education Sciences:
A second class was offered during the first semester of 2001-2002 for
students in licence/maîtrise in Education Sciences. In this class, the
emphasis was on the educational aspect, including the following phases:
- reading of major texts in the domain of intercultural education (notably
Clanet 1990; Pretceille 1996; Terzian 1999), as well as in the domain of
representation and identity building (Auduc 1999; Camilleri 1990;
Djazayéri 1999)
- preparation of on-site interviews
- elaboration of a set of themes and a question guide in view of individual
interviews
- establishing contact with and access to schools
- viewing/analysis of 12 regards contre le racisme au quotidien
- elaboration of the educational use of these productions
- on-site interventions
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- analysis and interpretation of data
- writing of project reports
Students as mediators
The University of Paris 8 has traditionally included a large proportion of
foreign students (24% in 2000, compared to 10% nationally). Also
traditional in the establishment is the recruitment of students who have not
obtained a baccalaureate (also approximately one quarter of all students). In
addition, 40% of students are over age 26. Very heterogeneous backgrounds
in conjunction with recruitment of students based, at the origin, on the
Republican principle of free access for all to higher education, explains,
according to Renaud Fabre, former president of the university, the low level
of success in examinations. Of the 27,000 matriculated students,
approximately 30% come from the Seine-Saint-Denis department, which is
a national crisis zone in terms of passing the baccalaureate. The percentage
of students succeeding at the DEUG is one of the lowest in the country
(23% in two years). These negative indications have been the subject of
analysis and reflection about the importance of offering a special initiation
program, starting with the arrival of students for their first year, and
continuing with real accompaniment.46
Students having participated in our research are not of exactly that profile,
as the majority of them are under 26, having either brilliantly obtained their
DEUG in cultural mediation (this being in particular the case of the students
in licence Info-Com), or entered the licence in education sciences with
equivalent training, with the very clear goal of presenting—after obtaining
the licence—for the IUFM (Institut Universtitaire de la Formation des
Maîtres – regional teacher training colleges [trans. note]) competitive
examination in order to work for National Education as primary school
teachers.
The students who became on-site participants are from the latter category of
highly motivated students from underprivileged socio-cultural backgrounds.
The majority are young people, mostly young women, of North African,
African, or Asian origin, from immigrant families, for whom working as a
46
Statistics from Ridha Ennefa, director of the Observatoire de la vie étudiante at Paris 8.
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teacher constitutes not only real social ascension, and veritable integration,
but often also a dream they have held since the beginning of their own
schooling.
Approximately one third of these young people were already working in
schools as assistant teachers. For Françoise Lorcerie, sociologist, director of
research with the CNRS, this group of young educators is quickly noticed
and very much appreciated by students. With the ability really to listen to
students, and to create bonds with them, they know how to open up space
for discussion.
We drew upon the mediation skills of the university students who
participated in the research.
Benefiting from a unique position among the school students – children and
adolescents – dialogue was established without difficulty, and the students
were able to collect spoken data that is probably less distorted, less
influenced by the presence of researchers who are either older, or foreign to
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their milieu.47
Development of the approach
My own preparatory interventions, functioning as a pilot project, took place
in a Centre de Ressources in the 11th arrondissement in Paris. In close
collaboration with animator Anne Trillot, director of a workshop entitled
Video-expressions, within the framework of the Paris DASCO (Direction
des Affaires Scolaires), we were able to test and modify the approach with
13 young people, six girls and seven boys, ages 10 to 12. These young
people, all in primary school (CM1 and CM2) were of diverse origin:
Chinese, Egyptian, Moroccan, Yugoslav, Portuguese, Senegalese, Tunisian;
and for some, dual origins: Franco-Arab, Franco-African. All of the
children, except two, were born in France of immigrant mothers or fathers,
often both, and lived in the multicultural neighborhood around Belleville,
where the unemployment rate is very high.
During each of three 2½ hour periods, the children watched one short film48
selected by the animator. Then the children related the story in the film,
followed by a second screening, pausing for important or difficult scenes in
order to let the children ask questions. Finally, the film was the basis of
discussions during which the children answered questions asked by the
animator. The activity ended by drawing the main character in the film.
Guided by the adult, the children brought up subjects and suggested notions
related to the stories told by the films, for example injustice, solidarity,
47
48
Cf. Le Monde de l’Education, n. 282, June 2000, the section “Coup de jeune chez les
profs,” in which Jean Louis Auduc, assistant director of the IUFM in Créteil, describes
these young teachers as “our most recent Republican soldiers, because school served
the same function for them as it did for rural people in the late 19th and early 20th
centuries. It raised them to a higher rung on the social ladder. But it was not without
effort. An important personal mobilization, along with family support, permitted them
to turn the stigmata around and to succeed.”
According to Bernard Charlot, professor-researcher in Education Sciences at Paris 8,
this tendency to recruit young “beur” teachers or assistant educators, for example,
because of their cultural proximity to their students, encourages communitarism, and
can present a risk for the Republican model of integration. Cf. “Classes ethniques : les
langues se délient,” Le Monde de l’Education, n. 284, September 2000. See also
Bernard Charlot on school and the question of ethnic discrimination that “remained a
political taboo-to an extent that certain studies, financed with public money, have been
and remain under embargo by their commissioners.”
In this case Sans l’autre tu es rien, Lettre à Abou, and Tadeus.
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differences of customs and religion, war, and racism, or even the absence of
children on television (except in advertising).
These notions and themes were later brought up again, discussed, and
developed with students and teachers in the field, thus forming the basis of
the thematic guide.
Calendar
The interventions were planned for early November 2001, after the All
Saint’s holidays.
This plan was disturbed somewhat by the events of 11 September 2001 in
the United States. In several schools in which the principals and teachers
had agreed to participate, there were requests for a delay, or regrets about no
longer daring to take on a “subject deemed too hot in such a turbulent geopolitical context.” Thus the interventions planned in a collège in Belleville
in Paris (one of the most multicultural neighborhoods in the city) were
delayed, and we found ourselves obliged to seek out somewhat precipitously
other schools in Paris and its suburbs in order to hold to the schedule
established for the European report, according to which the final report was
to be finished by the end of February 2002.
Locations of the schools:
Socio-cultural origins of the youths
The interventions took place between 10 November 2001 and 20 December
2001, in 11 schools located in Paris and its suburbs.
There were five primary schools, three collèges, and 3 lycées, located in the
11th, 18th, and 20th arrondissements in Paris, and in Bagnolet, Bondy,
Goussainville, Montreuil, Pierrefitte, Sarcelles, and Sèvres.
These schools are, for the most part, located in neighborhoods called
multicultural, with a very high percentage of students from disadvantaged
socio-cultural circumstances. Between 50% and 70% of the children are of
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foreign origin, with a majority from Algeria, Morocco, West Africa (Mali,
Senegal), and Turkey (Kurds).
Two groups of students intervened in schools in neighborhoods traditionally
more well-off (the elementary school in Rue Lepic in the 18th
arrondissement of Paris, and the international collège/lycée in Sèvres).
The interventions took place at a pace of two 2½ hour sessions, with the
first period consisting of the screening and a discussion with the whole
class, followed by a second period of further discussion, either in discussion
groups or in individual interviews.
School level, age, and sex
Our project reached a total of 122 young people in three age groups:
1) 33 primary school students (CE2/CM1/CM2), ages 9 to 12 (20 boys and
13 girls)
2) 32 collège students in 5th and 4th class, ages 11 to 15 (17 girls and 15
boys)
3) 57 lycée students in Seconde, ages 16 to 18 (37 girls and 20 boys)
We thus worked with what are called natural groups, which, once again,
cannot in any way pretend to be representative.
II.4.
DESCRIPTION OF THE APPROACH
1) Making contact and preparing the sessions with teachers/animators:
choosing the short films in relation to the age of the students and the
themes selected, in relation to the works available and the objectives of
the research.
2) Screening of one or several films, a moment of reflection, questions,
recounting the story, re-screening, analysis during pauses in the film.
3) Discussions in discussion groups followed by individual interviews. For
children in primary school, there was also a drawing component.
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The interventions either took place during history-geography class or French
class, with the participation of the whole class and in the presence of the
teacher, or in pre-school activity centers, and, in this latter case, with more
limited groups of children under the responsibility of the interveners,
sometimes in collaboration with an animator.
Methodology
The interventions were conceived as actions based essentially on participant
observation.
However, this method is problematic because it is difficult to find the “just
measure” when one is the principal tool oneself, and how can the
interveners avoid influencing what they must measure?
The participant observer launches a teaching action and then positions
herself as an observer to “measure” the effects of the action. But this dual
role is extremely delicate and complicated.
It is the reason for which the major part of the interventions were conducted
by at least two people: one who launched the action while the other
observed and took notes.
With the goal of being as fair as possible, we also tried to diversify the data
collection techniques by using, in addition to the discussion groups, semidirective individual interviews based on guidelines elaborated in
collaboration with teachers in the field, and in function of concepts that
emerged during the elaboration of the project.
Notes were taken during the interviews (and more infrequently audio
recording).
Themes selected for reflection and guidelines for individual interviews
We specify that this is not a questionnaire, but a framework of suggested
questions, and that these suggestions are modified with regard to the age of
the participant.
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Q1 Theme: subject of the film; what is the short film about?
Depending on what the young people say, pursue with questions about
ethnic minorities or other concepts brought up by the young people
(immigration,
integration,
assimilation,
difference,
segregation,
discrimination, racism, sexism, human rights).
A few examples of questions to ask with caution, respecting the words of
the student:
What is an ethnic minority?
What is a foreigner?
What is an immigrant?
What is citizenship?
What are human rights?
Q2 Theme: the main characters/s (turning back to the film)
Who is the main character?
What did s/he do?
How is s/he described? (family name, first name, age, sex, socioprofessional category, nationality) socio-cultural, linguistic, religious,
ethnic, or country of origin characteristics.
Are the character’s origins visible/non-visible?
With whom and in what environment is the character shown? (family, peer
group, alone); (home, school, workplace, street, means of transportation,
shops, restaurants, other)
What is/are the relationship/s among the characters in the film? (several
possibilities)
a) friends
b) in love
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c) family
d) warm
e) conflicted
f) neutral
g) hostile
h) other
Is the portrayal of the character/s positive/negative/neutral?
Q3 Theme: you and the other
Is the character like you, and how? Unlike you, and how?
Do you have friends who resemble her/him?
Have you been to a foreign country? (Which country, where, how, with
whom, for how long?)
If you could choose, which country would you like to live in?
Why?
Q4 Theme: you and TV
What are your favorite TV shows? (channel, programs, title, broadcast time)
Describe it/them and why you like it/them.
Of the characters you watch on TV, which one is your favorite?
Are there any “stars” you particularly like?
Describe her/him/them and say what you like about them.
Would you like to be like her/him/them?
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Q5 Theme: TV and ethnic minorities
Among those characters, are any members of what we call ethnic
minorities? (define, if not already done so, cf. Q1)
Do you know any minorities living in France?
How do the media (in this case television) represent minorities?
(depending on age) In your opinion, is the whole of the French population
represented on TV?
How does TV represent young people of minority origin? (actor-victim?
neutral, positive or negative situation?)
In relation to what subjects?
In your opinion, how should the media represent minorities?
How could the media (in general) become a factor in the integration of
ethnic minorities?
(depending on age) Should there be quotas?
Should the hiring criteria for television and the admissions criteria for
journalism school, as well as the content of teaching programs in journalism
school, be revised?
Q6 Theme: you and 12 regards
What do you think of the 12 regards films?
(depending on age) Who would you like to show them to? What is the target
audience? What is the goal?
Has that goal been attained?
How can these works be used?
Do you think their use in teaching can contribute to a change of ideas?
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What’s the difference between these films and the films you usually see on
television?
What purpose does TV serve?
Q7 Theme: you and racism
The short films show racist words, acts and situations. Have you had similar
experiences in real life? (have you been a victim/perpetrator of ordinary
racism?)
What does racism represent, for you? How would you define the word
racism?
Analysis of data
The different types of data
Our research material is based exclusively on spoken and written words in
the form of:
1) observation notes: specifically a synthesis of notes in the form of a report
by each intervention group
2) summaries of discussion groups
3) interviews (audio recording for some)
The most appropriate method of analysis is similar to discourse analysis,49
which, like other qualitative methods, includes a risk of subjectivity.
49
Based on the key concept of discourse, which is originally a linguistic concept,
designating “any observable linguistic utterance (spoken sentences or series of
sentences; written texts) as opposed to the abstract system that constitutes language,”
(Le Petit Robert, 2000) this concept is now regularly employed in the social sciences,
since Michel Foucault introduced it in his historical analyses of the reproduction of
knowledge and power via the discursive practice of institutions. The other key concept
is that of representation, defined by Le Petit Robert as “the image of an object evoked in
the absence of its actual perception or as the fact of rendering sensible an absent object
or concept by means of an image, a figure, a sign.” The signs in question here are
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Being a question of phenomena such as representation, which are, in there
essence, non-measurable and resistant to any codification or quantification,
validation rests essentially on the capacity for empathy and intuition in order
to come to the fairest possible interpretation of the data.
Our analysis was structured according to the selected themes, grouped
together in four principal themes:
1) Identity and community membership
2) Relationship with television
3) Ethnic minorities and television
4) Racism
II.5.
RESULTS
The results will be presented synthetically, according to the school level and
age group of the young people.
words that actors use to construct meaning and to represent the world in a significant
manner.
Stuart Hall, on of the researchers from the school of thought know as Cultural Studies at
the University of Birmingham, a school that has contributed a great deal to the
development of discourse analysis, defines representation as, “the link between
concepts and language which enables us to refer to either the ‘real’ world of objects,
people, or indeed to imaginary worlds of fictional objects, people, and events.”
The discourse analysis approach is based on the idea that social actors construct the
objects of thought and determine how the object is represented by the discourse. The
actors do not use words randomly with the only purpose of communicating information
or exchanging messages. By producing effects, they construct reality through their
linguistic usage in narration and description.
Cf. Michel Foucault, Histoire de la folie à l’âge classique, 1961, and particularly Les
Mots et les choses, 1966. For a good introduction to the works of Foucault, see also
Rabinow 1984.
Cf. Hall 1997.
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II.5.1. Primary school:
The films used are Sans l’autre tu es rien, Lettre d’Abou, and Tadeus.
1)
Identity and community membership
In general, the children are not conscious of problems of community
identity, and are not interested by questions of origin or skin color. For
them, a foreigner is either a tourist taking pictures, or someone who doesn’t
speak French. They think there is only one race: the human race. Some boys
nonetheless note with pride the Algerian origin of Zinedine Zidane or the
Moroccan origin of comedian Jamel Debbouzze.
The girls name male and female singers of North African or Caribbean
origin.
2)
Relationship with television
They all like television very much and spend several hours every day in
front of the small screen.
For them, television is for having fun and learning lots of things.
What interests them are good shows on television: cartoons for everyone,
action and combat films with Jean-Claude Vandamme as favorite actor
among boys, as well as sports programming, football above all, and with, of
course, the inevitable Zinedine Zidane, who is the real hero of this
generation of boys.
Among girls, they like good movies and entertaining and funny sitcoms, for
some Loft Story. They really like documentaries about animals, horses in
particular. The girls love Sabrina, the young witch who transforms herself
and does magic, and Piper with black hair who knows how to strike people
still.
They also sometimes watch the news (obliged by the fact of having dinner
in front of the TV) but they don’t like it very much. “All they talk about is
the country with the war and bearded guys.”
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They mostly watch television in the afternoon after school, and in the early
evening. Some children watch TV before doing their homework, but a
majority must finish their homework first, which they often do in study hall
after school. Among the children with whom we talked, a large majority do
not have their own TV set, nor – for many – their own room, and that
sometimes presents a problem for choosing channels. In the afternoon, the
mothers watch foreign channels, and in the evening the fathers have a
certain authority in using the remote control, “daddy’s thing,” and imposing
their choice of programming on the whole family.
Thus these children confirm in part Humblot’s hypothesis about the rush to
foreign channels among certain immigrant families, due to the absence of
programs targeting their communities. But it appears there is a generational
conflict, because the children we saw prefer watching TF1, Canal Plus (for
football) or M6, Disney Channel and sometimes Canal J, finding foreign
channels boring.
3)
Ethnic minorities and television
Very few children know what a minority is. “It’s something about when you
vote,” is the most precise definition we received. According to them, underrepresentation on television is more about young people in general. “You
don’t see enough kids on TV,” they say, and, “You don’t see any real people
either.” “You see young people when there’s a fight or car burning. And
then they’ve got masks,” (in reference to the protection of minors on screen).
That’s one of the reasons they appreciated the short films a lot. “There are
lots of black people and kids, and we see what goes on in the family, how
they live in the house, with the grandfather and all that. I like it.” (Lettre
d’Abou)
They are perfectly aware of the particularities of these productions, “They’re
shorter,” and the reason for making them as well: “It’s so that everyone will
get along better.”
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Racism
They are also aware of the existence of the phenomenon of racism, which
they define by taking examples from their own lives.
“Racism is when I hit someone just because he’s black.” (eight year-old
boy)
“Racism is when a girl doesn’t want to play with me because I’m black.”
(nine year-old girl)
And they add: “You don’t have the right to be racist. The police don’t allow
it.”
None of the children had personally been victims of racism, and they all
seemed happy to live in France. In France, everyone lives together, but one
of the boys told about being scolded by a monitor when he called another
boy a dirty Jew. He explained himself by saying that the other boy had
called him a dirty Arab.
It thus appears that aggressive vocabulary with racist and/or anti-Semitic
connotations is commonplace already in grade school, though the children
don’t always know what the words really mean. This shows clearly that
global-level conflicts, present in the media, make it all the way to the school
yard. This observation goes against the idea of school as sanctuary50 and it
also demonstrates how children serve as intermediaries between the culture
in the family and the culture in the school, by repeating the preconceived
notions of the parents, as the short film Tadeus shows so well, with children
repeating what they hear at home:
There are too many immigrants in France.
The unemployed are lazy.
Gypsies are thieves.
One element of our interventions in the field consisted of getting children to
think about these prejudices.
50
Cf. “La communauté juive en première ligne,” and “Les actes d’intimidation sont en
augmentation,” Le Monde de l’Education, February, 2002.
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II.5.2. Collège
The films used are Relou, Pas d’histoire, and Tadeus
1)
Identity and community membership
One boy in 5th class told how when he goes to Algeria in the summer,
people in the village call him migré (short for the word for immigrant), but
that he doesn’t care! (from reports by Mohamed Hakem and Anissa Ben
Hamouda, licence students in Education Sciences at University of Paris 8)
Because in collège, the center of interest above all else is belonging to a
group of friends of the same sex, and the problems relating to sexual
identity.
That is why these collège students, ages 11 to 16, recognized themselves so
clearly in Relou (verlan for lourd, heavy – meaning not funny, vulgar, etc.).
This film that deals with a serious problem, sexual harassment in the
suburbs, is nonetheless considered funny by the students:
“Too funny,” said Beloufa, adding that he really liked it that the “guys” (4
characters of North African origin) couldn’t tell the difference between a
“Beur” girl and a “French” girl, and that he was stunned when the girl spoke
Arabic.
In fact, the film does not limit itself to confronting the taboo of macho
attitudes among some boys of North African origin, but also takes on a
certain racist attitude toward young French (Franco-French) women.
During an intervention in a collège in Bagnolet, in a 5th class, it emerged in
a discussion group (6 boys and 4 girls ages 11 to 14) that the attitude of the
“guys” is considered negative:
“They’ve got no respect for people, no respect for women.”
But as for the reasons for this sexist attitude, we note great disagreement.
This is clear among a group of older collège students (15 and 16). The group
consisting equally of students of North African, African and “FrancoFrench” origin, argued violently, seeking to justify the aggressive behavior
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of the young people in the film, going even as far as qualifying them as
victims.
Some underlined the attitude of the girls in the film, and one girl of North
African origin, age 16, says: “The girls should have said something. They
provoked the boys.”
For a majority, it is a question of sexism and racism, but backwards racism,
which you rarely see on television: “There are Arab girls who the right to be
respected by Arabs, and then the other girls who aren’t Arab and so who
don’t have the right to respect. They’re ‘easy.’ It’s understandable,” says
Jonathan (14, “Franco-French”), “Respect is obligatory only among us.”
The intervener, seeking to clarify what he meant by his a priori
contradictory statements, finally interpreted his discourse as meaning that in
the end it’s all a question of group, and that by among us, he means a
larger group, meaning everyone who lives in the same housing complex.
It would therefore seem that, in terms of identity and community
membership, there is a lot of confusion and a loss of bearings if one has a
conventional view of identity. We think we see here the premises for a new
intercultural conception of identity that transgresses ethnic origin and takes
as its only bearing the peer group.
On the other hand, and this seems to us very concerning, there is a clear
sexist tendency among certain young people.
We believe this subject is so important that we have decided, with the
students in Education Sciences, to make it the subject of our next research
project.
2)
Relationship with television
The collège students seemed very interested in American series, and
uninterested in French productions. There is a preference for the series
broadcast on M6 like the trilogy Dark Angel, Charmes, Buffy the Vampire
Slayer, Martial Law, Chameleon, Early Edition, and The Sentinel, which
they like for the action and the humor. But they also cite Capital on M6, and
Zone Interdite, Le maillon faible, on TF1, and Jeu TV and Star Academy on
TF1.
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The boys favorite characters are mostly the heroes of series, like Sammo
Law on Martial Law, appreciated for his strength and agility, even though
he’s fat.
Most of the girls like the same programs as the boys, but also include series
(also American) like Friends and Sunset Beach.
As a favorite character, the girls mostly choose Buffy, the vampire slayer, or
the Halliwell sisters, for their powers: “It’s so great.”
The collège students also mention Zidane, who they call generous and the
best player in the world, adding that he comes from the projects and he
managed to get out.
For these young people, television is principally for dreaming, and they
detest “the programs that only show what we see when we open the
window.”
3)
Ethnic minorities and television
The girls note that, “In Star Academy, there are no blacks and only one
Arab.”
But as an ensemble, they note that minorities appear more and more often in
American programs, whereas we almost never see them in French
productions. That said, whether they are in American programs or others,
minorities often have a bad image: “The gangsters are always black, Italian,
or Cuban.”
In news programs, they noted the removal of Rachid Arab, and note that
currently, “There’s only one black, and even he’s mixed, and does the
weather.”
Not everyone agrees with that. Camélie notes, for example, “There are more
and more black and beur journalists, but minorities like Asians, Indians or
Turks are not shown at all, as opposed to North Africans and Africans, that
we see more and more often.”
As for the representation of young people on television, they find that young
French people are always shown as being nice, students, rich, or as victims
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of aggression by immigrant-origin youths, and in contrast, “When we see
minorities, it’s often about racial problems, violence, bandits, and war.”
The question about possible solutions was difficult for them. They have a lot
of trouble understanding what the word quota signifies. But once the term is
explained, everyone said they were against, saying that “it has to happen by
itself, without there being laws.”
Opinions are mixed about the usefulness of the 12 regards short films.
Some were very enthusiastic, saying that all young people should see them,
to show them how what they do is stupid (speaking about Relou). They
think the films are well made and show life in the suburbs accurately.
Others are pessimistic, thinking that it’s very hard to change people’s
attitudes.
4)
Racism
Racism is defined as “the fact of being rejected because of your appearance,
when you should be judged by what’s inside, by your mind.”
On this subject, the students say that they have not been victims of racism
themselves, but they’ve heard about someone or other to whom it has
happened. One of the boys of North African origin did however say that
whenever there’s trouble in the classroom, he’s always designated as the
guilty party, and the teacher won’t listen to any other explanations.
But the majority say they are happy to be living in France: “In France, there
aren’t any ghettos like in the US, everyone lives together, Blacks and Arabs
and French.”
II.5.3. Lycée
The results from the interventions with lycée students come essentially from
one lycée in Sarcelles, located in one of the most multicultural suburbs of
Paris. This particular lycée has already had problems related to “ethnic
groups” and is qualified as sensitive. The group of university students
responsible for the interventions is composed of four young women, ages 22
to 26, of Malian, North African, and French origins. One of them is a former
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student of the lycée. (The group consisted of Vansa Duman, Alice Duclos,
Emmanuelle Vaissier, and Maïmouna W. Padafan, licence students in
Education Sciences at University of Paris 8.)
Their intervention was part of an anti-racism program, and took place during
history-geography classes in collaboration with the teacher. 57 lycée
students in two Seconde classes participated in discussion groups led by the
university students.
The films used are Relou, Cyrano, and Le vigneron français
1)
Identity and community membership
In this lycée, most of the young people are quite aware of belonging to two
cultures: French culture and their country of origin culture. They say they
feel divided, and are considered like foreigners in both communities.
It seems evident that these young people are confronted with a real problem
of cultural identity. Finding themselves in an intermediate culture, in a
situation of cultural mixing that they are creating themselves, they are
seeking landmarks and references, and feel a very strong need for
recognition.
They find that recognition in peer groups, as we saw with the collège
students. But contrary to the observation of a transgression of community
groups in collège, the interveners noted that the lycée students in Sarcelles
tend to close themselves off based on community identity, limiting
themselves to stereotyped ideas and prejudices about the others. These
attitudes thus impede them from opening up to other cultures.
Maïmouna remarks, “I was struck by the classroom seating: on one side, the
“black” girls, and on the other, everyone else.” But rather than seeing
racism there, she interprets that organization as a way of grouping together
according to common interests, based on a culture that makes sense to each
of them (same clothing style, same tastes in music and food, etc.).
If this demonstrated community identity does not interfere with a pleasant
atmosphere among the lycée students, it is nonetheless a kind of grouping
based on ethnicity, and we can imagine that this kind of communitarism
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constitutes a risk to integration and a barrier to intercultural communications
within the class.
2)
Relationship with television
At the top of their preferences, these young people place reality TV. Loft
Story and Pop Star on M6, and Star Academy on TF1. The lycée students
recognize the “commercial and voyeur aspects” of these programs
“developed with the unique goal of drawing a large audience and making
money.” For them, these programs represent “entertainment, pure and
simple,” a pleasure they get so used to that they cannot do without it: “By
watching them every day, the participants are part of our daily lives.” The
scenes are considered “real.” “It’s not the movies, we see what happens,
live.”
In second place, they list debate and social programs. These are programs
like Ça se discute on France 2, and C’est mon choix on France 3. They say
they are interested by the debate, and the talk shows, because for them they
represent a certain reality. They qualify these programs as “serious, credible
because of the people in the studio.” They are interested in the subjects,
which represent for them ordinary people, and give them an objective view
of society.
They also watch news magazine programs, like Capital and Zone interdite
on M6, considering these also to be serious, allowing them to “be informed
about society and news on the basis of well investigated reports.”
Another category of programming enjoyed by these young lycée students
are so-called sensation based programs like Plein les yeux and Ça vaut le
détour on TF1, or so-called people programs like Tout le monde en parle
on France 2 and On ne peut pas plaire à tout le monde on France 3, which
they find “funny, with good images from all over the world, programs that
don’t give you a headache.” They also watch these shows to see the
celebrities, and while recognizing the promotional side to their participation
in the shows, they allow the students to keep up to date about the movies,
music, etc. They say they like the presenters who conduct frank and direct
interviews with the guests.
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In response to the question about favorite characters, they say they don’t
want to be like anyone, above all they “don’t want to be like everyone else,”
claiming that “being like everyone else keeps you from fulfilling yourself.”
That doesn’t keep them from liking various celebrities, or from wanting “to
have the same lifestyle as some comedians.” They name Jamel Debbouze
and Gad Elmale, or athletes like Zinedine Zidane, who represent for them
“examples of professional success for young people who, in addition, are
part of the North African community.” But they say it’s not about
identification, but rather admiration.
The final category given by the lycée students are critical programs, in
particular Les guignols de l’info on Canal Plus, which makes fun of
television and people who make it, or, in another style, Arrêt sur image,
which criticizes the lack of perspective and the way in which television
handles information.
However, we note that the young people do not mention the television news,
and seem therefore to confirm the annual survey of the credibility of the
media conducted by Sofres for Télérama-La Croix which notes the
disinterest in the public sphere, particularly striking among people ages 18
to 24, of whom only 56% regularly follow the news.51 This indifference can
be interpreted as an element of closing in on oneself, but we can equally see
a sign of a certain “fed-upness” with the choice of subjects as well as the
way they are handled on television, for example the question of security,
with its, according to Télérama, nasty tendency to stigmatize young people
in general.
In conclusion we can say that lycée students in Sarcelles watch television
several hours each day, but they watch critically, allowing for a certain
distance. For them, television represents a window on the world which
allows them to be informed or to enjoy themselves.
However, they know that the window can deform reality, and that it can, as
a result, be dangerous. What is important, they say, is to “distinguish
between fiction and reality, and especially to avoid being influenced by
everything on TV.”
51
This is a decrease of 5 points in relation to the previous year, confirming a tendency
toward loss of interest in the news among citizens, observed over the last several years.
Cf. Télérama, n. 2716, 30 January 2002.
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3)
Immigrants and ethnic minorities in mass media. Representation and policies
Ethnic minorities and television
The lycée students have a lot of negative things to say about television,
finding that “television only shows white people,” or, a bit more
moderately, “very few people of color, except late at night.” “Minorities are
represented as clichés, showing communities in a stereotyped way, and
members of those communities as foreign to French society.” Television is
qualified as “racist toward communities of non-French origin.”
In addition, they feel that television “judges everyone pejoratively,” taking
as an example their own case as young people in the suburbs: television
presents all young people from the suburbs as delinquents, dangerous,
thieves who burn cars in parking lots. Via these negative representations, the
young people feel constantly like they are unfairly judged by society, and
that justifies their rancor and violence toward society.
They say that, “television has a very negative influence on people when it
has no perspective on the images it shows over and over. Or when it is
satisfied with what is often an archaic point of view, or by being limited by
prejudices that anyone might hold. Then it is guided by emotions, by fear of
the other. That’s comforting to people full of prejudice, and it doesn’t show
society in its ensemble.”
Already stigmatized by the media as young people of foreign origin, they
also consider themselves victims of discrimination and racism because of
where they live: “TV always comes and shows the same places, Mantes-laJolie, Evry, and that makes life impossible for people who want to move
on.”
For these young lycée students, television does not play its role as an
element of integration. For them, it mostly serves to create and reinforce
stereotypes, and to increase the distances between the new and the old
French.
They dream of “quality television, multicultural and mixed, a mixture of
different communities, where all cultures meet, work together.” They want
“positive characters, examples of successful integration” by people who
enrich France with their knowledge and abilities and specializations in every
domain. They want to see young people who work with associations in the
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housing projects, young people who have finished school and who help
those who aren’t yet at ease in the French language and culture.
They dream of television that doesn’t always call on the same specialists
(the good clients, Bourdieu 1996), but television which invites lawyers,
doctors, and writers of foreign origin.
Finally, they want TV to reflect more accurately all of the communities that
make up French society.
However, a large majority of these young people do not think that the
imposition of quotas would be a good solution, but more likely something
negative, hypocritical, and too difficult to put in place. They are against
such policies, thinking that they would lead to ghettoization, like in the
United States. They reject the idea of making programs targeted only at a
specific audience. “That would divide communities even more. You have to
respect different cultures, and recognize people’s right to be different.
That’s the starting point for attaining, one day, television in which a whole
society can recognize itself.”
But, according to Vensa Duman, summarizing a discussion group, these
young people who defend Republican values like equality and solidarity,
don’t always live by them, being themselves full of prejudices. “They are
aware of the hypocrisy of television and society, but they feel completely
powerless against it, and don’t want to do anything to change it.”
4)
Racism
The lycée students define racism as “a lack of understanding based on
prejudice, the rejection of the other not because of who they are or their
mind, but because of the color of their skin, or even their sex, their country
of origin, their place of residence.”
The class agrees, as Maïmouna Pafadnam reports, that racial insults have an
impact and are hurtful, but only when they are made by a non-member of
the group. When they come from within the group, it’s different: “we don’t
really think it, it’s just for laughs or when we’re mad.”
They are aware that some of the short films mean to show that racism is a
two-way street, that anyone can be racist, not just the French. She reports,
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“With the Seconde 5, we brought the discussion to prejudices and insults
that make up daily racism. For them, racial insults are universal. Insulting
each other is normal, and more or less hurtful depending on the relationship
you have with people. As for stereotypes, calling someone a Jew means
they’re cheap, Arab means you’re a thief, Portuguese means you’re hairy.
Those stereotypes are part of their mores, and they don’t think you can do
anything about it. The students in Seconde seem to see racism everywhere,
among police, teachers… For them, if a representative of a French
institution criticizes them, it is solely based on racism.”
They recognize that they are both instigators and victims of racist
remarks, for example of teachers who go after them, or people in the street
who identify them by their origins.
Also clear from the interviews is that some students think that racism is
provoked by others, those who belong to the other community.
“Nonetheless,” concludes Maïmouna on a slightly more optimistic tone,
“they still believe in cultural mixing, and see it as the only possible future,
since, according to them, the mix is already happening in their lycée.”
In conclusion of the discourse of these young people about television and
the representation of minorities, we can note four major tendencies:
1)
The efforts of certain channels in terms of the presence and
representation of minorities on television (which we noted in
part one of our study) do not seem to be noticed by a majority of
the young people.
We thus find ourselves confronted with the following question: for several
years, public and private channels have made visible efforts in this domain –
for various reasons, not all of them honorable – but these changes are far
from satisfactory in the eyes of the young people, in particular young people
of foreign origin.
2)
French television is considered racist by lycée students
We can also note important variations of perception according to age. These
differences range from a certain indifference among younger students
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regarding the question of minorities to a very critical position among older
students.
A majority of lycée students we met consider French television racist
because of the deformed images of young people the channels offer, the
absence of subjects that reflect reality, the fact that young people are very
rarely heard in other contexts than as witnesses, and finally because of the
absence of positive representations, of people who have integrated without
difficulty, the absence of young people of immigrant origin who have
succeeded in domains other than music, film, and sport (in particular
football).
But when we ask what they mean by the word racist, these young people
have a lot of difficulty defining it, saying, essentially, “Racists are those
other people.”
3)
The trivializing of aggressive, racially connotated or anti-Semitic
vocabulary
We also observe a certain trivialization of vocabulary that is aggressive: we
noted racist thoughts and words, in particular anti-Semitic (‘just talking
among friends, with no meaning’: for example in CM1/CM2 about Jews and
Arabs), displaying that world conflicts are brought into school, though the
children don’t always know what they are saying. This is a reflection of
media discourse and the reproduction of received notions from parents that
children bring to school and that school does not always dare to bring up in
order to try to deconstruct these prejudices.
4)
Community membership
One final observation concerning the spatial organization of the class by the
lycée students themselves, grouped together based on community
membership and sex, whereas community segregation does not exist, or
only on a small scale, in primary school, where we observe large-scale
mixing in work groups. Must we thus deduce that these attitudes are
related to the age variable and that a certain cultural identity withdrawal
by the students is part of what Tap calls the eternal quest for identity (Tap
1984) that is developed in stages and notably in confrontation with the
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other. This would seem particularly apt for adolescents seeking personal and
cultural identity, going through a period of questioning of self-image. These
difficult periods – characterized by identity uncertainty – are applicable to
all young people, but are particularly marked among young people of
foreign origin and dual cultural belonging. For these youths, one can
suppose that that intercultural situations like the mixing of many cultures in
school, can have a reinforcing effect on group belonging and community
identity.
Let us recall with Lipansky that “identity is not only the product of a
relationship with oneself. It is also born of the confrontation with the other.”
(Lipansky 1992)
What seems surprising is that this segregation is observable among the older
students, but not (or not to such a degree) among collège students who, on
the other hand, seem very preoccupied with their sexual identity.
Finally, we can note that all of the young lycée students are convinced that
society is moving toward greater intercultural mixing. Many think that such
an exchange among cultures is already a social reality, and that, little by
little, this change will also be reflected in the media. But that takes time.
CONCLUSION
We can wonder whether it is still meaningful to talk about ethnic groups
today, when young people look toward cultural mixing. At the same time,
we cannot ignore the fact that ethnic minorities, visible and invisible, seek
recognition in real life and in media that are a reflection of society.
We have hypothesized that the need for recognition is related to
globalization, and the fear of a certain uniformization. In the tension
between global and local, which some people freely call the “glocal,” there
is a strong desire to seek cultural authenticity and specificity. But we must
not delude ourselves: ethnic discrimination exists at every level of society,
not only in media representation.
We are thus confronted with a dilemma:
Not to discuss this would closely resemble hypocrisy. Discussing it might
lead to polarization and reinforcement of the problems.
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We believe that reflection on media exclusion of certain social groups
should not be reduced only to ethnic minorities. Brecht demonstrated this
brilliantly in his play The Roundheads and The Peakheads, showing that
behind the question of ethnicity, the question of class is almost always
lurking.
It is above all a question of the relationship between dominant and
dominated, and cultural studies too often take the place of economic and
social analyses of a phenomenon.
We have clearly seen that the under-representation of young people of
foreign origin on television is felt by young people, and particularly by
young people of immigrant origin, as a lack of recognition, a stigmatization,
resembling symbolic violence.
But if young people today are no longer co-respondent to that violence, as
was the generation of their parents, it is nonetheless a painful reality. We
must recall that the socio-economic situation has changed. At the beginning
of the “30 glorious years,” (cf. Gastaut 1999) the first generation of
immigrants from the former colonies came because France needed labor.
Men came first, without their families, with the idea of returning home.
With the enactment of the law allowing family reunification, the immigrants
slowly settled in. Now, the situation of the 2nd and 3rd generations is not at
all comparable to that of their parents, and it is therefore normal that the
conception of integration is changing: youths no longer want to fit into the
mold, without a fuss, and they are, for the most part, French-born and
already integrated.
The problem is thus elsewhere, as the group Zebda sings in le Bruit et
l’Odeur:
Quand j’ai compris la loi, j’ai compris ma défaite
Intégrez-vous disait-elle, c’était chose déjà faite
When I got the law, I got my defeat
It said integrate, I said that’s complete
Youth rightfully demand full integration, but an integration that no longer
means assimilation. They want to keep their specificity, which is connected
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to their dual cultural belonging, while having the same rights as all French
citizens. Among those rights is the right not to be discriminated against on
the basis of national origin, at school, in university, in various educational
and training programs, and of course in employment.
There is the right to recognition, for example in the presence of journalists,
hosts, and fictional characters that represent the whole cultural diversity of
the society. Television – with the public service channels out front – must
set an example, force themselves to have an objective approach, close to
reality, and not to limit themselves to the negative aspects of immigration
but also to present examples of successful immigration.
Because, among our fundamental rights is the right to express oneself freely
in every artistic and cultural domain, and to be part of the collective
imagination. We think we are advancing in that direction. Many young
people of immigrant origin are creative and express themselves successfully
through music, film, dance, sports, literature, etc. Television has largely
participated in the success of certain of these artists. It is taking place, but it
requires time, and, above all, a change of mentality.
No law has ever changed people’s mentalities, as they said during women’s
liberation in the 1970s. It took women a long time to gain recognition. In
some areas, there is still much to be done, notably in terms of political
representation. But little by little, they took their place, and now no one
questions the fact that women are well represented and well presented in the
media. This is in fact one of the movement’s most spectacular successes.
The same applies for other dominated and under-represented groups, but it
won’t happen by itself. It is necessary to fight in order to change things, not
to limit oneself to spiteful discontentment that leads to meaningless
violence, often striking at the wrong targets.
Surely it is not erroneous to make the comparison between women and
minorities, and we can recall that during the women’s liberation movement,
Simone de Beauvoir clearly stated that the struggle begins by putting words
to the phenomena:
“Naming is unveiling, and unveiling is action!”
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Educational Proposals
Our proposals are principally related to the work of changing conceptions,
which must therefore take place in schools or educational settings. Believing
that school – like the media – has a primary role to play as a factor in
integration, we propose teaching methods in the domain of education about
media and citizenship, using various aids:
- extracts from feature films
- short films
- extracts from television programs
- extracts from radio programs
- press clippings
- work with founding texts, in particular the Declaration of Human Rights
and the Convention on the Rights of the Child, as well as other texts of all
kinds.
Approach and activities
Without presenting the details, we propose orienting this work between
- a media reception analysis (different types of media: press, radio,
television and Internet)
- a video production workshop on the theme of exclusion and
discrimination
Research Proposals
We restate the proposals made at the end of part one:
1) create an observatory that would study the media representation of young
people.
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2) conduct studies, both quantitative and qualitative, taking into account the
ensemble of independent variables, notably sex, age, and socio-cultural
origin.
Recommendations
Modeled on the international day of the representation of women in the
media, we propose an annual international day for surveying media products
to study the evolution of the representation of minorities. Such a census, in
the same vein as that of the representation of women, could be led, for
example, by Censis, in a European context (cf. Margaret Gallagher,
Bradford, June 2001).
Finally, we propose to conduct a study on the recruitment for, and the
contents of programs in, journalism schools.
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More Colour in Media, Employment and access of ethnic minorities to the
television industry in Germany, the U.K., France, The Netherlands and
Finland. 1999. Co-ordinated by the European Institute for the Media in cooperation with the European Centre for Work and Society, STOA and the
University of Luton.
Le Conseil National de la Jeunesse : l'Etude de la représentation des
jeunes dans les J.T. et sur le traitement de la question des raves parties sur
France 2 (J.T. de 13H et de 20H en mai -juin 2001) et dans les magazines
d'actualité (sur toutes les chaînes hertziennes depuis 1999). 2001. M. Drouet
and M. Garnier-Lavalley. Le journal des actrices et des acteurs de la
Jeunesse et des Sports.
REVIEWS, MAGAZINES, OTHER
Cultures, La construction des identités. Sciences Humaines 110 (November
2000).
Coup de jeune chez les profs. La Monde de l'Education 282 (June 2000).
Classes ethniques: les langues se délient. La Monde de l'Education 284
(September 2000).
La communauté juive en première ligne. Le Monde de l’Education 300
(February 2002).
Les actes d'intimidation sont en augmentation. Le Monde de l'Education
300(February 2002).
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Sofres annual survey for Télérama-La Croix about media credibility.
Télérama 2716 (2-8 February, 2002).
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3.
THE NETHERLANDS:
MEDIA AND MINORITY POLICY
BY STOA
1.
Introduction
The past ten years of Dutch media policy was dominated by the creation of
a public broadcasting organisation able to compete in a dual (= public and
commercial) system of broadcasting. This was needed as a counterforce
after the arrival of commercial broadcasters like RTL4, RTL5, SBS6, Yorin
and Net 5. The discussion on the public broadcasting system has since
focussed on the market position and scale of the public stations, the
broadcasting system’s profile among viewers and listeners and cooperation
between the various broadcasters.
Due to the constant urging of such organisations as Stichting Omroep en
Allochtonen (Dutch Foundation for Ethnic Minorities and Media or Stoa), a
foundation that urges a better reflection of the multicultural society in the
national, regional and local media, the role of the media in the multicultural
society has regularly been placed on the political agenda by the Lower
House of the Dutch parliament over the past ten years. Successive ministers
and state secretaries were questioned on policy documents and policy
evaluations. Media and minorities went from being an ad hoc subject to a
structural component in media and cultural policy.
In 1999 the government presented the Notitie Media- en Minderhedenbeleid
(Policy Paper on Media and Minorities Policy)52 to the Lower House. The
guiding principle in this policy paper is that the changes in the composition
of the Dutch population must be perceptible in the media in terms of
programmes, programme makers and viewers. Its underlying objectives are
to increase the quality and diversity of the media offer, improve the reach of
52
TK 1998-1999, 26 597, no. 1
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Immigrants and ethnic minorities in mass media. Representation and policies
Dutch media for cultural minorities and stimulate a balanced portrayal and a
debate on the multicultural society. This is based on the idea that this can
contribute to the process of mutual integration.
The public and commercial broadcasters and other media organisations are
also discovering that ethnic minority consumers make up a significant share
of their potential customer group and are accordingly important to their
continued existence. The advancing integration of cultural minorities is
clearly expressed in the media use of second and third generation migrants.
They grew up in the Netherlands and have enjoyed a Dutch education.
Research has proven that, as a result, their viewing and listening behaviour
displays more similarities than dissimilarities to that of the native majority
in the Netherlands. Yet on the whole the public television stations have less
success reaching cultural minorities than reaching the native majority. This
leads us to conclude that the public broadcasters do not yet meet the needs
of ethnic minorities satisfactorily. Consequently, ethnic minority media
consumers are forced to rely to some degree on satellite stations from their
country of origin.
There is an essential difference between satellite programmes and Dutch
terrestrial programmes specifically oriented to migrants. Only the terrestrial
programmes pay any great attention to Dutch society and the position of
minority groups in it, in addition to the cultural traditions and countries of
origin of those groups. There appears to be a need for precisely such a blend
among cultural minorities. Public broadcasting has a task to fulfil here. The
Concession Act regulates the terms of reference of the public broadcasting:
“A public broadcaster that takes itself seriously, also takes seriously the
wishes and needs of the various age groups and communities within its
audience. Having an eye for diverse experiences and perspectives within the
multicultural society is a condition of diversity and quality in the
programming of the broadcasters.”
The theme of ‘media and minorities’ has gained a clear and acknowledged
place in government policy in the past few years. Yet it appears that the
broadcasting world, in spite of various positive initiatives, such as the Meer
Kleur in de Media (More Colour in the Media) projects that were carried out
on the initiative of Stoa, is unable to respond to the reality of the modern
multicultural society in terms of either their staff complements or their
programmes.
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This paper begins with a brief historical survey of the media and minorities
policy. It will indicate how this policy is interwoven with the government’s
integration policy and sets forth the current state of play (January 2002).
This is followed by a description of the media landscape in the Netherlands
and an examination of cultural diversity in the media. The last paragraph
surveys selected projects and activities that have been initiated by
organisations, broadcasters and governments during the past twenty-four
months.
2.
2.1.
Media (and minorities) policy in the Netherlands
Brief historical survey of the media and minorities policy
In 1983 both the Minderhedennota (Policy Document on Minorities) and the
Medianota (Policy Document on the Media) focused on the disadvantaged
position of minorities in terms of the use of mass media in the Netherlands.
To correct this, the government felt that “a number of measures [are]
justified that put minorities in a better position to aspire to emancipation.” A
number of themes are central here; these themes are derived from the
general aspiration to equal participation and development opportunities for
all citizens. Special attention was given to the possibilities of producing
radio and television programmes for minorities, because these media can be
very significant factors, nationally, regionally and locally, in the
assimilation of minorities in Dutch society and, in addition, in their own
cultural perception and development. At the same time, it was recognised
that there was a great need among minorities for information on policy
measures specifically meant for them, and for programmes that (largely)
consist of artistic and cultural expressions and entertainment from their
country of origin. Experiments with migrant television and Studio IM (a
facilities and support services company for the production of video
programmes for minorities) were started, while the broadcast time
“specially reserved” for minorities (Paspoort) by the Dutch Broadcast
Authority (NOS) was also extended a couple of times. After four years,
policy on the local experiments was amended as part of the ‘new’
decentralisation policy. While the experiments were successful, their
continuation became the financial responsibility of the local governments.
Intensive lobbying by Stoa and the local migrant broadcasting organisations
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was able to prevent the complete loss of the local migrant broadcasters. This
lobbying ultimately led to the preservation of the local broadcasters’
national resources through the establishment of a national service
organisation (SOM-Media). Ultimately, only the Municipality of
Amsterdam has continued to invest in migrant television, which has led to
the disappearance of the other local initiatives in time.
The Media Council report Media en Allochtonen (Media and Ethnic
Minorities) was published in December 1989. In it the Media Council
argued for the introduction of an extra incentives policy promoting
substantial central government driven media facilities specially oriented to
ethnic minorities. At national level, the NOS was obliged to maintain the
number of own-language programmes for minorities. It argued for a better
structural embedding of programmes for minorities in the public
broadcasting system. At the urging of Stoa and the request of the Lower
House the government crystallised its reply in the 1991 Notitie Media en
Minderheden (Policy Paper on Media and Minorities). This policy paper
was based on the guiding principles of the Allochtonenbeleid (Ethnic
Minorities Policy) report published by the WRR (Policy Research Council) in
1989. The WRR advised the government to gear its integration policy to
three sectors: employment, education and adult education. The WRR
championed the unlinking of integration and culture policy. That means that
neither ‘negative’ nor ‘positive’ discrimination of ethnic minorities is
considered acceptable. When ethnic minorities experience certain
thresholds, the government may help lower them to a level corresponding to
that experienced by the native majority. Integration and assimilation are
spearheads of the policy; the perception of their own culture becomes the
responsibility of the groups themselves. The WRR’s Allochtonenbeleid
report observed that ethnic minority cultures find relatively little resonance
in the media of the Netherlands. Access thresholds often prove to be too
high. Local stations prove to meet an important need precisely among those
groups.
In line with the WRR’s recommendations, the Notitie ‘Media- en
Minderhedenbeleid’53 chiefly concentrated on presenting a good image of
ethnic minorities in the media, as this has a very important role in the drive
to integrate ethnic minorities into society. Although the positive action
announced by the broadcasting organisations did not produce any results,
53
TK 1990-1991, 22 166, no. 1
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the government was not willing to impose coercive measures. The minister
of Welfare, Public Health & Culture went on a working visit to the BBC in
London on the recommendation of Stoa to examine the effect of the equal
opportunities policy there. The trade unions were given an important role.
Incentive measures by government in education would appear to be a more
natural approach. The government was not willing to continue to subsidise
local broadcasting initiatives and saw a role for Stoa in assisting them. The
Notitie Media en Minderheden signified the start of the interculturalisation
policy directed at the national public broadcaster and the acknowledgement
of the wishes advanced by minorities’ organisations for years. The WRR’s
recommendation induced the NOS to discontinue its specific target grouporiented television programmes (Paspoort), referring to the WRR’s
observation that it would be preferable to broadcast these programmes
locally and the fact that Turks and Moroccans now have access to
programmes in their own languages transmitted by satellite from their
countries of origin. This was expressed by the NOS, in a document entitled
Allochtonen en Omroep (Ethnic Minorities and Broadcasting) (January
1990), which clarifies its position. This decision led to hefty protests from
the various migrant groupings. According to Stoa the conclusion that the
NOS memorandum draws from the WRR report was completely different to
the conclusion drawn by the Media Council, Stoa and the Lower House.
These bodies used the observations in the WRR report precisely to enhance
the position of minorities in the media at all levels. Not only at local level,
but at national level too. This was expressed not only in the Media
Council’s recommendation to beef up the NOS’s terms of reference, but
also in the fact that the Lower House asked the minister of Welfare, Public
Health & Culture to urge the NOS to earmark broadcast time, objectives and
resources for programmes for minorities and finally, as argued by Stoa, to
lay down the right of minorities to their own programmes in the new Media
Act. In spite of the protests the NOS stood by its decision.
After a period of relative calm, in 1996 the media and minorities policy
once more became the subject of political debate on a number of occasions.
The immediate reason was the growing interest among some groups for
their ‘own’ satellite stations from the country of origin, and reporting by
these stations on few social events in the Netherlands54. This interest was
seen as a threat to the integration process. There was renewed interest in the
‘national and local’ target group programmes in the Netherlands. These
54
Veldkamp Marktonderzoek, 1996
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programmes were seen as a possible counterweight to the ‘foreign’
programmes. Urged on by Stoa, the Lower House was again asked to
produce a policy document. State Secretary Nuis subsequently formulated a
government position on 31 October 1997 in a policy memorandum 55 on the
Lower House’s media and minorities policy. The memorandum announced
a study into the nature and scale of programming for minorities by national,
regional and local broadcasters. It also acknowledged Stoa’s importance:
‘Stoa has a task with respect to more fundamental attention for and varied
portrayal of minorities. In its activities, it is equally oriented to the
commercial and public broadcasting organisations, partly through
independent producers. Over the past few years I have wholeheartedly
supported Stoa’s activities, and I shall continue to do so.’
The policy document on culture 1997-200056 addressed the intercultural
issue in detail. It even derived its title from it: Pantser of Ruggengraat
(Armature or Backbone). In terms of broadcasters and press, attention was
given to the Meer Kleur in de Media action plan (Stoa and Public
Broadcasting) and the limited reach of the NPS transmissions oriented to
ethnic minorities. Evidence for that was provided by the 199557 NOS/KLOcommissioned media study into ethnic groups. Against this backdrop, a
study was announced into the possibility migrants have of cancelling their
subscriptions to the cable network when they can increasingly receive
programmes by satellite from their countries of origin. It was announced
that extra resources were being made available to subsidise Stoa, Stichting
Service Organisatie Migranten Media (Migrant Service Organisation
Agency, or SOM-Media), an agency that produced multicultural television
programmes for the four large cities that merged with MTV (Migrant
Television Amsterdam) in November 2001, and projects that contribute to
the participation of migrants in the media. It was also explained how the
government is to interpret the Wallage motion. This motion asks the
government to realise programmes to teach newcomers the Dutch language
through the mass media. Teleac/NOT has been commissioned to produce a
series of educational programmes.
The results of the study into cable use by ethnic minorities were submitted
to the Lower House on 22 June 1998. At the same time, Stoa published a
report on the position of local broadcasting organisations, entitled
55
TK 1997-1998, 25601, no. 8
TK 1996-1997, 25 013, no. 1
57
Veldkamp Marktonderzoek, 1996
56
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Ongehoord Onzichtbaar (Unheard Unseen). During its debate on the policy
memorandum in question the Lower House requested a follow-up policy
paper on the media and minorities policy. This was the first incidence of
policy-oriented attention for target group programming, alongside the drive
to increase the intercultural nature of the national public broadcaster.
The policy document on integration, Kansen krijgen, kansen pakken. Het
integratiebeleid 1999 – 200058 (Getting Opportunities, Taking
Opportunities. Integration Policy 1999-2000), was presented in 1998.
Integration policy stands or falls by the capacity of people to accept the
multicultural society. In addition to more familiar policy instruments such as
legislation and subsidies, there was an increasing understanding of the role
of communication in the realisation of integration policy. Accordingly,
within the integration policy of the Ministry of the Interior and Kingdom
Relations a special action programme (action programme 4) was dedicated
to communication. This action programme has two facets:
- Raising the perception of the integration process in the Netherlands,
which includes the integration policy at national and local level,
social initiatives and their impact on the native majority and
members of ethnic minorities in society (objective: a balanced
portrayal; target group: broad, general public);
- Promoting optimal insight into available knowledge, experiences and
insights to make integration possible (objective: effective use of
expertise; target group: integration facilitators in the public sector, social
organisations and so on)
There was also a special section dedicated to culture and media. Cultural
convergence and confrontation is an important issue in cultural and media
policy. This is actually in line with the given that many members of ethnic
minority groups are second and third generation migrants. It is precisely
intercultural activities and programmes that can involve these young people
in culture and media – as audience and as makers.
In 1999 the cabinet presented a Notitie Media- en Minderhedenbeleid59 in
connection with the earlier Notitie Ruim Baan voor Culturele Diversiteit60,
58
TK 1998-1999, 26 333, no. 1
TK 1998-1999, 26 597, no. 1
60
TK 1998-1999, 26 565, no. 1 en 2
59
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(Make Way for Cultural Diversity Policy Paper), which was chiefly oriented
to the arts and cultural heritage and lays down the guiding principles for the
new culture period. The document addressed the conclusions and proposals
in Stoa’s Ongehoord Onzichtbaar report in some detail. Many of the
proposals were adopted. The guiding principle of the Notitie media- en
minderhedenbeleid was that the changes in the composition of the Dutch
population must be perceptible in the media in terms of programmes,
programme makers and audience. At the same time, initiatives were
announced to upgrade the professional character of migrant television and
radio in the large cities. The content of this policy paper was almost entirely
taken from the policy document on culture and the explanatory
memorandum to the new Concession Act.
2.2.
Media and minorities as part of present media policy
In the opinion of the government, national television is perfectly suited to
fulfilling a binding function. It demands attention for the multicultural
society over the whole range of programmes. National radio offers more
room for segmentation, but here too, there should not be any isolated ‘ethnic
minority’ or ‘native majority’ broadcasting practices on individual stations.
According to the government, the core task of the public broadcaster is to
offer a varied, high quality range of radio and television programmes on
various subjects on open networks. The public broadcaster must guarantee
diversity and quality and distinctive programming. In other words, the
broadcaster must offer a faithful reflection of the various population groups
in the multicultural society. In the formulation offered by the explanatory
memorandum to the Concession Act: (-) ‘I think it is essential that the public
broadcaster express that we live in a multicultural society - both
quantitatively (in number of presenters, guests, actors, etc) and qualitatively
(for example, the choice of subjects and points of view). I want to give more
weight to the aim of the board of management of the NOS of realising a
balanced reflection of ethnic and native minorities in programming. I see a
number of leverage points to lay down the task of the public broadcaster on
this point. First of all, in the general remit to the public broadcaster as a
whole. And also in the legally formulated profiling task and in the
concession conditions to be drawn up by me. The remit of the NPS in the
field of programming for minorities already incorporated in the Media
Decree will be enhanced.(-) It will be laid down that the programme
reinforcement budget is also available for minority-oriented programming.
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Within the framework of the requirement governing the informational
nature of programming to be prescribed, I want to open up the possibility of
also demanding answerability for performances with respect to minority
programming (-) (State Secretary F. van der Ploeg for Education, Culture
and Science).’
According to the government there are good opportunities for reinforcing
specific ethnic minority-oriented programming at local level at this time
(without relieving the national broadcaster of this task). In the four large
cities, the size of the target group alone is a good reason to do this. In
addition, the local broadcasting organisation is able to offer room to smallscale initiatives from among the ethnic minorities themselves. The cabinet
feels that it is sensible to give a specific impulse to radio where a healthy
base exists. In the four large cities local public radio has developed to a
greater or lesser degree into an important platform for expression and
emancipation of cultural minorities. It is estimated that over a hundred
volunteer editorial offices run by ethnic minorities produce radio
programmes and that the reach and appreciation they enjoy among listeners
is generally high. The limited distribution capacity is an issue; the radio
programmes are mostly transmitted by cable (Amsterdam South-East,
Rotterdam, The Hague and Utrecht). Given that half of all radio is accessed
across the ether, and that on average ethnic minorities are even more likely
to tune in to ether-based broadcasts, this is at the expense of the reach of
local minority programmes. The local licensed public broadcasters and the
relevant city councillors have therefore urged the cabinet to expand ether
frequencies for the benefit of programmes for ethnic minority groups. The
cabinet has asked the relevant municipalities and the public broadcasters in
the large cities to submit a plan that guarantees qualitative use of the ether
frequencies provided for local, public, minority-oriented programming. The
cabinet wishes to support local minority-oriented programming within the
framework of frequency allocation policy by making frequencies available
to the licensed public broadcasters in the four large cities.
Parallel to a growing number of radio and television programmes oriented to
ethnic minorities on local cable, chiefly produced by volunteer editorial
offices, there is a poorly functioning infrastructure for professional migrant
television. After Stoa formulated a proposal together with SOM-Media and
MTV for a new structure, the minister of Urban Policy and Integration of
Ethnic Minorities and the state secretary for Education, Culture and Science,
in consultation with the four large cities, decided to introduce improvements
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in the situation. This was based on the advice of organisational consultancy
Van Naem & Partners, which contained proposals about the establishment
of a central production organisation. This organisation, which has been
given the name Multiculturele Televisie Nederland (Multicultural Television
Netherlands or MTNL), takes over the tasks of SOM-Media and MTV.
MTNL was launched in November 2001 and produces programmes in close
association with regional and local broadcasting organisations or producers
for the four largest target groups: Turks, Moroccans, Surinamers and
Antilleans. The goal is to broadcast forty-five minutes worth of current
affairs programmes every week for each group, including fifteen minutes
worth of locally produced news. The government grant for the production of
local television programmes for migrants has been raised to cover this, on
the proviso that the municipalities jointly provide a significant part of the
budget. The Concession Act contains an article that makes it possible to
reserve part of the licence fee for this.
In municipalities where the number of migrant inhabitants is relatively high,
such must be optimally represented in the local broadcasting organisations’
policymaking body. The Media Authority (Commissariaat voor de Media)
has begun to oversee this point more energetically. Following on from that,
there is more attention for how representative cable programming councils
are. It has become more attractive for local broadcasters to transmit
programmes for minorities, since it was classified as a mandatory
programme category to which local broadcasters must devote fifty per cent
of their broadcast schedules since 1 January 2000.
In a memorandum on the media and minority policy61 submitted to the
Lower House in November 2000, State Secretary F. van der Ploeg reported
that significant progress had been achieved in various areas and that
(attention to) cultural diversity in the media was developing in a positive
way. He observed that the media and minorities policy is not “finished”, but
that the scaffolding around it is firm. In 2000 the activities of the Meer
Kleur in de Media project (Stoa and Public Broadcaster), which focuses on
supporting the intercultural personnel policy that is structurally embedded at
the NOS diversity agency Meer van Anders (More Diversity), while the
support of up-and-coming programme makers has become a core task of
Stoa. In 2001-2005 the Stimuleringsfonds Nederlands Culturele
Omroepproducties (Fund for the Promotion of Cultural Broadcasting in the
61
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Netherlands) will continue its policy of training multicultural talent in
association with the Maurits Binger Film Institute. Scouting of new talent
will be intensified and extended to other programme categories beyond
television drama, including documentaries, art programmes and children’s
programmes for television and radio. Besides the reservation of extra
frequencies for the local public broadcasters in the four large cities, the
media and minorities policy budget has been raised from EUR 2.3 million in
2000 to EUR 3.8 million in 2001. Media and minorities policy has
accordingly become an integral part of media and cultural policy.
3.
The media landscape in the Netherlands
3.1.
Introduction
The Netherlands has had a de facto and statutory dual system of public and
commercial broadcasting organisations since 1990. At that time, the public
broadcasters were forced to surrender half of their share of the audience’s
viewing time. While their market share was still around 75 per cent in 1990,
it has stabilised at just below 40 per cent in the past few years. Furthermore,
over 85 per cent of the population of the Netherlands tunes into public
television at least once a week. The commercial television stations had a
joint market share of 45 per cent in 1999. The remaining percentage
represents time spent by viewers watching foreign, regional and local
stations and video. The use of Internet has risen sharply in the past few
years, which appears, among some groups, to have been at the expense of
the number of hours spent watching television. In 1999, the national public
radio stations had a market share of 33 per cent, the regional public radio
stations 15 per cent and the commercial radio stations 46 per cent of total
listening time.
In the past ten years citizens of the Netherlands have been able to receive
more and more commercial radio and television stations. The rise of Internet
and digitisation of ether, cable and satellite in particular has been
responsible for expanding the media on offer, which furthermore is
increasingly geared to the individual preferences of users. The social
functions of the media have remained reasonably constant in the course of
this development: they are suppliers of information and opinion (democratic
function), platforms for expression and identity forming of groups and
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individuals (cultural function) and the engine of economic industry –
directly and indirectly through advertising (economic function). The
objective of the Dutch government‘s media policy is to enable as many
citizens as possible to access an independent, diverse and high quality
media.
Important instruments of the media policy are financing and distribution of
the public broadcaster, assistance for insolvent press bodies by the
Netherlands Press Fund (Bedrijfsfonds voor de Pers), allocation of ether
frequencies for broadcasting purposes, a basic cable subscription package
and open access to the cable infrastructure for providers.
3.2.
The public broadcaster
The public licensed broadcasting organisations are increasingly cooperating
in order to ensure that they continue to reach the general public. They are
also being driven by legislation. They plan the broadcasting schedules more
strategically than they used to according to programme popularity.
However, this has not led to more light entertainment. Rather, the public
broadcaster is presenting itself with informative programmes – varying from
news, current affairs and documentaries to light infotainment programmes
and talk shows. The five public radio stations have been given their own
'timbre'. Radio 1 is the news and current affairs station. Radio 2 is a broadbased news, entertainment and music station. Radio 3 is a popular music
station. Radio 4 is a classical music station and Radio 5 is a station with
background stories and opinions with programmes for a small audience and
specific target groups. The Media Act explicitly states that the public
broadcaster must determine the form and content of its programmes itself.
The act does lay down requirements in a general remit and an obligation to
produce a full programme, comprising information, education, culture and
entertainment.
The national public broadcaster as a whole was awarded a single concession
on 1 September 2000, granted to the NOS and valid for ten years. That is the
gist of the latest change to the Media Act62, the follow up to the
‘reorganisation act’ of 1997 and the tailpiece in the media legislation
introduced by the cabinet of the Purple Coalition (Paars). The Concession
62
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Act mainly regulates national broadcasting, but it also formulated a remit
for the public broadcaster that applies in principle to all levels, international,
national, regional and local. The national public broadcaster consists of
three types of organisation: the representative broadcasting organisations,
the non-representative small licensed broadcasters and those institutions
with a specific programme task: the NOS, the NPS, the Wereldomroep
(Radio Netherlands International) and the educational broadcasting
organisation united in EDUCOM. The Wereldomroep remains outside the
concessions system. Broadcasting organisations no longer have their own
license in the concession system, but a legitimisation valid for five years.
The full programme regulations apply to the public broadcaster as a whole;
the NOS has primary responsibility. There are cooperation agreements
between the NOS and the individual broadcasting organisations, laid down
in legal contracts. In the concession policy plan, the current participants
must show that they will make an adequate contribution to the remit and
policy resolutions of the public broadcaster, and that they will cooperate
with the NOS and other broadcasters.
The organisation of the Dutch public broadcaster has its origins in
compartmentalisation. As a result, the public broadcaster comprises various
licensees, each with its own identity (the broadcasting organisations and the
ideological small licensees) or with specific programme tasks (the NOS, the
NPS, and the educational broadcaster). Forty per cent of all NPS
programmes must be of a cultural nature and at least 20% must be
broadcasts for ethnic minorities. The NPS is the only broadcaster that is
obliged to produce programmes for minorities. In the Concession Act the
current percentages for minority programmes are 20% for television and
25% for radio. The Media Act also stipulates that the public broadcasters
must represent a religious, social or spiritual movement. They must have at
least 300,000 paid-up members to be eligible for a place in the schedule.
Membership of a broadcasting organisation was recently unlinked to the
subscription to the TV and radio listings magazine published by every
broadcasting organisation. The threshold for prospective broadcasters
wishing to join the system is 50,000. Prospective broadcasters are also
required to add something new to the existing schedules.
In 1999 the public broadcaster consisted of seven broadcasting
organisations: the NCRV (Protestant), the KRO (Roman Catholic), the
VARA (social-democratic), the AVRO (general), the TROS (general), the
VPRO (social-critical) and the EO (reformational). Veronica left the public
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broadcaster in 1995 to continue as a commercial station. Prospective
broadcasting organisation BNN (youth-oriented) joined the public system in
1998. Finally, the public broadcaster incorporates four types of
organisations that are eligible for broadcast time. They are religious
communities and communities with a spiritual foundation (including the
Organisatie voor Hindoe Media (Organisation for Hindu Media or OHM),
the Nederlandse Moslim Omroep (Netherlands Muslim Broadcasting
Organisation or NMO), and the Boeddhistische Omroep Stichting (Buddhist
Broadcasting Association or BOS)), educational institutions, political parties
and the government. Stichting Etherreclame (Radio and Television
Advertising Association or STER) was created to sell public radio and
television broadcast time to advertisers.
3.2.1. Regional broadcasters
The public regional broadcasters are active in all provinces, on the radio and
the television. The responsibility for regional broadcasting primarily rests
with the provinces, but the legal framework for these public broadcast
facilities are laid down in the Media Act. Two provisions of the Media Act
are especially relevant within the framework of media and minorities: the
objective of a regional broadcaster and the programme regulations. A
regional broadcaster sets itself the goal of producing a programme for
broadcast “oriented to such a degree to the satisfaction of (...) live social,
cultural, religious and spiritual needs in the province, that the institution
may be considered to be generally beneficial” (article 30 of the Media Act).
At least 50% of the regional broadcaster’s programme must be informative,
cultural and educational in nature, and more specifically it must be related to
the province for which the programme is intended (article 51 of the Media
Act).
As a logical consequence of these provisions the regional broadcasters must
give attention to the social situation of minorities in the province in
question. There are naturally significant differences between provinces in
terms of the percentage of minorities in the overall population. That may
lead to one regional broadcaster giving more time to these communities than
other regional broadcasters. But generally in their programming, all regional
broadcasting organisations have a responsibility to involve this section of
the population. It is part of the public service character of these non-national
public broadcasters. The ministry of Education, Culture and Science
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(OC&W) consults with both the provinces (Association of Provincial Authorities
or IPO) and the regional broadcasters on how to foster programming for
minorities, on both regional radio and regional television. The Concession
Act offers the possibility of separate financing for this. The regional
broadcasters are united in Stichting Regionale Omroep, Overleg en
Samenwerking (Organisation for Consultation and Cooperation in Regional
Broadcasting or ROOS).
3.2.2. Local broadcasters
The first transmissions by local broadcasters date back to 1971. This type of
media is growing fast in the Netherlands thanks to the high concentration of
cabling. Since 1988 the local broadcasters have also been able to utilise
ether-transmitting stations. Only one broadcasting organisation is granted a
broadcasting license in every municipality. The programme must relate to
the municipality in question. The Media Act obliges local broadcasters to
focus on satisfying the live social, cultural, religious and spiritual needs in
the municipality. They must also have a ‘policymaking body’ that is
representative of the municipality.
On 31 December 2000 there were 320 local broadcasters in the Netherlands,
collectively serving 453 municipalities. Most of them offer ether- and cablebased transmissions. Of those 320 broadcasting organisations, 306
broadcasters regularly (which means every day or every week at a fixed
time) transmit radio programmes. In addition, there are 99 broadcasters that
(also) transmit television programmes. No restrictions are imposed on
broadcast times, but in practice these vary from a few hours a day to (an
exceptional) twelve hours a day. The majority of local broadcasters are
staffed by volunteers, with the exception of those in the large cities, where
programmes are now realised by professional licensed broadcasters. The
local broadcasters are united in the Organisatie van Lokale Omroepen in
Nederland (Dutch Local Broadcasters' Organisation or Olon).
3.2.3. Stimuleringsfonds Nederlandse Culturele Omroepproducties
Stichting Stimuleringsfonds Nederlandse Culturele Omroepproducties
(Fund for the Promotion of Cultural Broadcasting in the Netherlands) was
established on 1 January 1988. This fund is responsible for the award of
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financial grants to help in the development and production of programmes
that are of a special Dutch cultural nature. These programmes must be
broadcast under the responsibility of one of the broadcasting corporations,
the NOS or the NPS. At the beginning of 2000 the regional broadcasters
were also added to this list. The fund is financed by an annual contribution
from the broadcasting budget.
In principle only mainly Dutch-speaking productions are eligible for a grant.
In his policy paper Media en Minderheden, the state secretary of OC&W
writes that the Promotion Fund is meant for special Dutch cultural broadcast
productions. As the occasion arises, the fund may subordinate the language
criterion to the importance of honouring the high quality programme
proposals of or about migrants living in the Netherlands. In past years the
Promotion Fund has applied just such a policy a couple of times.
3.3.
Commercial broadcasting in the Netherlands
At a time that law in the Netherlands did not permit commercial television,
RTL 4 started transmitting from Luxembourg. RTL 5 followed in 1991.
Both stations are still under the authority of the Luxembourg government.
The formal Dutch commercial television stations are Yorin, SBS-6, Net 5,
FOX8/TV10, The Music Factory (TMF), and Cartoon Netwerk. The
commercial television stations typically rely on films, drama, quizzes, light
entertainment, news and sport. There are some ten commercial radio
stations in the Netherlands. Sky Radio has quickly grown into the
commercial station with the largest market share. There are a number of
legal rules governing commercial broadcasting. These are mostly derived
from European directives and address advertising (maximum quantity, no
clandestine advertising, no alcohol or tobacco), protection of the nation’s
youth (notably from sex and violence on television), and percentages of
Dutch, European and independent productions. Another important factor in
the proper functioning of commercial broadcasting is the government’s
policy with respect to the distribution infrastructures, particularly ether
frequencies and the cable.
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Immigrants and ethnic minorities in mass media. Representation and policies
Cable and satellite
The rules governing cable exploitation were relaxed in 1997 in order to give
the subscriber management centres – the cable operators – more elbowroom
to operate their cable networks more commercially and to increase
opportunities for them to produce their own programmes. A cable operator
has a must-carry obligation with respect to a number of programmes – the
basic package – it transmits in full and simultaneously to all those
connected. A programming council set up in every municipality determines
the composition of the basic package. The composition of the population in
the municipality in question must be taken into account in the composition
of this programming council. The cable manager is basically free to decide
the remaining channels. It is also permitted to shorten radio and television
programmes that are not part of the basic package or broadcast them at
different times, which makes compilations of programmes possible. Besides
these traditional programme services a cable network may also be used to
transmit, among other things, subscriber television, subscriber radio, cable
newspaper and cabletext. Cable managers may also offer other
communication services above and beyond programme services, if this is
not contrary to the provisions laid down in the Telecommunications Act
(WTV). This Act allows cable managers to offer any telecommunication
services with the exception of speech telephony.
In the Netherlands, hundreds of channels can be received with a satellite
dish. Signals are relayed by various satellites (including Eutelsat, Arabsat,
Turksat, Hotbird, Intelsat and Astra) from a great number of radio and TV
stations from all over the world. These stations can be accessed in living
rooms using a satellite dish. Many Dutch citizens of Moroccan and Turkish
origin tune into Arab and Turkish stations. But an increasing percentage of
the native majority in the Netherlands is also buying dishes, to receive
foreign radio and television stations. The choice of stations offered by a
satellite dish is enormous after all.
3.5.
The Media Authority
The Media Authority (Commissariaat voor de Media), headquartered in
Hilversum, has the following tasks, to name a few:
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- Regulating compliance with the various legal stipulations and regulations
pertaining to radio, television, subscriber TV, cable newspaper and
cabletext;
- Allocating broadcast time and cable time respectively to national,
regional and local broadcasters;
- Fixing the amounts that the national broadcasters receive in fees for their
programmes;
- Promoting consultation, coordination and cooperation between national
broadcasters and the Nederlands Omroepproductie Bedrijf (Netherlands
Broadcasting Services Corporation or NOB).
Leadership of the Media Authority is in the hands of three commissioners, a
chairperson and two members, appointed by Royal Decree for a period of
five years. On 1 January 1999 the Media Authority beefed up its regulation
of the public character of the local broadcasters. Stricter demands were
introduced governing the performance of the representative body. This body
is expected to acquire greater responsibilities in the day-to-day functioning
of the broadcaster. The composition of the representative body is to be
reviewed more regularly. There are clear opportunities to stimulate a good
representation of ethnic minorities. The Media Authority and Olon are
giving special attention to this aspect in their information campaign on the
new regulatory regime.
3.6.
Press
The most important sectors of the Dutch press are, in turn, daily
newspapers, non-daily newspapers, periodicals and free distribution advertising
newspapers and other free newspapers. The Netherlands Publishers
Association (Nederlands Uitgeversverbond) (NUV) is the industry
association of book, newspaper and periodical publishers. Created in 1996
on the back of cooperation between three industry associations the KNUB
(Royal Dutch Publishers Association), the NDP (Netherlands Non-daily Newspaper
Publishers’ Association) and the NOTU (Netherlands Organization of Magazine
Publishers), the NUV promotes the collective interests of all affiliated
publishing firms (more than 140 in number) in the Netherlands. The nondaily newspaper sector (local papers published less than six times a week) is
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organised in the Netherlands Non-daily Newspaper Publishers’ Association (NNP), to
which three-quarters of the non-daily newspapers are affiliated. The
majority of journalists are organised in the Netherlands Union of Journalists
(NVJ).
3.6.1. Dailies
In 2000 seven national, 26 regional and four special-interest dailies were
published in the Netherlands. In total there were 37 dailies with an
independent chief editor that year. Together with around thirty alternative
flags, that makes 65 titles. The total circulation of daily newspapers in the
Netherlands was over 4.4 million in 2000, 55% of which were regional and
45% national dailies. Slightly more than 2% of the total circulation was
formed by the specialised dailies like Het Financieele Dagblad, Agrarisch
Dagblad, Cobouw and Dagblad Scheepvaart. Since 1955 the number of
independent daily newspaper publishers has more than halved. In 2000 the
Netherlands supported twelve independent daily newspaper publishers,
while the two biggest, Holdingmij De Telegraaf and De Perscombinatie,
were responsible for around 60% of total sales. Dailies publishers are very
keen to curb extensive concentration in the industry. A self-regulating code
stipulates that concentrations that lead to a share of one-third or more of the
Dutch dailies market are not permitted. In June 1999 two new national
dailies were introduced within a short space of time. Spits and Metro are
freely distributed at all Dutch railway stations. Both papers achieved great
success very quickly. A 1999 study by De Telegraaf (publisher of Spits)
shows that the two dailies are read by approximately 700,000 people,
mainly in the 18-49 age bracket, while 300,000 people in this group read
both papers.
There are only four independent regional dailies; the rest are published to a
greater or lesser degree by concerns. Almost all Dutch dailies are published
by private and public limited companies. The exceptions that prove the rule
are a couple of papers published by foundations or associations. The Dutch
daily press is characterised by certain forms of cooperation in terms of the
paper’s editorial content. There are press bureaus and editorial cooperatives.
The non-dailies, newspapers that are published less than six times a week
and at least once a week, are a reasonably heterogeneous group. According
to the NNP, there are sixty or so non-dailies that are sold for cash. In
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addition, there are about fifty that combine free editions with issues for
cash.
3.6.2. Periodicals
An estimated 2000 plus periodicals are published in the Netherlands. The
NOTU distinguishes four main groups among its members: weekly
newsmagazines, programme listing magazines for radio and television,
general-interest magazines and specialist journals. Over 1800 specialist
journals are published under the umbrella of the NOTU. Due to their
agenda-setting function, the newsmagazines are relatively important to the
democratic process. The leading national newsmagazines are Elsevier, Vrij
Nederland, HP/De Tijd, Hervormd Nederland and De Groene
Amsterdammer.
3.6.3. The Press Fund
Since 1974 the Netherlands Press Fund (Bedrijfsfonds voor de Pers) has
fulfilled an important task in the implementation of the press policy. The
scope of the Press Fund and the instruments it has at its disposal to realise
its objectives are laid down in the Media Act. In its advice with respect to
papers for cultural minorities63, the Press Fund points out pressure points in
the domain of information provision by and for minorities. The lack of
information sources in their own language means that this group often
misses out on information. Dutch newspapers are read by few in this group:
not only due to the language issue, but also because the group finds too little
in Dutch newspapers that relates to their own lives. There should be a
greater emphasis on the news and multicultural aspects in reporting. Most
migrant groups feel that the availability of newspapers in their own
language is reasonably important, but they are not geared to life in the
Netherlands. In December 2001 the cabinet approved the proposal of State
Secretary Van der Ploeg of Education, Culture and Science to expand the
scope of operation of the Press Fund. As a result, the fund will be able to
deliver a more active contribution to modernising and transforming the
press world. In a memorandum to the Lower House the cabinet outlines the
trends that influence the press industry and makes proposals about pluralism
63
Bedrijfsfonds voor de Pers, 1999
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in information provision by preserving and stimulating the press. The fund
is permitted to assist new newspapers oriented to cultural minorities to
improve the access of ethnic minorities to information. Around EUR 0.6
million a year has been made available to realise just this over a period of
four years. Over three years, EUR .26 million a year has been reserved to
stimulate journalism products on the Internet.
4.
4.1.
Cultural diversity in the media
Media content for the multicultural society
Programme- and policymakers in public broadcasting are starting to realise
that more colour in the media is no bad thing, in part thanks to Stoa, the
NVJ Project Office Migranten en Media and the NOS Diversity Bureau
Meer van Anders. The ‘white bastion of broadcasting’ is accordingly getting
some colour in its cheeks, on the set and behind the scenes. Such initiatives
as the ‘black’ television soap Bradaz (NPS), the TV and radio registration of
the cultural multimedia spectacle Roots en Routes (NPS, Stoa, R2001) and
the new multicultural commercial radio station Colorful Radio are striking
examples. Laws and rules stimulate the public-broadcasting corporations to
ramp up cultural diversity in terms of programmes and personnel. Yet radio
and television still fails to reflect society in a balanced way. Internet could
also use a broader palette. Happily, the medium is making great and swift
strides in the right direction. The worldwide web offers many opportunities
for many multicultural initiatives that have no chance of being realised in
‘traditional media’.
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4.1.1. Audiovisual media content
At national level the NPS is the broadcaster with the most multicultural and
target group programmes. Nationwide, the Media Act obliges the NPS to
devote 20% of its television schedule and 25% of its radio schedule to
ethnic minorities. The NPS aims to make programming as a whole more
multicultural, most notably though drama and children’s programmes.
Target group television, information and education in one’s own language
and directed at specific ethnic groups, is the exclusive bastion of the
Allochtoon Video Circuit (Ethnic Minorities Video Circuit). The NPS
broadcasts its target group radio programmes on Radio 5. Turks, Moroccans
and Chinese have a daily programme in their own language; Surinamers,
Antilleans/Arabians and Moluccans have a weekly programme every
weekend. The NPS expects the need among first- and second-generation
ethnic minorities for programmes in their own language to continue for
some time. Besides the NPS, the Organisation for Hindu Media (OHM), the
Netherlands Muslim Broadcasting Organisation (NMO) and the Evangelical
Broadcasting Association (EO) broadcast programmes specially oriented to
ethnic minorities. The other public and commercial broadcasters lack any
special multicultural programming and do not broadcast any target group
programmes.
Regional broadcasters (commercial and public alike) in the west of the
country make programmes that focus on the large city life. The fastevolving population makeup in the large cities has changed the potential
consumer group of the local and regional media. That is one of the reasons
why a number of these broadcasters are adopting intercultural characteristics
to engage the new consumer groups. AT-5, RTV-West, Omroep Utrecht and
RTV-Rijnmond have set the ball rolling. One problem they are confronted
with is the lack of media professionals from ethnic minorities that live up to
their profiles. Furthermore, at this time there are too few people from ethnic
minorities who follow existing professional training programmes.
Local target group programmes
The local target group programmes have an important social and cultural
function within the communities. Programmes are used to inform people
about events within their own circle and in Dutch society. There is attention
for the language and culture of viewers and listeners, which is an important
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glue. Finally, the local broadcasters function as discussion platforms for live
issues in the community and in Dutch society. Government and local
institutions are making increasing use of these channels to reach the ethnic
groups in their city or region. The target group programmes have
accordingly become an important inspirer of participation and integration.
The broadcasters themselves function as a spawning ground for new media
talent. Various people at these broadcasters have already moved on to the
general media, which has led to the need for renewed investment in training.
Out of sheer necessity, ethnic minority groups make a lot of use of their own
local and international media (cable, satellite, Internet). In the Netherlands
there are some 200 editorial offices run by ethnic minorities (more than
1000 staff) that produce radio and television programmes for their own
groups. These ‘own’ local media are made with minimal financial resources,
often by volunteers. The majority of the local radio and television
programmes are broadcast on the ‘open channels’ in the large cities. There
is no cohesive professional package of programmes. In addition, the
programmes do not optimally reach the intended target group, due, for one,
to the lack of ether frequencies. On the Internet new opportunities will be
created in the future for ethnic broadcasters to deliver their programmes to
the intended target groups in a made-to-measure way. Some distribution
problems can be solved by this new technology. In 2000 a large number of
ethnic local access broadcasters teamed up to launch a national platform for
ethnic local media, called PALM (Local Media Platform for Ethnic
Minorities). Important items on PALM’s agenda include improving the
status and image of ethnic access broadcasters. The image of local providers
is often not very positive, which means they do not get sufficient respect
and recognition from such parties as government, broadcasters and licenseholders. Other important items on PALM’s agenda include improving their
affiliates’ position by informing them on such matters as legislation and
(national) media policy and stimulating the exchange of programmes
between affiliates. This exchange has three functions, given that it
strengthens the network they share. PALM is supported professionally by
Stoa.
Initiatives of ethnic organisations and broadcasters
Ethnic minority groups developed a large number of initiatives in 2000 and
2001, in association with various media organisations, in order to take
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action themselves to improve the local and regional media situations. A few
examples:
- Multicultural Television Netherlands (MTNL) is an OC&W initiative in
association with the four large cities (Amsterdam, Rotterdam, The Hague
and Utrecht). MTNL is responsible for weekly target group television
programmes, oriented to Turks, Moroccans, Surinamers and Antilleans
respectively.
- Large city multicultural radio is an initiative of OC&W and the four large
cities in association with the local license-holders in the four largest
cities. An FM-frequency is being made available for this station, which
will concentrate on the multicultural listener group in the large cities. The
station is expected to launch sometime in 2002.
- Salto, Olon and Stoa are cooperating in the pilot project
MCAudionetwerk. The objective of the project is to improve the quality
of programmes and reporting by (local) ethnic minorities and television
editorial offices. Editorial offices in Rotterdam, The Hague and
Amsterdam are involved in the project, in which methods are being
developed to stimulate these offices to make use of the Internet in
programme production and development, using, among other things, an
audio database. Editorial offices can use Real Audio items from the
database in their broadcasts. The audio database is expected to launch on
line in March 2002.
- Salto Amsterdam is the local license-holder in Amsterdam. It enables
Amsterdam-based access broadcasters, including a large number of
editorial offices run by ethnic minorities, to broadcast radio and
television programmes via the cable or the ether. In 2001 Salto began
setting up a very extensive training programme. Students will be able to
sign up for technical-, media content- and commercial-oriented courses
and presentation in front of the camera training, starting in 2002. The
cost of participation will be low, but deliberately not free. In addition to
quality improvement, the goal is to offer students more opportunities to
advance to professional media in the future.
- Grenzeloos lokaal (Local Unlimited) is a pilot project carried out by
Olon, the Media Authority, VNG and Stoa in association with the local
broadcasters in Eindhoven, Enschede, Hengelo and Assen. The objective
of the project is to ramp up ethnic participation in the local broadcasting
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organisations and to make the broadcasters completely intercultural. The
project was completed in November 2001.
- An interculturalisation process was launched at RTV Rijnmond and
RTV-Oost in the period 2000-2001, as part of the Meer Kleur in de
Media project. This dealt with such matters as intercultural media
competence and intercultural personnel management, and made a start on
the recruitment and selection of ethnic personnel.
- Based in part on the government’s media and minorities policy, in 2001
Stoa was remoulded into a service organisation for ethnic media
professionals and ethnic broadcast initiatives. Within this framework,
Stoa organises regular courses for editorial offices run by ethnic
minorities, supports initiatives by ethnic organisations, maintains a CV
database for ethnic media professionals, organises network activities and
is busy building up a documentation centre.
- Local platforms, notably the Multicultureel Radioplatform Amsterdam
(Amsterdam Multicultural Radio Platform or MRA) and the Platform
Multiculturele Media Rotterdam (Rotterdam Multicultural Media
Platform or VMMR) strive to realise broad multicultural programming,
especially by claiming the ether frequencies reserved for this end. And by
developing a collective vision and strategy, across-the-board
strengthening and professionalising of ethnic broadcasters and editorial
offices, improvement of subsidy practices and the expansion of schooling
and training opportunities.
- As a reply to G-4 Radio (professional multicultural youth radio for the
four large cities), the Multiculturele Omroep Stichting (Multicultural
Broadcasting Association or MUST) wants to create a personality for a
multicultural radio station offering quality programmes, including
multicultural information provision, to the 14-50+ age group. Here,
MUST also strives to strengthen ethnic and multicultural access
broadcasters in the large cities, by means of programme coordination,
news exchange, training and support.
- In Rotterdam Stoa is looking for ways to realise a local media and
minorities policy centre in association with Krosbe. This centre is set to
support VMMR and other groups to shape and implement a local media
and minorities policy.
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Immigrants and ethnic minorities in mass media. Representation and policies
Press for ethnic minorities
Ethnic minorities often make use of the foreign press to fulfil their
information need, but these publications do have their disadvantages.
Typically, foreign newspapers in one’s own language provide little or no
information about the current living environment or reports are lopsided.
Newspapers published in the languages of the minority groups in the
Netherlands often lack sufficient funds to continue or expand their
operations. The market for ethnic minority-oriented newspapers is
dominated by small operations, often taking the form of newssheets. These
publications are marketed unadvertised and subsequently quickly disappear.
In 1999 Utrecht-based MCA Communicatie and the Press Fund made an
inventory of newspapers for ethnic minorities in the Netherlands. The MCA
Communicatie study64 unearthed 125 publications for and by ethnic
minorities (foreign publications were also registered) and the Press Fund
found 19265. According to MCA Communicatie, various trends are
distinguishable in the ethnic minority newspaper market.
- The centre of gravity in terms of general interest magazines continues to
be found in the Turkish, Surinamese, Antillean and Chinese
communities. The number of publications for the Turkish group is
largest.
- There are more publications for the multicultural society, including
specialist journals (Contrast and Kleur), and general interest magazines
(Rôof and Fast Forward).
- The publications are becoming more professional. More attention is more
often given to design and layout, the pool of journalists is bigger and
publications are published with increasing regularity.
- Ethnic media are increasingly attracting advertisers. These advertisers are
mainly ethnic entrepreneurs, but ethnic media are also increasingly used
for recruitment and selection (by police and armed forces for instance)
and students (colleges of higher education) and as an ethnic marketing
instrument by large Dutch companies.
64
65
MCA Communicatie, 1999
Demmenie & Spits, 1999
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A significant percentage of magazines, newspapers and information
bulletins serving migrants in the Netherlands are small, private initiatives
with limited circulation. Many are marketed without advertising and soon
disappear. The scope of operation of the Press Fund has been expanded to
enable the provision of support to publications oriented to migrants or an
(expressly) multicultural audience. A low threshold for the publication
frequency has been adopted for a period of four years, in relation to support
for new and existing publications.
4.3.
Internet
The use of new technologies has developed explosively in recent years. The
digitisation of the information supply and the distribution possibilities
means that developments follow fast on each other’s heels. The thresholds
for producing and distributing programmes are dropping all the time. That
leads to a new vagueness between producers and consumers (there are many
new initiatives in this domain) and the content of the programmes is
becoming more important. Radio, television, teletext and Internet are also
hooking up to each other more and more. Television and Internet are
increasingly integrated in a single ‘media package’; television programmes
supported by programming on Internet and teletext. Radio stations are
already accessible through various distribution channels, which also allows
ethnic minorities to listen to programmes produced in their countries of
origin.
Access to and proficiency in new media is important to full-fledged social
functioning. Children from ethnic minorities in particular are increasingly
active on the Internet. Ethnic youth often chat across the net in Internet
cafes. Sites like maghreb.nl and maroc.nl are well visited. They offer these
youngsters to chat with their peers from the same cultural background.
These sites often leave little room for serious information and discussion
that goes much beyond the relevant ethnic group. A continuous stream of
information on themes that appeal to them is lacking. Other ethnic groups
use the Internet in an increasingly intensive way too. Refugees stay
informed on developments in their countries of origin by email and through
national press agencies. Moluccans seek their information about current
developments in the Moluccas on the Internet. Surinamers receive local
Paramaribo radio stations live on the Internet.
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In 1997 Stoa hooked up with De Digitale Stad (The Digital City or DDS) to
launch the Multicultureelplein (Multicultural Plaza) on the worldwide web
(multicultureelplein.nl). In doing so it aimed to put multicultural
organisations and ethnic minorities in the limelight by offering them a
platform. The MCP sought to fulfil a pioneering role in making the Internet
multicultural. The first step was felt to be stimulating multicultural
organisations and institutions to put information on the net. The MCP
included links to radio and television stations and press agencies in the
countries of origin. An evaluation of the period from 1 January 1999 to 1
April 2000 shows that the MCP’s first goals have been realised. The profile
and participation of multicultural organisations and ethnic minorities on the
Internet has been increased. Most organisations make use of the information
on the MCP and have a link on their own sites to the MCP, while many web
addresses have to be adopted from the MCP’s own page of links. Many
organisations are now pondering the role of the Internet in their
communication and information strategies.
On Thursday 6 April 2000 minister Van Boxtel of Urban Policy and
Integration of Ethnic Minorities kicked off the Digitaal Trapveld project.
Digital Centres (trapvelden) are low-threshold sites in ‘districts of special
interest’ (aandachtswijken) in the thirty cities covered by the large cities
policy, where neighbourhood residents are able to learn about information
and communication technology (ICT). Minister Van Boxtel reserved 20
million guilders for 30 municipalities to set up one or more centres. In
October 2000 the municipalities began with the construction of centres and
most have now opened their doors66.
4.4.
The ethnic media consumer
Under the impact of competition between the public broadcaster and the
commercial stations and as a consequence of the opportunities created by
new media technologies, the interaction with the general public is getting
more and more attention. Gaining the loyalty of viewers and listeners with
respect to specific programmes is an important issue for broadcasting
organisations. Ethnic minorities are an increasingly large audience that
needs to be served. This opens things up to greater influence by the ethnic
media consumer and by ethnic media professionals and producers. The Stoa
66
Groeneveld, van den Berg, van den Steenhoven & Lenos, 2001
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is developing activities in this field, while the public broadcaster starts to
organise activities within the framework of its public accountability
obligation.
The viewing and listening public in the Netherlands is evolving. The
percentage of ethnic viewers and listeners is increasing, traditional media
(radio and television) and the Internet are integrating and new technologies
are developing at high speed. These advancements enable the general public
to have a say in media content much more easily. That leads to a more
articulate and more critical audience. An exclusively passive media
consumer no longer exists. Thanks to these user-friendly technologies and
accessible equipment, the general public itself is able to develop new
initiatives. The consumer takes on the role of media creator and is
increasingly the determining factor with respect to TV and radio programme
content.
From the point of view of customer loyalty, interaction with the general
public is increasingly important and the Internet makes it possible to address
the needs of the customer directly. The centre of gravity is increasingly
switching to the production of well-made programmes able to gain the
loyalty of (a specific) audience, using the greater distribution opportunities.
Broadcasters are being forced to think like consumers, and the new way of
communicating with their target groups is the new challenge. Interaction
with the public can take on two forms. First, as part of the package of
programmes, new media technologies make it possible to create a direct
personal bond with the public. Television and radio programmes are
increasingly supported by Internet sites, allowing the audience to influence
the direction of the programme (the NRCV’s standpunt.nl, for example).
Experts also foresee strong growth in personalised programme offerings.
One example is Replay-tv: creating one’s own television channel composed
on the basis of personal programme preferences for viewing when one
chooses.
4.4.1. Viewing and listening behaviour
Quantitative research has been ongoing since 1980 on the initiative of the
NOS and since 1995 by the NPS, into the media consumption and media
need of Turks, Moroccans, Surinamers, Antilleans, Chinese and Moluccans
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of 18 years of age and older67. A comparative telephone study was
conducted by the Kijk- en Luisteronderzoek (Viewer and Listener Research)
department at the NOS among the population of the Netherlands. Presented
in 1999, the seventh study in the series was conducted by Veldkamp
Marktonderzoek. The Viewers and Listeners Research Department at the
NOS is currently rolling out a new media use study among ethnic
minorities. The study was commissioned by the NPS, NOS and the
Netherlands Government Information Service (RVD). The NOS has now
taken over responsibilities for this study from Veldkamp Marktonderzoek.
The report is expected at the end of June 2002.
Just like most viewers within the native majority, ethnic minority viewers
prefer television programmes like NOS-Journaal news and Studio Sport and
light entertainment on RTL4. The advancing integration of ethnic minorities
is most clearly expressed in the media use of the second and third
generations. They have been raised in the Netherlands and have enjoyed
Dutch education. Their viewing and listening behaviour accordingly
displays more similarities than differences with that of the native majority in
the Netherlands.
On average, the public television stations have a lower reach among ethnic
minorities than among the native majority. This is partly due to competition
from Turkish and Arab satellite stations. It should be emphasised however
that no negative relationship has been found between a satellite link with the
country of origin and the degree of integration in the Netherlands. The
popularity of satellite stations based in the countries of origin is primarily a
symptom of the continued need among a substantial group of migrants for
programmes that dovetail with their own language and culture. This is
evidenced by the interest in broadcasts by the OHM and the NMO. In this
context it is interesting to note the relatively good reach and the good
appreciation of local minority programmes68.
4.4.2. Media education
Which programmes do ethnic minority and native majority youngsters like
to watch and listen to? Are the programmes tailored to the needs and wishes
of these target groups? Where do they recognise themselves and from what
67
68
Veldkamp Marktonderzoek, 1996, 1997, 1999
Leurdijk, Wermuth & van der Hulst, 1998
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perspective are the programmes made? Are these target groups critical
media users? Media education is an important factor in all of this. It is
defined as: learning about the media and using the media. Two aspects are
important here: the media as a source of information and the media as an
identification possibility. Introducing the media education course in
secondary schools can stimulate the development of critical media
behaviour.
When that is translated into an intercultural perspective, it may be
remembered that everyone uses different sources, based on a person’s ethnic
origin. A study of the University of Nijmegen69 commissioned by the Press
Fund shows that ethnic youngsters are critical media users. That means that
they are used to being critical about the reliability of the reporting they see
and hear. Reporting on developments in the home country is especially
prone to a critical approach. An additional aspect is that ethnic youngsters
not only follow Western, Dutch information critically because it is
incomplete or incorrect, but also want to get more and alternative
information from the home country. More than Dutch newspapers or TV
can deliver.
For years, Stoa has been involved in efforts to stimulate intercultural media
education in Dutch schools. As part of the It’s not REALITY, but TV project
various products were realised in 2001 (TV-series, CD-ROM and
instruction video for teachers). During the project it became clear that many
schools and teachers were insufficiently aware of and familiar with the
media education possibilities offered in education. As a consequence, the
material produced cannot be used in an effective and structured way.
Although teachers and students alike are enthusiastic about the content and
the quality of the material, its integration into the curriculum and the way it
is tied into the timetable remains problematical. A separate media education
subject is lacking, which means that subjects like Dutch, CKV and social
studies are expected to take up the slack. The combined use of television,
CD-ROM and the Internet, on which this package is based, demands other
didactic forms of lessons and organisation. Teachers and students are not yet
equipped for that.
4.5.
69
The ethnic media professional
Bedrijfsfonds voor de Pers, 2000; d’Haenens, Beentjes & Bink, 2000
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In addition to its content quality problems, the AV-sector is also faced with
a labour shortage. It is becoming increasingly difficult to find sufficient
professionals to enable realisation of media content now and in the future.
For the first time in years, Amsterdam’s Film and Television Academy
suffered from a lack of registrations in 2001. Given the developments in
other industries and the ongoing demographic development in the
Netherlands, it would appear obvious that ethnic groups are potentially
important target groups with respect to the filling of these gaps in the future.
4.5.1. Workforce participation
There is a lack of reliable data on employment and growth because there is a
problem in defining the AV industry. Research by the Culture and
Audiovisual Sector Council arrives at 62,000 wage earners. In 1996
approximately 18,000 people worked in Dutch television, around half of
which were freelancers or independent producers according to the European
Institute for the Media70. The trend towards temporary contracts is
continuing. AV companies do not register the ethnic origin of their
personnel. In spite of the fact the media employers indicate that they have a
positive attitude towards the recruitment of ethnic minorities, no researcher
has yet been able to collect statistical data on the participation of ethnic
minorities. On the basis of the combination of various data, estimates vary
between 1% and 3%, which is far from a balanced participation compared
with the composition of society.
There has been much resistance to interculturalisation in the broadcasting
industry. Many of the efforts have been concentrated on the public
broadcasting organisations. On 21 March 1995 on the initiative of Stoa, the
public broadcaster agreed to a formal commitment to pursue a pro rata
representation at all job levels as part of its human resources policy. This
was followed by three Meer Kleur in de Media projects (financed in part by
the Employment Programme), carried out by a consortium, comprising Stoa,
the Media Academy and the National Bureau for Arts and Media (LBKM)
of Employment Services, commissioned by the public broadcasting
organisations. These projects resulted in the increased recruitment of media
talent from ethnic minorities by the broadcaster and a large quantity of
intercultural management instruments to give form to the diversity policy in
70
Ouaj, 1999
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the broadcasting corporations. A recent KLO study shows that there is now
great support for diversity policy within the AV companies. This was
expressed in the extensive participation of broadcast employees (500) in the
Afstemmen op Diversiteit event in November 1999, the Kleur(t)je meer of
minder?! market research project71 and the rising demand for media talent
from ethnic minorities. Within public broadcasting, the agency Meer van
Anders now supports public broadcasters functions in implementing their
diversity policy, while Stoa is maturing into a service unit for media
professionals from ethnic minorities.
Despite the growing support in the AV companies for diversity policy and
the growing demand for media professionals from ethnic minorities, these
professionals do experience some big obstacles in their attempts to break
into the AV industry and stay there:
- Media professionals from ethnic minorities are immediately confronted
with the established prejudices when they are first introduced to an AV
company. These include: ethnic professionals have a language
disadvantage; they do not know enough about Dutch society; they are
‘biased’; the cultural differences are too great. Often during the first
interview they are immediately referred to the NPS (multicultural
programmes) or migrant broadcasting organisations. No time is reserved
to examine their talents and professional potential in any detail or to give
people a break on the work floor.
- The lack of implemented intercultural diversity management within the
industry means that communication and relational problems that come
into being on the work floor are not dealt with satisfactorily, which often
leads to the accelerated exit of media professionals from ethnic
minorities.
- The native media culture is dominant. Deadlines are central and there is
little room for creativity from employees.
- There are no combined procedures within the AV industry for schooling,
social activation, labour market preparation and aftercare on the work
floor. This is caused to some extent by the established work culture and
to some extent by the lack of an internal training structure. Employees
71
Strijk, 2000
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have to be ‘150%’ employable from day one and available ‘24 hours a
day’.
- Most media professionals from ethnic minorities work as freelancers.
Following and financing extra training to acquire the requisite expertise
to stay in the market has been the source of insurmountable problems for
most.
The developments are positive however. On 27 November 2001 mr. Drs.
G.J. Wolffensperger signed a framework agreement on behalf of the NOS
with the ministers Vermeend (Social Affairs and Employment) and Van
Boxtel (Urban Policy and Integration of Ethnic Minorities) regarding the
implementation of intercultural human resources policy. The aim of the
agreement is to promote the entry and advancement of ethnic minorities at
the broadcaster. Part of the agreement refers to setting up a Diversity
Helpdesk. This helpdesk is open to all employees of the national public
broadcaster who have questions concerning intercultural management,
recruitment and selection, positive action and similar subjects. There will
also be a measurement of the achievements in terms of diversification in
Stand van Zaken Diversiteit (the State of the Diversity Game), a pilot
project for managers, P&O officials, supervisors and other employees of the
NOS, aimed at creating and extending support and acquiring insight into a
long-term diversity policy.
So, a number of important steps in the right direction have been taken in the
media industry. Commitment is being shown; entry and participation of
media professionals from ethnic minorities in the short and long term is
commercially important, and important to the companies. Knowledge levels
are high, many methods have been developed and the infrastructure is in
place. There are still problems to be solved however. There is a lack of
media professionals from ethnic minorities to fulfil current demand. And on
the work floor, media professionals from ethnic minorities are still
experiencing many obstacles to equal entry, participation and advancement.
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4.5.2. Developments in the press
There have been many discussions in the past few years on the subject of
multiculturalism and journalism in the Netherlands. These discussions
typically arrived at the conclusion that the editorial culture in the
Netherlands is still far too ‘white’. Dailies would like to employ ethnic
journalists, but they cannot be found. A study by Mark Deuze and
Annemarie van Lankveld conducted among journalists in the Netherlands
shows that two per cent of the professionals says they have a non-Dutch
background, and that they often work in specific ‘multicultural’ editorial
offices or specialisations. The majority of journalists in our country is male,
white, unbelieving, on average 42-years-old, and has worked in the media
for about 17 years. So there is little or no multicultural diversity in Dutch
editorial offices72.
The lack of knowledge on certain aspects of the multicultural society among
journalists has been put on the agenda by Stoa, Forum (Institute for
Multicultural Development) and the NVJ’s Migranten en Media (Migrants
and Media) project bureau among others. These organisations have
expressed their concern, in a number of publications and public debates, that
Dutch (native) journalists appear to prefer the path of least resistance when
it comes to learning about the various cultures and ethnicities that make up
the modern-day Netherlands, which means they appear unable to portray
ethnic minorities in non-stereotypical ways in their news reporting. This is
said to lead to a loss of contact with new target groups and consequently
also potential new colleagues from different ethnic backgrounds. An
example of a countermeasure proposed by these organisations is the
publication of a Deskundigengids for ethnic minorities (1998), an initiative
by Migranten en Media and Stoa, comprising the names and addresses of
experts from ethnic minorities in a wide range of fields73. Work is ongoing
on a follow-up in the form of a digital database (Perslink), a collaboration
between Stoa, Meer van Anders and the publishers of Mercuriusgids. This
database is expected to be ready in 2002.
72
73
Deuze & van Lankveld, 2001
Deuze, 2001
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4.5.3. Vocational education
The number of youngsters from ethnic minorities is growing fast. According
to forecasts by the Central Statistical Office, the CBS, more than half of all
youngsters in the large cities will have an ethnic background in the not too
distant future. Although this group is growing fast, their entry to the media
remains limited. Youngsters with an ethnic background generally have little
interest in positions in the media. The prime cause of this is the fact that
they do not actively come into contact with the media. Neither is the lack of
role models in the media with which youngsters from ethnic backgrounds
can identify very stimulating. The fact that little or no time is given to media
or media-oriented vocational education at school is one of the reasons for
this. That want in the classroom is not only due to educational
establishment, but also the media itself, which has failed to introduce any
initiatives of its own. This all has a direct effect on the choice of direction
and actual entrance choices in vocational education.
It cannot really be said that there is education and training in the specific
field of journalism in relation to various cultures and ethnicities. The seven
formal journalism programmes in the Netherlands (four HBO (higher
vocational education) and three WO (University education)) scarcely
address the multicultural society in any structural way. The only exception
is the Christelijke Hogeschool (Christian Institute for Higher Professional
Education) in Ede, where students are obliged to follow a couple of classes
on different cultures in the first year and have to complete an internship in a
so-called Third-World Country in their third year. The journalism
programme in Tilburg74 does offer the continuing education course
‘Journalism in the multicultural society’ to journalists twice a year.
In (vocational) education there is a lack of any logical training structure for
media professions (radio, television, new media). Save for HBO level:
Journalism schools, Film and Television Academy and the Media Academy,
there are no specialised pre-vocational programmes or packages. There are
no MBO (intermediate vocational education) or other practical training
programmes that are part of a ‘modular’ structure, linked to certified pass
certificates. The last-mentioned item is essential to enable ethnic minorities
to access the employment market, because it makes them better qualified
and less likely to be shut out on the basis of subjective criteria.
74
Deuze, 2001
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At this time the following journalist training options are available:
– Film and Television Academy
Four-year course, entry to which demands at least HAVO (higher general
secondary education) certificate and an entrance exam. The education
programme leads up to an HBO certificate. Primary focus is on film.
Video is an option. General training.
– Media Academy
Following on from regular vocational and non-vocational education, the
Media Academy offers AV-industry certified programmatic, facility and
media management education programmes. It also contributes courses to
vocational education programmes in the communication field, post-initial
education and organises AV-training, symposia and seminars.
– Radio Netherlands International
Radio and television course. Duration 4 months. Entrants: programme
makers from the Third World.
– Journalism schools
In Utrecht, Tilburg, Ede and Zwolle. Requirements: at least HAVO.
General education. Duration 4 years.
– University journalism programmes (fulltime)
At the University of Groningen (post-doctoral, RUG), Erasmus
University in Rotterdam (post-doctoral) and the University of
Amsterdam. The 8-month postgraduate Radio and Television Journalism
programme at University of Groningen is given in association with
Radio/TV Noord. The postgraduate Journalism programme at
Rotterdam’s Erasmus University, which also runs for 8 months, focuses
on daily newspaper journalism. Journalism at the University of
Amsterdam is a 12-month programme.
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4.6.
Immigrants and ethnic minorities in mass media. Representation and policies
Studies
A 1998 Migranten en Media initiated survey of aspects of the production,
distribution and reception of media content with respect to ethnic minorities
in the Netherlands showed that there is hardly any information on the
production processes in the media in particular at this time75. Since the
report there have been several initiatives with respect to media and
minorities oriented studies. One example is the ongoing racism and
extreme-rightwing monitoring project by the Leiden Social Science Research
Institute (LISWO), which published a report concentrating on the role of
media and journalists in 199876. The study by Andra Leurdijk77 is also an
example of interesting research into television journalism in the
multicultural society. A year later Maurice Vergeer obtained his doctorate at
the University of Nijmegen (KUN) with a study into the relationship
between exposure to the media and opinions about ethnic minorities78. In
2000 the project bureau Migranten en Media published a pamphlet on media
and ethnic minorities, comprising studies and essays on the subject of
journalism in the multicultural society79. The editing responsibility was in
the hands of Garjan Sterk, project manager at the NOS Diversity Bureau
Meer van Anders. In addition, since mid 2000 Mixed Media has been
continuously studying the factors that obstruct or may promote the entry and
advancement of youngsters from ethnic backgrounds. Another interesting
initiative is the CD-ROM produced by the communication studies
department of Nijmegen University at the end of 2000, in association with
the Press Fund and the NVJ, collecting various studies on aspects of media
and minorities in an accessible way (especially for journalists and
students)80. Finally, Mark Deuze (University of Amsterdam) has conducted a
great deal of research into journalism in the multicultural society. He
obtained his doctorate in 2002 with a study entitled ‘Journalism in the
Netherlands - An analysis of the people, the issues and the (inter-)national
environment’81.
75
Brants, Leurdijk & Crone, 1998
van Donselaar, Claus & Nelissen, 1998
77
Leurdijk, 1999
78
Vergeer, 2000
79
Sterk, 2000
80
Katholieke Universiteit Nijmegen, 2001
81
Deuze, 2002
76
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5.
Immigrants and ethnic minorities in mass media. Representation and policies
Organisations and institutions: contact information
Media organisations with respect to ethnic minorities
Stichting Omroep en Allochtonen (STOA)
Established in 1986, Stichting Omroep en Allochtonen (Stoa) is a project
organisation, which conducts national and European activities. Stoa strives
for the equal participation of ethnic minorities in the audiovisual media at
all function levels and is dedicated to a broad pallet of programmes. A
schedule that finds expression in multicultural programmes for a broad
general public, including both the native majority and ethnic minorities, on
the one hand, and target group programmes for specific ethnic minority
groups on the other.
Visitor’s address: Mariaplaats 3, 3511 LH Utrecht
Postal address: Postbus 1234, 3500 BE Utrecht
Telephone: 030-230 22 40, fax: 030-230 29 75
Email: info@stoa.nl
Websites: www.stoa.nl, www.11-september.nl
Meer van Anders, bureau for portrayal and diversity (NOS)
Meer van Anders stimulates programme makers and policymakers within
national and regional public broadcasting organisations and the
Wereldomroep to make the diversity in the society more perceptible, in their
own programmes and on the work floor. On 1 October 2000 Meer van
Anders became a structural part of the public broadcaster, under the
responsibility of the Board of Management of the NOS. Its executive staff
comprises one coordinator and two project managers.
Postal address: Postbus 26444, 1202 JJ Hilversum
Telephone: 035-677 23 86, fax: 035-677 24 61
Email: meervananders@nos.nl
Website: www.omroep.nl/meervananders
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NVJ-Project Bureau Migranten en Media
The domestic and international task of the NVJ is to monitor and if
necessary fight for the freedom of the press and citizen’s right to
information, which freedom and right are considered to be its essential
foundations. The NVJ also aims to promote high quality journalism. The
NVJ also has responsibility for the Migrants & Media Project Office. The
NVJ website offers information on current vacancies and NVJ rates for
journalists.
Visitor’s address: De Balie, Kleine Gartmanplantsoen 10, 1071 RR
Amsterdam
Postal address: Postbus 75997, 1070 AZ Amsterdam
Telephone: 020-553 51 97
Email: menm@nvj.nl
Website: www.beeldvorming.net
Mixed Media
Mixed Media operates in the field of the printed press. Its key task is
mediation. It incorporates a selection committee (Journalism teachers,
experienced journalists) that makes selections based on CVs and written
pieces. Each candidate builds up a dossier. Rejected candidates are provided
with career advice. Each person is given a personalised approach. Mixed
Media also provides job-coaching services. Mentors are used to coach
candidates outside the scope of the work floor.
Visitor’s address: Hoogoorddreef 5, 1101 AA Amsterdam
Postal address: Postbus 12040, 1100 AA Amsterdam
Telephone: 020-4309070, fax: 020-4309179
Email: Mixed_Media@NUV.nl
Website: www.nuv.nl/nuv/mixedmedia.html
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Multiculturele Televisie Nederland (MTNL)
On 15 November 2001 MTV-Amsterdam and SOM-Media merged to form
a new organisation: MTNL, which produces four hours of multicultural
television every week in the four large cities, in association with the
regional broadcasters.
Visitor’s and postal address: Weteringschans 84c, 1017 XR Amsterdam
Telephone: 020-535 35 35, fax: 020-330 40 80
Email: mail@mtnl.nl
Website: www.mtnl.nl
i
Whilst these grammatical distinctions within Codes of Practice are clearly discernable
and may have relevance for their application we would wish to register a note of
caution. An extended attempt by the research team to demonstrate the fixed meaning of
such statements proved unworkable. Given everything else that is argued in this report;
the different values brought to the interpretation of the denotative meaning of codes, the
very different national contexts and the pragmatics of language use in different
professional communities of practice all argue against a rigid interpretation of the
significance of such standards.
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