TRAINING KIT
Capability Building on Advocacy For Good Governance and Social Reform
PASCRES – SEACA
Training Program Schedule
Day 01
9:00 – 10:00 am
Arrival
10:00 – 10:30
Preliminaries/Expectation-Setting/Overview of Framework
10:30 – 12:30
Between People Power and Popular Empowerment: A PostEDSA Political Situationer (Conjunctural Analysis)
1:30 – 3:30 pm
Pagbanyuhay ng Kalagayan ng Sambayanan
(Structural Analysis)
3:30 – 6:00
Pagbanyuhay ng (mga) Kulturang Pinoy (Cultural Analysis)
6:00 – 7:00
New Challenges Towards Social Change
8:00 – 10:30
Film Showing/Solidarity Night
Day 02
8:00 – 9:30 am
Tungo sa Bagong Pulitika (New Politics/Active Citizenship)
9:30 – 10:30
People’s Agenda
10:30 – 12:30
Introduction to Advocacy Campaign Management
1:30 – 4:30 pm
Local Agenda and Planning
Overview of Framework
After drawing out the participants’ expectations regarding the seminar, the facilitator
may wish to provide an overview of the training program, explaining the framework
to be followed as well as the rationale behind such a program design.
DAY 01
Social Analysis  to understand the present situation via various analytical tools
Session 1: National Situation/Conjunctural Analysis [RIO>GMA>elections]
Session 2: Structural Analysis [deeper societal problems/issues and their Structural
roots]
Session 3: Cultural Analysis [political culture, cultural institutions, ethics]
Challenges/Opportunities/Threats  to be aware of the continuing challenges for
political action
Session 4: New Challenges Towards Social Change
DAY 02
New Politics/Active Citizenship  to bring about needed changes via a particular
vehicle
Session 5: Tungo sa Bagong Pulitika (New Politics/Active Citizenship)
People’s Agenda  to enunciate the content of the alternative social order we aspire
for
Session 6: People’s Agenda (national level – cf. Kompil)  Campaign Management
to appreciate the electoral, education, alliance-building skills necessary to wage an
effective advocacy campaign
Session 7: Introduction to Advocacy Campaign Management Planning  to plan and
set agenda on the local level
Session 8: Local Agenda and Planning
SESSION 1: BETWEEN PEOPLE POWER AND POPULAR EMPOWERMENT
A POST-EDSA POLITICAL SITUATIONER
(Conjunctural Analysis: 2 hours)
Session Guide
Objectives: For the participants:


To hone their analytical skills via an analysis of the Estrada regime and the
subsequent Resign/Impeach/Oust (RIO) campaign which climaxed in People
Power 2 (PP2)
To reflect on their personal/group experience relating to the events of PP2 and
discern the challenges which genuine social change demands
Methodology: Video-viewing, Discussion/sharing of Reflection, Inputs/Lecture
Materials: Video on People Power 2, blackboard/chalk or Manila paper/felt-tip pens
Process and Content:
A. Video Showing (30 minutes)
The facilitator shows a video (by Jose Javier Reyes) on the events of PP2
B. Reflection/Discussion (30 minutes)
The facilitator then raises the following questions:
1. What are your feelings after having watched the video? Why do you feel this
way?
2. What are some of your most significant experiences in the Resign/Impeach/Oust
(RIO) Erap campaign that climaxed in PPS? Ano ang mga kinasangkutan o
ginawa mo/ng iyong grupo noong mga panahong iyon?
3. What are some of your most important learning from the PP2 experience?
Talk/Input
1. INTRODUCTION
A. Conjunctural Analysis:
 one of the tools of social analysis: a “snapshot” of a particular conjuncture
(moment in time); a situationer
 an important tool especially when the situation is relatively fluid and shifting
B. Philippine is in transition on many levels:
 We are just coming from a popular revolt which initiated change in regime via
People Power 2.
 The upcoming May 2001 midterm elections promise another shift in the power
configuration both in the national and local levels (both inside and outside
government).
 On the broader front: there are global shifts brought about by a globalizing
international order. This engages nation-states in a continuing transition because
of the extended struggles inherent in this process (struggles of interpretation,
struggles of (dis) engagement)
C. Reiterating the need for programmatic Social Analysis if we are to engage in
popular empowerment and extend the gains of PP2.
 Need for a framework by which we can look at different events as they unfold,
discern their political context, and formulate appropriate responses.
 Need to share this capacity with the people themselves so they are not overly
dependent on the analysis (and inherent biases) of various actors in the political
terrain.
 The “Struggle for Interpretation” is a political struggle.
The short talk aims to give some general trends – political, economic, socio-cultural
– in the immediate antecedent/causes and effects of the most significant political
shift of this conjuncture, the People’s Revolt that ousted Erap Estrada and catapulted
Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo to the Presidency.
OUTLINE shall be simple and chronological: “KAHAPON, NGAYON AT BUKAS”
 KAHAPON: A recap and analysis of the Estrada regime and the subsequent
Resign/Impeach/Oust (RIO) Erap campaign which climaxed in PP2

NGAYON: An initial assessment of the GMA government and analysis of the
political configuration of the post-PP2 period
 BUKAS: A preliminary assessment of the dynamics leading up to the May 2001
elections, as well as the limits and possibilities this presents for interventions that
can extend the gains of PP2
 KAHAPON: Balik-tanaw sa RIO at EDSA
Fall of Erap: Estrada’s historical role in uniting all sectors of civil society vs. him
Why did Erap fall (especially after the promise of ‘Erap para sa Mahirap’)?
A. Politics of Erap
1. Politics of Populism (Politika ng Populismo)
a. Voted into office primarily by the CDE classes, “Erap para sa Mahirap” became
the card that was played all throughout the 2½ years of Erap to answer critics.
Even till the end, “class warfare” was the propaganda line.
b. The problem is that populism is not conducive to sound policy-making, thus
resulting in a policy vacuum. E.g.
 Mindanao all-out war; catering to public outrage over Abu Sayyaf
 Absence of any coherent policy framework for housing
 NAPC: “poorest 100 families” as poverty strategy? NAPC became a venue for
political consolidation in times of crises
2. Politics of “PARE”/Cronyism (Politika ng PARE/Kronyismo)
a. rent-seeking. crony capitalism: favored business-friends (PAL/Lucio Tan,
petroleum, BW scandal/Dante Tan, behest loans. SMC/Danding Cojuangco,
smuggling/Lucio Co, Marcos)
b. basic sector demands were subsumed to private interests:
 coco levy (Danding Cojuangco)
 PAL workers (Lucio Tan)
 Selective sugar import (Guia Gomez)
3. Politics of Plunder (Politika ng Pagnanakaw)
a. “Commissioner” Erap: commissions in business (PLDT-P20M/mo.! merger of
Equitable –PCI)
b. “Godfather” Erap: state-mafia nexus
the state as broker for illegal
activities (e.g. jueteng/Bingo 2Ball, smuggling, drug business); nagging
sentralisado ang pangongotong
4. Politics of Patriarchy (Politika ng Patriarkismo) = pangsasamantala sa kababaihan
ayon sa kasarian)
a. macho image/substance
b. tuwirang pambabastos ng kababaihan
c. masamang halimbawa bilang “Ama ng Bayan” – maraming “Ina ng Bayan”!
B. Economics of Erap
1. Sa kabila ng kanyang retorika na “anti-globalization,” sumakay pa rin siya sa
“liberalization” = “lazy liberalization” (e.g. sa public utilities; oil deregulation,
water, privatization ng NAPOCOR) gayong mahalagang maging malakas,
aktibista, transparent at accountable ang estado kung ibig nitong labanan ang
mga cartel/monopolyo.
2. Dahil sa krisis at sa killing tungo sa populismo, tumindi ang Budget Deficit
 National Anti-Poverty Commission budget napunta sa PMAP
3. Krisis: plunging investor confidence: decrease in foreign direct investments,
stock market fall, peso devaluation
4. Bad News: possibility that the economy will decline further even after Erap
 decreased investment due to crisis
unemployment/underemployment
 decrease in exports (due to US market slowdown)
 El Nino?
decrease in agricultural productivity
NGAYON: An initial assessment of the GMA government and analysis of the political
configuration of the post –PP2 period.
A. Coming from the People Power!! revolution, the Macapagal-Arroyo government
seemed to be a large improvement from its predecessor. The Estrada administration
was characterized by the distribution of political favors to close friends, the collection
of a percentage on government (e.g. purchase by government financial institutions
of certain companies) and publicly-approved private contracts (i.e. purchase of PLDT
shares by First Pacific), and the monopolization of contracts and policy issuance
favoring allies (e.g. aviation policy, monopolization of port contract, etc.).
B. However, the present government also seems to be made up of the same
factions that had ruled the country during the Aquino and Ramos administrations.
These include business (Alcordo, Camacho), House and Senate legislators (Romulo,
Roxas, Datumanong, Braganza, Defensor) and the military (de Villa, Ermita). Civil
Society groups have a slightly larger representation (Garchitorena, Soliman, Deles,
David, Montemayor). There is a strong emphasis on holding consultations with
people’s organizations and non-government groups, even as the reigning ideology
seems to be ‘neoliberal’ (i.e. emphasis on markets).
C. The government faces huge short-and-long term economic problems. In the
short-term, economic growth hinges on controlling the huge fiscal deficit, improving
investor confidence, reducing graft and corruption, improving the productivity of the
agricultural sector, and improving employment and income prospects, especially of
the lower class. However, in the long-term, the government has to address the
inequitable distribution of resources, as well as improve the state of physical and
socio-economic infrastructure.
D. There has been very little dent on the distribution of resources during the past
few years. The Gini index (an indicator of distribution of income across households)
has hardly changed since it was first measured in the 1950’s. The recent 1994-1997
period, which saw significant liberalization in the economy, saw a slight increase in
the level of inequality. Asses reform programs, such as land reform, have not
significantly impacted on distribution.
E. Because of the concentration of economic power, the strengthening of the
‘development state’ (i.e. government that will serve the interest of the majority) has
been limited.
F. At the same time, the government has to contend with a very centralized
governance structure and a political system led by a few elite families. While there
have been efforts to decentralize public services and responsibilities to local
government units, state power still strongly resides in the national government,
particularly in the National Capital Region.
BUKAS: A preliminary assessment of the dynamics leading up to the May 2001
elections, as well as the limits and possibilities this presents for interventions that
can extend the gains of PP2.
Some additional points regarding the forthcoming elections.
A.
While this year’s election provide some scope for civil society representation
in the national and local levels, most of the posts are either contested by members
of familiar political surnames or by actors/actresses. Many non-marginalized groups
(e.g. Mamamayan laban sa Droga) are competing for party-lists slots in congress.
B. COMELEC in transition
thus, COMELEC as a competent, non-partisan
and empowered commissions is being compromised.
 4.3 Commissioners
 disenfranchisement of youth voters
 absence of voters’ education
 lack of education campaign to clarify Party list
 computerization

C.



non-accreditation of NAMFREL
Other concerns:
13-0 or 4 senatoriables endorsed?
Imprisonment of Erap: now or after the elections?
The strength of civil society’s voice/presence and the question of engagement
within government
D. The challenge:
 Continuing organizing and political education
 Intensive electoral/voters’ education
Reading
Paper Outline on the Economic Situation (Joint PASCRED /CSPPA Research)
First Draft 2000/February 2001
I. Introduction
II. Review of the Economic Situation
A. Growth (and the sub-aggregates of national income, e.g. industry, agriculture,
services, consumption, investments, government spending, trade).
1. Surprisingly, economic growth grew to 3.9% in GDP terms in 2000 compared to
3.3% in 1999 on the back of growth from industry (3.6% vs. 0.9%) and services
(4.4% vs. 4.1%). Agriculture was significantly weaker at 3.4 % however.
Exports were the most significant factor contributing the high growth last year:
exports rose by 21.3% last year compared to the previous year.
2. These figures are slightly lower than the projected 4.0 to 5.0% GDP growth rate,
because of the lower than expected performance of the industry sector.
3. The government and other institutions, however, anticipate that economic growth
will decline this year – the government projects that GDP growth will be 3.8%
this year, while the Asian Development Bank forecasts the figure at 3.0%. The
lower growth figure is in anticipation of slower demand for Philippine exports
(especially in the US which is experiencing a slowdown), a drop in agriculture due
to the El Nino, and the general lack of investments in the country, following the
political crisis late last year and early this year.
4. As business confidence improves during the year, then these projections may
even increase, especially with extra spending resulting from the elections in the
middle of the year.
B. Income and Welfare
1. Even with improved growth, poverty incidence has been estimated to be still
close to the 1997 levels, 31 to 32 %, after dropping to 34% in 1998.
2. But at the same time, in the 1998 and 1999 Annual Poverty Indicators Survey,
results showed that access to family planning to water, electricity and sanitary
services have improved during this period among the poorest 40% of the sample.
Access to the following services for this sample declined during this period.
 Access to nutritional supplements for women, especially for lactating and
pregnant mothers:
 Primary and secondary education for school-aged children, even if the absolute
levels of those receiving scholarships increases;
 Access to public housing programs.
3. In addition, the proportion of those who were gainfully employed declined
significantly in 1999. The employment problem may even have worsened by
2000 since the country has recorded the worst unemployment and
underemployment rates for the past six years; in 2000, April and October
unemployment rates were 13.9% and 10…1% respectively, compared to 11.8%
and 9.6% respectively, the year before. These employment figures are the worst
in six years, underlying the fact that improved growth in the past few years has
not translated automatically to improved employment opportunities.
Table 1. Access to Basic Services, 1998 and 1999, Percentage of Poor Households
Selected Characteristics
1998
1999
Pregnant women with iodine supplements
61.1
52.9
Pregnant women with iron supplements
66.1
59.0
Access to family planning services
88.7
89.1
Access to safe drinking water
66.2
69.1
Availment of public housing program
3.3
2.9
Possession of house and lot
65.7
68.3
Family head gainfully employed
89.1
57.6
With children aged 6-12 years in school
89.6
82.1
With children aged 13-16 years in school
56.6
45.0
With working children
21.4
20.0
Source: NSO (2000)
Note: ‘Poor’ households in the Annual Poverty Indicators Survey (APIS) consisted of
the poorest 40% of households in the survey.
C. Credit and Loans, Interest Rates
1. Credit growth in the past year indicated that many industries have depended on
loans in order to shore up their investments. There has been a slight increase in
credit growth from P11,324 billion to P1,440 billion by the end of the year,
substantial nominal growth was recorded in the mining and quarrying, financial
institutions and real estate and electricity, gas and water sectors. There was a
slight increase in the total loan portfolio of the manufacturing sector, from P382,3
billion to P398.0 billion. However, total portfolio of the construction sector
declined.
2. A worrying indicator is the high cost of credit that appeared during the latter
months of the year 2000. Interest rates have decreased substantially during the
last quarter of the year; 90-day Treasury bill rates rose from 8.9% in January
and was 9.1 % by September, but these rose to 15.8% in November and 13.6%
by December, from 11 to 14% in January, prime lending rates rose to 18 to 20%
by the end of the year. These increases indicate that the National Treasury has
been moved away from the position of keeping public domestic borrowings low
towards using domestic finance to shore up the deficit. This will affect the level
of investments in the short-term.
3. High interest rates have affected the net position of the financial sector. By
November, the proportion of non-performing loans (NPL) of extended commercial
banks (‘universal banks’) shot up from 15.0% to 18.2% while those of
commercial banks and thrift banks rose to 18.9% and 15.7% respectively, from
17.5 and 14.0% respectively. As a whole, the NPL for the financial sector
increased to 16.2% from 14.0 % at the beginning of the year. The increase in
the NPL ratios means that the financial conditions of banks will be more
precarious during the year, reducing their ability to lend this year and some level
of consolidation will take place, e.g., sale of Equitable Bank to strategic partners.
D. Foreign and Local Investments; business Closures
1. Government policy-makers need to reverse low private investments in 2000
when investments reached the lowest level during the year; during the first half
of the year, Board of Investments-registered investments plunged by a large
percentage to P 10.9 billion in 2000 from P100.2 billion in 1999. Business
confidence was severely affected by the political crisis; early this year, the
prognosis of several foreign chambers of commerce was that the country would
have difficulty in attracting new investments.
2. The total number of establishments that closed in 2000 is slightly lower than the
previous year 479 vs. 517, respectively; however, the number of establishments
reporting their workforce increased from 1,086 in 1999 to 1,756 last year.
E. Employment
1. The growth in unemployment rates during the past year was significant – from
9.7% in 1999 to 11.2% in 2000.
2. In addition, the proportion of those who were gainfully employed declined
significantly in 1999. The employment problem would have worsened by 2000
since the country has recorded the worst unemployment and underemployment
rates for the past six years; in 2000, April and October unemployment rtes were
13.0% and 10.1% respectively, compared to 11.8% and 9.6, respectively, the
year before.
F. Public Fiscal Position
1. The government recorded its largest nominal public deficits in the past few years,
P111.7 billion in 1999 and P136.1 billion in 2000. The increase in the public debt
of the national government from P11.4 trillion in 1998 to P 2.0 trillion in 2000
was due to large deficits and peso devaluations.
2. Preliminary reports for the year 2000; revenues grew by 5.7% to P 505.7 billion,
but expenditures rose by 8.8% to P641.8 billion, partly due to a 33% increase in
interest payments on public debt to P140.9 billion; thus national government
deficit rose by 21.9% to P136.1 billion.
III. Economic Policy Challenges for the New Government
A. Long Term
1. asset reform and poverty
2. public infrastructure
3. strategic responses to liberalization
C. Short Term
1. macroeconomic stabilization and improvement in investor confidence
2. reduction of the fiscal deficit
3. targeted interventions for the poor
IV. Conclusion
Notes on the Political-Economic Structures
PASCRES/March 2001
A Economic
1. Poverty Incidence – decreasing, but still significant; especially in rural areas
1991
1994
1997
National
45%
41%
37%
Urban
36%
28%
23%
Rural
55%
53%
51%
From WB: Based on FIES
2. Inequality
- High income inequality – basically unchanged since the 1950s (as measured by the
Gini index)
> from1994 to 1997: significant economic liberalization, period of GNP growth, but
slight increased in level of inequality
RURAL INCOME DISTRIBUTION, BY INCOME DECILE, 1994-1997
DECILE GROUP
1994
1997
Difference
First Decile (Poorest)
2.5
2.4
-0.1
Second
3.9
3.7
-0.2
Third
4.9
4.6
-0.3
Fourth
5.9
5.5
-0.4
Fifth
6.9
6.4
-0.5
Sixth
8.1
7.5
-0.6
Seventh
9.7
9.1
-0.6
Eight
11.9
11.5
-0.4
Ninth
15.6
16.0
0.4
Tenth (Richest)
30.6
33.3
2.7
Source: FIES, in MTPDP March 2001 draft
> GNP per capita: 1990-97 average – 1,200 US Dollars/year
= 60,000 Pesos/person per year
= 300,000 to 360,000 Pesos per family per year IF NATION’s INCOME IS EQUALLY
DIVIDED
- Inequality in land ownership
> 1986 data – 20% of families own 80% of land
> land reform for private agricultural lands still not completed
- Inequality in ownership of capital. access to capital:
> a small number of families/corporations dominate the economy
> flow of bank resources (deposits/loans) is from rural areas to Metro Manila/other
major cities
RATIO OF TOTAL AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTION LOANS TO
TOTAL LOANS GRANTED BY GFIs, 1990 AND 1998
TYPE OF LOAN
1990
1998
Total
Agri.
Production
Loans 41,302
94,682
Granted
Total Loans Granted
590,078
12,086,561
Ratio (In Percent)
7.00
0.78
Source: BSB, LBP and DBP, IN MTPDP March 2001 draft
- Inequality in allocation of government resources/services
> biased in favor of Metro Manila/nearby provinces
- Inequality of men and women
> historically, land ownership is dominated by men (even under land reform)
> government support services for “farmers’ focus on men even when women do
farm work as well
> generally, men get promoted faster and receive higher pay for the same work
3. Economic Sectors
- Agriculture:
> low productivity: 40% of labor force, but only 21% share of GNP
> high unemployment and underemployment in the rural areas
COST PER UNIT OUTPUT FOR RICE AND CORN,
DIFFERENT COUNTRIES, 1991 AND 1993
Country/Crop
Corn (1991)
Rice (1993)
Malaysia
Thailand
0.72
Indonesia
0.33
Philippines
0.83
Sources: FAO & BAS, in MTPDP March 2001 draft
PALAY YIELD, PHILIPPINES AND ASIA, 1990-1999
(In Metric Tons/Hectare)
Country
China
1990
5.72
Rank
3
1999
6.33
0.48
0.34
0.77
Rank
3
Annual
Ave.
Growth
(1990-1999)
1.16
Japan
6.33
1
6.41
2
1.72
Korean
6.21
2
6.87
1
1.38
Malaysia
2.88
8
2.87
7
0.05
Myanmar
2.94
7
3.43
5
1.82
Philippines
2.98
6
2.89
8
-0.24
Sri Lanka
3.06
5
3.28
6
0.80
Thailand
1.96
9
2.33
9
2.13
Viet Nam
3.19
4
4.10
4
2.87
Source: FAO: IN MTPDP March 2001 draft
COCONUT YIELD, PHILIPPINE AND ASIA, 1990-2000
Yield (MT/Ha.)
1990
Rank
2000
Rank
Asia
4.54
China
6.88
1
9.30
1
Bangladesh
2.52
9
2.78
9
Indonesia
5.36
3
4.64
4
Malaysia
3.59
7
3.56
8
Myanmar
6.39
2
8.18
2
Philippines
3.54
8
3.61
7
Sri Lanka
4.62
4
4.19
5
Thailand
4.12
6
4.12
6
Viet Nam
4.21
5
6.76
3
Source: FAO; in MTPDP March 2001 draft
FRESH WATER FISH PRODUCTION, PHILIPPINES AND ASIA, 1990-1998
Annual
Ave.
Growth
Yield (MT/Ha
1990
Rank
1998
Rank
(1990-1998)
Japan
409,406
1
425,548
3
0.85
Korea, Rep. of
52,763
6
45,596
7
-0.40
Laos
28,000
7
40,000
8
4.73
Malaysia
24,503
8
52,569
6
10.46
Myanmar
144,583
5
244,721
5
7.02
Philippines
369,602
2
310,049
4
-1.97
Thailand
1227,516
3
490,489
1
10.28
Viet Nam
222,076
4
434,000
2
11.09
Source: FAO; in MTPDP March 2001 draft
- Industry/Manufacturing:
> has not increased its share of GNP from around 30-35% and of labor force from
around 17%
- Services:
> has absorbed increasing percentage of labor force (around 40%)
4. Widespread poverty leads to limited domestic market. Thus, economy is exportoriented Economic wealth is based more on “political favors or deals” and less on
productive/ competitive enterprises. This leads to a weak industry/manufacturing
sector. Thus, economy is import-dependent.
B. Political
1) Recovery of formal democracy since 1986 (separation of powers, regular
elections, etc.)
2) Presidential powers decreased (e.g. limited declaration of martial la) but still very
decentralization through Local Government Code of 1991;
3) Dominated by elite politicians/political clans (weak political party system)
4) Dominated by males (even with 2 women President, only 10% of 220
congresspersons and only 4 out of the 22 senators are women)
5) Rampant graft and corruption in government
> at all levels from petty graft e.g. ‘kotong’ and fixers to big-time/high level graft
e.g. jueteng payola)
 and in all branches of government (e.g. ‘hoodlums in robes”, “tonggresspersons’/”sen-tong”, executive department: BIR, Customs, DPWH, DECs,
etc)
6). Efforts at reforms to broaden political democracy not fully realized
6.1. Party-List System:
 only 14 out of potential 52 party list seats filled in 1998
 not fully appreciated by COMELEC and majority of voters
 questionable COMELEC resolutions in 1998-1999 deprived winning parties/groups
of additional congress seat/s and November 2000 Supreme Court decision makes
it harder for winning parties/groups to get additional seat/s
 entry of major political parties, government-sponsored organizations and wealthy
organizations in coming 2001 election lessens chances of historically underrepresented sectors and groups
6.2 Local Sectoral Representatives (LSR): provided for in Constitution and in 1991
Local Government Code but not yet implemented; necessary enabling law not yet
approved
 opposed by LG officials on the basis of being unnecessary (they say there are
already representatives of women and workers/farmers in the present
Sanggunians) and being too expensive (cost of additional 3 Sanggunian
members) – note: latest proposal in Congress is not to increase the total number
of Sanggunian members, but to include the 3 sectoral representatives in the
existing total number, e.g. if there are 8 Sanggunian members, 3 of these will be
elected as LSRs.
6.3. Anti-Political Dynasty: also in Constitution but not enabling law has been passed
by Congress
SESSION 2: PAGBANYUHAY NG KALAGAYAN NG SAMBAYANAN
(Structural Analysis: 2-2½ hours)
Session Guide
Objectives: For the participants:
 to point out their perceptions on the main issues and problems in the Philippines
at present, by analyzing their local problems
 to be exposed to a particular framework for the analysis of current Philippine
problems and issues
Methodology: Workshop-Discussion, Input/Lecture
Process and Content:
[NOTE: Before beginning the workshop, it might be helpful for the facilitator to link
the previous session with the session at hand. S/he, may, for instance, point out
that: “In the previous session, we tried to arrive at some form of Conjunctural
Analysis, i.e. analysis of the present national situation. In this second session, we
wish to engage in what is called Structural Analysis – the analysis of the economic,
political and cultural structures in society.’]
A. Workshop (Choose 1 of the following activities):
Activity 1: Conjunctural/Local Situation Analysis
Step 1: The facilitator asks the participants to develop their own analysis of their
present local situation. S/he divides the participants into groups of six to eight and
asks them to appoint a facilitator and recorder. The following framework should be
used:
DATA
COMMON TRENDS
SUMMARY STATEMENT
-- listing of events, issues -putting
similar -personal
or
group
and problems
observation
and
data analysis of the common
together
trend
-- can be divided into
economic, political and
socio-cultural spheres
For example:
DATA/COMMON TRENDS
SUMMARY STATEMENT
۶ governor against mayor
Parties and sectoral organizations
۶ farmer’s organization organizing a
gearing for the May local
elections
new party
۶ fisherfolk have met to assess local
candidates
Step 2: The participants are provided with writing materials and are asked to write
their local situation analysis on Manila paper. It is suggested that the following
questions be given one at a time.
 Anong mahahalagang pangyayari ang kasalukuyang nagaganap sa inyong local
na sitwasyon?
Ilista ang mga datos/pangyayaring ito. (Brainstorming ito.
Labasan lang ng mga kongkretong nangyayari.) [15 mins.]
 May mga datos/pangyayari bang maaring ipag-ugnay o ipagtalab? [10 mins.]
 Ano sa tingin ninyo ang kahulugan ng mga kaganapang ito? Saan patungo ang
sitwasyon? Ano kaya ang mangyayari sa mga darating na buwan?: [15 mins.]
[NOTE: The facilitator should sit in at the workshop groups to ensure that the
participants understand how the analysis should be done.]
Step 3: After 30-40 minutes of group discussions, the facilitator should ask the
participants to report briefly on the local situation analysis that they have developed.
Step 4. The facilitator should synthesize the discussion by putting similar points
discussed respective of the political, economic and socio-cultural spheres.
OR
Activity 2: Web Charting –linking Local and National Issues, Political, Economic and
Socio-cultural Problems
Step 1: The facilitator divides the participants into groups of six to eight and asks
them to choose a group facilitator and recorder. S/he asks each group to identify a
specific problem or issue and put this in a box at the center of the Manila paper.
 Tumutukoy ng isang matingkad at particular na isyu o problema na
kinapapalooban ninyo. Isulat ito sa gitna ng Manila Paper. Ipaloob sa isang
kahon.
Step 2: From the chosen issue, the facilitator asks the participants to identify the
causes behind such a particular problem or issue:
 Ano ang mga sanhi ng isyu o problema na inyong napili? Ilagay ito sa ibabaw ng
inyong pangunahing isyu at iugnay sila sa pamamagitan ng isang arrow.
 Ano ang mga sanhi ng mismong mga sanhing ito? Ilagay ito sa ibabaw ng mga
naunang sanhi at iugnay mula sa pamamagitan ng isang arrow.
 The process continues until no further causes can be found. Once this occurs,
then a root issue/cause would have been found.
Step 3: Again from the chosen issue, the facilitator asks the participants to identify
the effects brought about by such a particular problem or issue:
 Ano ang mga epekto/bunga ng isyu o problema na inyong napili? Ilagay ito sa
ilalim ng inyong pangunahing isyu at iugnay sila sa pamamagitan ng isang arrow.
 Mula mga karagdagang epekto/bunga rin ba ang mga naunang epekto? Iugnay
muli sila.
[NOTE: Causes and effects can also link seemingly disjointed issues in different
parts of the Manila paper together].
Step 4: The workshop ends when participants have fully identify all the root
issues/causes. These issues are reported to the plenary, where a short questionand-answer portion is held. The facilitator synthesizes the workshop by pinpointing
all the root causes of the problems and issues from the workshop groups.
[NOTE: If possible, the facilitator should ask to identify the issue that is linked to the
current issue of the groups that participated in EDSA or to post-Estrada/Arroyo
administration scenarios, e.g. new elections. To generate a more wide-ranging
discussion, different issues could be given to different groups.]
Talk/Input
B. Talk/Input (30 minutes): Disarticulated Economy Analysis
1. Context
This framework, the disarticulated economy framework, aims to pinpoint the
structural problems in society today – mainly, the existence of a domestic capitalist
sector coexisting with a feudalist sector. And as these sectors do not interact with
one another but with the international sector, this social situation interact with one
another but with the international sector, this social situation severely handicaps the
level of economic growth.
2. Talk Content: Cf. 2 Reading provided below to link workshop results/insights
with Disarticulated Economy Framework.
C. Discussion (10-15 minutes)
The facilitator should give some time to discussing and validating these issues with
the participants.
D. Evaluation and Closure (10minutes)
The facilitator should receive feedback on the way the links between the national and
local analyses had been done.
Readings
READING #1: excerpts from” Thesis Statements for the Refinement of Ideological
Line: Political Economic Analysis and Program Analysis of the National Situation
Continuing poverty and inequality exists, amid the wealth controlled by a very few.
There is a continuing lack of genuine and meaningful development. Economic
growth remains uneven and slow. The agricultural sector exhibits a low level of
productivity due to skewed land ownership structure, lack of support services, and
the use of inappropriate technology which causes harm to the environment. The
industrial sectors remains dependent on foreign capital, technology and machinery,
thereby stunting our capacity to produce vital inputs to production. As a result, the
industrial sector produces goods that are more suited to export markets and has not
created adequate backward and forward linkages with other sectors of the economy.
Because the industrial sector has failed to expand, industrial employment has
remained at a very low level. Moreover, we have not developed highly competitive
industries. Manufactured exports are limited to a few commodities (e.g. garments,
electronic chips) thereby restricting our capacity to improve the trade balance.
This continuing lack in genuine and meaningful development has made the economy
vulnerable to crisis. The perennial deficits in our balance of trade and balance of
payments have resulted in our continued dependence on external financial resources.
The lack of a sense of security arising from poverty has caused continuing tensions in
our society that hampers economic productivity and inhibits the development of a
free and conducive environment for development.
The current mode of economic development has resulted in the long-term
destruction and depletion of our natural resources. The Philippines is experiencing a
resource crisis, as a consequence of the irresponsible, wasteful and destructive use
of our forests and water resources. The government, biased in favor of foreign
capital and investments, has no comprehensive perspective on balancing the goals of
economic growth and the preservation and protection of the environment. Its
development strategy compromises the environment.
There is continuing social conflict and lack of social unity. Democratization processes
are in constant danger arising from deep divisions among various social forces in
society. Peace remains a critical national concerns as there is constant threat to
resort to violent and/or militaristic options.
Structural Analysis
Ruling elite in the international capitalist order. The country remains dependent on
foreign capital and investments under a dominant international order ruled by a few
powerful countries and transnational companies.
There is a strong elite
manifestation in capitalist holdings –transnational companies and domestic
Corporation hold sway in the affairs of the state, in rich and poor countries alike.
Monopolies in the control, ownership and use of natural resources and vital forces of
production continue to exist. As a consequence, there is a general lack of productive
economic activities that could benefit our society.
Disarticulated economy.
There is disarticulation on two levels:
(1) Sectoral
Disarticulation-products of the rural sector do not feed into the industrial and urban
sector; cash crops are not domestically processed, inputs to production in the
industrial sector do not come from the rural sector but from the international sector;
articulation occurs more with the international sector than with the domestic sector;
(2) Social Disarticulation and Functional Dualism – development is dependent on the
international sector.
READING # 2: “Thesis Statements for the Refinement of Political Economic Analysis”
1. Changes in the economic and political arena. Many changes have been occurring
in the economic arena both externally and domestically. In recent years, a surging
global economy fueled by advances in science and technology has ushered in rapid
shifts in the social, political and economic arenas.
Everyday, an estimated $1 trillion dollars of short-term financial investment flows
around the world. The figure is staggering, but more so is the exponential rise it
represents. Having risen from a mere $10 billion a day just a few years back, the
jump was fueled by rapid developments in information technology. Business and
trade are advanced by blips on the computer.
Structural changes have occurred at breakneck speed, impinging on all areas of life
and transforming the complexion of even the most remote societies.
Social
movements have had difficulty understanding these transitions using their “old
analytical tools and frameworks.
2. Philippine economy and globalization. A main factor for the transformation of the
economy has been globalization: the effects of increasing openness to trade, labor
and capital markets have fundamentally altered the Philippine economy.
The
services sector now accounts for the largest share in income and employment
growth. Overseas workers remittances account for a large proportion of national
income. The economy continues to be dependent on foreign exchange inflows, in the
form of debt and portfolio and direct investments. Globalization has also facilitated
the more expansive reach of the capitalist markets; many sectors have become more
susceptible to the pressures of market competition.
As production becomes internationalized, the pool of workers that is now available to
companies is not constrained by national boundaries as production is relocated to
wherever labor is cheap. Japan’s Nissan produces most of its cars in Mexico, which
are then exported back to Japan. The accounting staff of Swissair, Lufthansa and
Siemens are based in India. Nike, the US-based market leader in athletic shoes,
maintains only product development and marketing functions in the US.
It
manufactures its shoes in Southeast Asia. The internationalization of production
includes not only traditional industries but even the sophisticated manufacturing and
service operations.
The Philippine economy is still disarticulated. Most of the disarticulation arises from
the kind of capitalism that has developed in the Philippines – it is not internally
generated and is very dependent on the international sector. Inputs to production in
the industrial sector do not come from the rural sector but outside the country.
Articulation occurs more with the international sector than with the domestic sector.
The title of this section has “effects on the basic sectors” but there is nothing on the
basic sectors. Perhaps a statement on the fact that majority of the working class are
still dependent on agriculture which unfortunately suffers from low productivity. The
urban working class, on the other hand, has a small percentage of people employed
in industry and manufacturing, while a greater proportion derive income from low
value added work mostly of the workers in the informal sector type. This particular
structure of employment is responsible for the low income and extreme vulnerability
of the great majority of the population.
The combined share of exports and imports of total GNP increased from 50.5% in
1986 to 100.5% in 1997. This is a key indicator to the openness of a country to
world trade.
100% equity participation was allowed in areas not covered by government’s
negative list (trade, retail, shipping). Bureaucratic discretion over large foreign
equity participation has been removed.
There was a rise in foreign direct
investments five times from $514 billion in 1980 to $2.4 trillion in 1994.
Key strategic investments of government in finance (GOCC) and in heavy industries
such as petroleum, petrochemicals and fertilizers have been removed. By 1992,
65% of all government assets has been privatized, while between 1992 to 1998, “big
ticket” items such as holdings in airlines and land assets were sold.
The country has responded to the pressures of globalization by opening the trade
and capital accounts, privatizing state enterprises and deregulating key product
markets. These measures were aimed to improve private sector participation in
economic affairs and improve competition and efficiency. However, these have had
negative effects, including the possible concentration of capital in few hands. These
policies have to be mediated by the criteria of efficiency. Equity, sustainability and
transparency.
4. Structure of the economy. These vulnerabilities highlight the fact that the
structure and nature of the economy, especially in the area of income distribution,
have not changed.
The rise of information technology (IT), for instance, opened up a new arena for
articulation. Yet, there are “digital divide” issues that manifest how some elements
remain unchanged. The so-called “new economy” has given rise to a new elite and
to new forms of inequality.
In fact, in the country’s experience, asset inequality has risen during periods of
greater economic growth. There have been no substantive asset redistribution
programs; even the past reforms to ‘institutionalize’ anti-poverty efforts have not
made even a slight dent in reducing income disparities.
According to independent studies, economic growth was largely responsible for the
reduction in poverty in the 1980s through the early 1990s (from a poverty incidence
of 49.2% in 1985 to 35.4% in 1997 – Balisacan: 1998). However, income inequality
worsened. Gini incidence, a measure of income inequality, rose from 0.447 to 0.491
within the period. This is an indication that the poorest household was worse-off
during the period of liberalization as redistributive policies were neglected and
viewed merely as budgetary or institutional hindrances to growth.
While market forces have fundamentally altered the face of many economic sectors,
a large sector of the commercial and financial elite has continued to perpetuate a
capitalist system based on connections and the control of public institutions.
The kind of capitalism that has flourished in the Philippines is a parasitic kind which
prostitutes the state and prostitutes capitalism. It thrives on unhealthy competition
in which the capture of government favors is the only critical factor.
It does not play by the rules of market forces since the operative factor is family
relationship. kinship, membership in the same school or fraternity, workplace
affiliation, or regional origin. Business thrives on these connections, which facilitate
the use of state power to gain economic advantages through laws, franchises,
control of regulatory bodies and even illegal activities like gambling, smuggling, and
extortion.
It is not really capitalism in the true sense of the word. It does not rely on its own
strength since its growth is very dependent on influence-peddling. It does not need
to compete in the market through a dynamic process of production, innovation,
investment and re-investment because it can already extract wealth simply by the
strength of its connections with government
--PSP RTD 1:2000
5. Changing class differentiation. At the same time, in some ways, as a result of
globalization, there has been an elemental change in the nature of the economic
classes and their, positions in the capitalist system. A ‘small entrepreneur’ class,
present in both urban and rural sectors, has been growing larger. A subclass of
small landholding corporations with many production) and sub-production) centers
that have decentralized the manufacturing processes is also growing more important.
There is also a high incidence of shifting/multiple class positions especially between
the small entrepreneurs and the working classes, which blurs the capitalist-labor
divide.
6. Effects of political and social institutions. As a result of the inequitable distribution
of incomes and power, the country’s political and social institutions remain
vulnerable to elite manipulation and control.
Poverty has serious consequences on building a democratic culture. Daily misery
inhibits the poor from carefully studying public issues and participating in public
debates. The situation of dependency makes it difficult for the individual to act as a
free agent who can decide and act proactively on public issues on the basis of
evidence. Because of this, he or she is open to manipulation by those who can
respond to his or her immediate financial need. He or she develops “utang na loob”.
-- Fernando Zialcita: 1997
Feudal relationship between the elite and the masses, or the padrino system, was
transplanted into the state and the political system. State and state instituti9ons,
characteristically weak, have grown increasingly susceptible to the penetration of
elite interests. Elites, being capitalists, used the state to their extreme advantage to
extract wealth.
-- PSP RTD 1: 2000
SESSION 3: PAGBANYUHAY NG (MGA) KULTURANG PINOY
(Cultural analysis: 2 – 2 ¼ hours)
Session Guide
Objectives: For the participants:

to identify and analyze the elements of Filipino political, especially electoral,
culture and indicate potentials for reinforcing or transforming these
 to locate or contrapose these elements to their own values in political, including
electoral, engagement
 to be introduced to the concept of a counter-culture of new politics and good
governance as against trapo politics and malgovernance
Methodology: Video-viewing/case study role-playing, Discussion/Values clarification,
Input/Lecture
Materials: Video on Philippine elections, props for role-playing. Manila paper. Felt-tip
pens
Process and Contents:
A. Introduction (5 minutes)
The facilitator raise the following points and questions:
We made People Power 2 happen. We are now or soon will be engaged in the
campaign for the May 2001 elections. The promotion of or resistance to new politics
and against trapo politics is linked not only to political and economic structures but
also to the internal structures and outward expressions of personal and collective
culture.
Why have Erap and trapos become icons of our time? What storyline or mythology
are they protagonists in? How do these icons, storyline and mythology resonate
within our own kalooban? Can positive and more compelling icons be created? Can
the storyline be re-written or the mythology reconceptualized?
B. Video Showing (30 minutes)
The facilitator shows an excerpt of the video, “Eleksyong Pinoy” OR
Case Study Role-playing (30 minutes)
The facilitator introduces a case study of an election campaign of a “new politician” in
a trapo politics setting, e.g. Dr. Eddie Dorotan in Irosin, Sorsogon (or Butch Abad in
Batanes, Jesse Robredo in Naga.
Nene Pimentel in Cagayan de Oro).
The
participants choose and play the various roles in the case study.
[NOTE: The specifics of such a case study have not been written-up as of yet.
Seminar organizers and facilitators may wish to develop cases suitable to the specific
area in which the training is to be held. Participants may likewise be encouraged to
develop their own cases based on known examples within the locality]
C. Discussion (30 minutes)
The facilitator leads the participants in analyzing the video excerpt or case study.
The following guide questions may be helpful:
 What are the values, ideas, feelings, attitudes, worldviews, etc. embodied in the
video or case study?
 How do they relate to the political and economic development conditions of the
situations depicted?
 Can the positive values be reinforced? The negative transformed? How?
E. Input (30 minutes)
The facilitator presents an analysis of the feudal nature of trapo politics and the
alternative of new politics.
[NOTE: The facilitator may find either of the readings below sufficient as talk
outline/input.]
F. Values clarification (30 minutes)
The facilitator leads the participants in surfacing and re-examining their own values,
etc. in relation to trapo politics and expressing their views on committing to the
alternative of new politics. S/he also leads them in identifying the challenges, both
objective and subjective conditions that will confront them in this complex and
dynamic task.
Readings
[NOTE: The following 2 readings/outlines may be helpful for the talk/input on
political/electoral culture]
READING #1: Pinoy Political Culture: View from the Inside By Cristina Montie!
[The following outline was presented by Dr. Montiel in a forum on Pinoy Political
Culture last March 14, 2001.]
I. Introduction
A. Theoretical Definition and Scope of Pinoy Political Culture
(1) Filipino political culture (1) covers all thoughts and feelings, material symbols,
group-accepted practices, (b) shared by large pluralities of interacting Filipinos,
(c) as they produce, allocate and use political powers within, outside and in
interaction with the state.
(2) Scope Method: Qualitative analysis of FGDs and in-dept interviews of politically
active groups/individuals (e.g. spouses of congressional reps., Senate chiefs-ofstaff, incumbent politicians)))
II. Electoral Culture
A. Stages of an Electoral Campaign:
1. Pre-campaign/informal campaign period (activities: being visible, accessible and
available to the people, and strengthening one’s political base; campaign
machinery organizing and raising money; forging alliances or joining political
parties)
2. Launching or Filing of candidacy
3. Formal campaign practices
a. Formal campaign practices
 Rallies, food, making promises during speeches (trapo will talk of promises,
guapo of track record)
 house-to house campaigning, distributing leaflets, posting campaign, streamers,
media appearances
 money, money, money for: leaflets, ads, poll watchers allowances, campaign
coordinators, political leaders, local candidates, jeep with loudspeaker, gawgaw
to paste posters and to a very real extent money is used to buy votes
b. Formal campaign problems
 party in-fighting
 scandal and intrigue-siraan ng puri (contest in destroying each other’s integrity)
 campaign violence – hoodlums dressed in fatigues; making use of military;
burning the candidate’s house or destroying his property; dukot or kidnap tactics
where a candidate’s campaign leaders are kidnapped; certain provinces are
known as patayan areas. “talagang ubusan ng lahi”
4. V-day: Election day
5. Post-election period
 Bulk of the money spend for an electoral campaign goes to ballot watching:
marred by cases of election fraud and election violence.
B. Political Languages: Some Examples
 BIMPOS: batang itinulak ng magulang sa politika
 Command votes: votes captured through established political leaders; dependent
on one political leader who promises to deliver votes from a specific geographical
area
 Solid votes: votes captured through endorsements by key personalities e.g.
religious leaders (of the Catholic Church, Iglesia ni Kristo, El Shaddai)
 Free market votes: votes captured through media (how you and your issues look
substantially and physically as projected through media)
 Neophyte: first-time politician

Patronage/Traditional/Personalistic politics: money-based system of campaigning
and governance; based on cultural expectations for the candidate to act as a
patron or ninong (godfather) which means being a provider to his constituents or
kababayan, responding to personal requests, answering personal problems,
giving money to supporters
 Progressive/Alternative politics: principle-based system of campaigning and
governance (based on what volunteers and supporters understand of the
candidate’s principles)
C.
Election
Artifacts
(Things):
calendars,
leaflets,
posters,
stickers,
streamers/banners,
t-shirt, sample ballots, reports, platform of government.
D. Election Organizational Infrastructure
1. The campaign machinery:
(a) internal/core group
(b) external group/network – parallel organizations
2. The organization after elections: Winners vs. Losers
E. Beliefs, Expectations and Cognitions about Elections
1. What the candidate and the core group believe
2. Volunteers and voters: quid pro quo
3. Winning elections: A popularity contest
What wins elections? Here are some of the top answers of electoral victors:
a. following cultural expectations like attending fiestas, being a patron or ninong,
doling out money, responding to personal requests of constituents, etc.
b. getting extensive media exposure and therefore the free market votes, which
makes movie and TV personalities a shoo-in for public office.
c. Preserving a good family name or reputation especially for traditional politicians
or political families
d. Good performance while in office, i.e. fulfilling even some of one’s campaign
promises
e. Smooth interpersonal relations (with the people)
f. Money
g. a popular candidate
h. a popular political party
i. a strong political machinery
j. endorsements by key personalities like religious leaders who can bring in solid
votes, e.g. Iglesia ni Kristo, Cardinal sin, Mike Velarde, Nur Misuari.
 Essentially, if you are popular and you have money (to make yourself popular),
you will win an election in the Philippines.
III. Culture of Philippine Governance
A. Requests of volunteers and constituents from the Patron:
 money and more money
 jobs and job contracts
 recommendations and endorsements e.g. for a US visa
 special favors: infrastructure projects, donations for fiestas or special occasions
or the church, money to pay for the band or the orchestra or the invited movie or
TV personality for the fiesta
 personal recognition of individuals who helped during the campaign
B. Professional pressures
C. Pressures within the politician
D. Governance Practices Related to the Electoral Contest
1. re-election bid affects governance style –governance to win
2. governance practices to prepare for the next election
IV. Coping: Some Mental Exercise Used by Politicians
V. Muslim Politics
Despite the surface coat of democracy, feudalism still runs deep among Muslims.
Historically, feudalism embraces the power or authority of the upper class or nobility
and the rule king or monarch. Political power is derived not through a democratic
electoral process but by kinship or blood. This feudalistic form of leadership is
manifested in the traditional datus or sultans who continue to exert influence
politically among Muslims.
A. Leadership Style
 In Mindanao, particularly in the Muslim areas, three contesting forms of authority
exists: (1) the Sultanate or Datuism (the traditional or feudalistic): (2) the
Islamic: and (3) the /western or democratic (formal authority of Philippine
government). Success in governance in this region requires reconciling these
three contending forms of government, the formal government and the
traditional informal forms of leadership.
B. Male-centered Culture (machismo)
C. Strong family (clan system) and commitment ties (utang na loob)
D. Winning elections in Muslim Mindanao: (1) Family or clan support; (2) Money;
and
(3) Mindanao is also known for its command votes.
VI. Politico-Cultural Issues of Pinoy Governance
A. Personalistic politics: ‘the power of connections”
 Family (including mistresses), relatives, friends, kumpadres, kababayans,
padrinos influence Filipino political practices
 What is expected of a politician or a public official is what is expected of a
personal friend or acquaintance.
 PERSONAL means:
 To be a friend: open your home to people; be there in person – during fiestas,
weddings, baptismal, and funerals
 Informal – joking, laughing, chit-chat, small talk, and providing snacks
 Personal touch-to shake the hand (kamayan) of a public official, to receive a pat
on the shoulder (tapik), to be stroked (haplos), to have the official’s arm on one’s
shoulder (akbayan)
 Other personalistic aspects of our political culture:

Personalan (taking things personally)
 Tampuhan (feeling hurt)
 Shame: hiya and delicadeza
 Pakikisama (getting along well with others)
 Utang na loob; debt of gratitude
 Informal influential: abuse of power-the power-the “power of connections,”
though having no legitimate merits, is culturally sanctioned
B. Machismo
Government is still run largely by males and many political practices are malecentered. For example, machismo is illustrated by how male public officials are
known (and culturally accepted) to have mistresses.
C. Religion
The so-called solid votes come from endorsements made by leaders of the Catholic
Church, El Shaddai, or the Iglesia ni Kristo
D. Culture of Dependence
 Filipinos tend to have a sense of dependency and helplessness, especially those
in extreme poverty. As such, people will always depend on a patron politician
who can provide temporary relief to their everyday struggle for subsistence.
Politicians can stay in politics for a long time by making people continuously
dependent on them.

This culture of dependence is also evident within government where people
merely wait to follow orders rather than take the initiative.
VII. Advocating for Progressive new Politics
Traditional Filipino politics is the conglomeration of the different facets of a different
facets of personalistic and patronage political culture. It is a system of campaigning
and governance that honors and thrives on money an personal relationships.
1. Patronage politics is in essence of money-based system of politics wherein
governance is measured not in terms of how well a public official performs his
mandated responsibilities but on how much money he can give in response to
personal requests. It is a political culture where a politician has to be a patron,
accommodating favors to provide jobs, contracts, recommendations for a few.
2. The personalistic orientation of Filipino political culture manifests itself in how
personal relationships often take precedence over political principles or issues of
governance. Family, relatives, friends, kumpadres, kababayans, padrinos, and
virtually any imaginable personal connection influence and dictate upon political
practices and decision-making.
Politics is clouded by nepotism, lack of
professionalism, personalan, pakikisama, utang na loob, the power of
connections, and other values dependent on personal ties and relations.
B. The alternative: Progressive New Politics
1. The following are dimensions of this Progressive New Politics
 People empowerment or sharing leadership or letting people participate in
development from planning to implementation and letting them charter their own
development;
 Deep consultation with ordinary constituents e.g. farmers and workers;
 Social organizing or organizing different sectors of society to participate in
development; and
 Massive and deep participation of the different sectors of society in development.
2. Progressive politicians have tried to instill changes in the political culture in their
own small ways by:
 Being conscious that the patronage system of politics is not the way;
 Not giving money;
 Not using guns and goons;
 Training people not to go to the politician’s house; instead to go to the office;
 Being efficient and not being corrupt;
 Not spending time trying to dine and mingle with people in power;
 Not compromising one’s ideas and principle;
 Working with institutions that can change the culture of dependence and
helplessness;
 Initiating programs that inform and teach people about livelihood opportunities;
 Not putting one’s self in a position of utang na loob; and
 Re-educating and re-training people.
READING #2: Confronting the Nation’s Crisis, Confronting Ourselves
By Jojo Magadia, SJ
[The following are transcribed from a talk by Fr. Magadia at Loyola School of
Theology]
I. “The Hole We are In “: Observations Regarding Our Political System
A. Philippine political parties are ideologically indistinguishable and politically
impotent. They are primarily electoral machines used to get people into power.
B. Elections are won on the basis of popularity, name-recall, dole-outs and
patronage where the choice of national leaders has less to do with policy outputs
or integrity.
C. The idea of political participation that continues to prevail among our people is
confined to the mere casting of votes. “Kung walang krisis, tama na sa atin ang
bumoto.”
D. Despite attempts by the 1987 Constitution to set limits to executive powers,
great leverage/power continues to be vested on the President.
E. The core of our problem is that we have a political system based on the rational
rule of law that was artificially built over a society which has gotten used to a
politics of patronage.
II. “We Who are Trying to Climb Out of the Hole”: Who are We as a People?
A. We as a people are still rigidly to-down in our idea of leadership.
 Dependence on the President and those in positions (patrons) for dole-outs
 Manila-centeredness
B. Our interests have remained very parochial, very narrow.
 Lack of social consciousness (on the part of both rich and poor)
 Lack of a sense of being one nation
C. We possess a weak sense of the public good.
 Our sense of the public good is limited to ourselves and does not go to the level
of neighbor and of nation > e.g. Maselan tayong mga Pilipino pag dating sa
kalinisan pero bakit ‘yong ating basura nagtatambakan?
D. “Ayaw natin ng gulo.” > It’s very hard for us to face dissent; we don’t want to be
challenged.
E. Concern for Image and What People Say
F. Distrust of Rules/Palusot
G. An Exaggerated and Distored Sense of Loyalty to Family and Friends
Conclusion: We are a people who have gotten used to the idea that leaders and
government are there to get things done for us so that we can get on with our lives.
If we do not want another Erap, we have to re-examine our idea of what a leader is
and what a leader should do. Erap built on the idea of the leader as provider (“Ako
ang bahala sa inyo”), passing himself off as the beneficent lord of the land, the “Ama
ng Bayan.” We have allowed our people to be pushed to a corner where the only
choice they could make was to place their bets on the illusion that only a Robin
Hood-type like Estrada can deliver them from all evil.
SESSION 4: NEW CHALLENGES TOWARDS SOCIAL CHANGE
(Challenge/Opportunities/Threats: 1-1 ½ hours)
Session Guide
Objectives: For the participants:
 To identify their roles in pursuing the transformation of society
 To choose multi-approaches towards social change
Methodology: Input/Lecture
Talk/Input
I.
Leveling of Framework Towards Change
A. Premises regarding the State
1. The State is not monolithic; it is the product continuing power struggles. The
state is an Arena of Struggle: Civil society groups should critically engage and
interact with State agencies and processes in order to influence and transform
the State
2. The State is an actor in its own right: It is relatively autonomous and has
influence on outcomes of conflicts and other processes of society.
3. Mode of Functioning: The State imposes certain orders on both the itself and the
rest of society.
B. Progressive Mass Party/ies
1. Vehicle/s that will directly engage the State towards reforming the state
2. Political vehicle that will carry a reform agenda into a largely electoral arena.
3. The backbone of the party is the progressive section of the citizenry who share
the party’s goal of ending traditional politics and transforming the State and
Philippine politics.
C. Civil Society
1. Social life of the citizens within the households and the interaction of the
households in the local community and in the various social organizations outside
the formal political system and the corporate economy.
2. This should lead to the building of alternative centers of powers and democracy
that will be composed of the organized and critical citizenry; These alternative
centers will harness and strengthen people empowerment at the sectoral and
geographical level.
II.
Our Urgent Tasks
A. Participation in Election and Governance (Parliamentary Arena)
1. An important test for the social movements is to engage in the forthcoming May
2001 elections. The rebound of Erap forces or continuation of People Power 2’s
gains will be determined by the balance of forces as a result of the May 2001
elections. It is important to increase the political power of new politics and social
reform forces through decisive victories in the party list and senatorial elections.
It is also vital to ensure the victory of more pro-reform local government officials.
2. There is a need to maximize our allies in the government. We should establish
close links with the state reformers and critically engage them-providing much
needed support as well as constant “reminders”.
3. An urgent challenge is to change the rules of the “electoral game” to make the
electoral arena more open to non-traditional politics. Specifically, there is a need
to promote the implementation of the local sectoral representatives system and
the electoral modernization program.
B. Strengthening the people’s Agenda (Ideological Discourse)
* This will be the basis of our critical engagement with the government. The
People’s Agenda is the articulation and embodiment of progressive reform agenda.
It is the concrete expression of being consistent with our goal of transforming the
dominant political system.
1. It is important to democratically craft area-specific as well as sector-specific
People’s Agendas. This will enrich and “particularize” the “usual” People’s Agenda
(e.g. asset reform and economic development, political/electoral reforms).
2. There is a need to promote and popularize these People’s Agenda (PAs) among
the various civil society groups.
3. It is also vital to bind as many candidates as possible to these PAs. After the
elections, the PAs and the “covenants” with candidates based on them will serve
as our basis for exacting accountability from those who are elected into office.
This will serve to minimize and eventually eradicate corruption and self-serving
decision of politicians.
C. Institutionalization of Civil Society’s Role in Nation-Building (Alternative Centers
of
Power and Democracy)
1. Civil society (CS) organizations (people’s organizations and NGOs) need to be
strengthened and expanded. The reach of these organizations have to be
extended to as many towns, barangays and puroks as possible. The extent and
strength of CS organizations will be vital in the task of promoting new politics and
social reforms.
2. The capacity and skills of CS organizations in policy analysis and advocacy,
including critical engagement with the State, have to be continuously honed.
3. Local networks of CS organizations united in promoting new politics and social
reforms have to be built and nurtured.
4. The “windows” for CS participation in governance provided by the local
Government Code and other laws have to be maximized. These include the local
development councils, the local special bodies, public consultations/.
D. Cultural Consciousness-Raising and Transformation
1. It is important to strengthen the currently prominent societal value for
transparency and good governance/anti-corruption.
2. There is a need to maximize Civil Society education and communication programs
and mechanisms (e.g. seminars, meetings, symposia/for a, newsletters) to
promote new politics and good governance values and principles, such as
program-based instead of personality-based politics, broadening of sense of
common good from “family/friends, clan and hometown” to whole society, people
empowerment and collective action instead of leader-centered dependency, etc.
SESSION 5: TUNGO SA BAGONG PULITIKA
(New Politics/Active Citizenship: 1 ½ hours)
Session Guide
Objectives: For the participants
 To identify the values and principles of New Politics
 To establish criteria/norms for classifying adherents of New Politics
 To resolve to involve themselves in the advocacy of New Politics
Methodology: Discussion, Interactive lecture
Materials: posters or caricatures of 2-3 known politicians, flip chart, meta cards,
scissors, masking tape, felt-tip pens
Process and Content:
Part 1: Introduction
The facilitator shows the participants caricatures or posters of known politicians.
S/he then asks the participants for their reactions/views regarding what they see.
S/he likewise asks them to identify and compare the differences in political style and
governance of the politicians concerned.
OR
The facilitator asks the question: “Ano ang nakikita ninyong takbo ng pulitika sa
ating bansa ngayon?” S/he asks the participants to write their brief responses on
strips of paper and to post these on the board in front. After all the participants
have responded, the facilitator then attempts to synthesize their responses by
categorizing these under particular headings e.g. Economic Political-Cultural
characteristics.
Part 2: Interactive lecture on “Traditional Politics”
1. Traditional a politics can be traced back to the hacienda system: patron-client
relationship bred dependence and a feudal mindset.
2. Traditional politics is based on a relationship of power founded on patronage
(padrino) and elitism.
3. Traditional politics views power as an instrument to further advance the interest
of those already in power.
4. To remain in power, traditional politicians have made an art of manipulating
Filipino cultural traits, e.g. utang na loob, to keep people beholden to them.
Part 3: Interactive lecture on “New Politics”
1. Proponents of a New Politics believe that power should be in the hands of the
people and not just of the elite.
2. As a result, New Politics emphasize active involvement by organized citizenry not
just in times of elections.
3. New Politics values and promotes integrity instead of corruption, self-reliance
instead of dependence, unity instead of division.
4. New Politics strives for meaningful reforms in society rather than simple doleouts.
Part 4: Interactive lecture on “Active Citizenship and the Challenge to New Politics”
1. Meaning and Responsibilities of Citizenship
2. Politics and Citizenship
Readings
TUNGO BAGONG PULITIKA
PANIMULA
May kasabihan na ang pulitika ay bahagi ng kultura ng tao. Bahagi rin ito ng
kulturang Pilipino.
Totoong marami ang namumulitika pero hindi ito
nangangahulugang ang karamihan ay “pulitiko” na rin batay sa negatibo at
kumbensiyunal na pagbibigay-kahulugan dito.
Nagiging negatibo ito ang pakahulugan natin sa pulitika dahil hindi kumikilos ang
mga pulitiko noon pa man para sa pangkalahatang kapakanan (general welfare) at
pagbabagong inaasam-asam ng sambayanang Pilipino. Nangyayari ito dahil na rin
sa sistemang pulitikal na umiiral sa Pilipinas kung saan limitado ito para lang sa mga
mayayamang pulitiko.
Hindi naipuwesto ang mga ideya at mithiin ng
nakakararaming mamamayang Pilipino sa loob ng gobyerno. Sa halip ay interes ng
mga mayayamang pulitiko ang umiiral.
Mula pa noong unang panahon, mga mayayamang maylupa at mga tauhan nila ang
may hawak sa ating gobyerno. Karamihan sa mga pumapasok sa loob ng Kongreso
at matataas na posisyon sa Ehekutibo ang nanggagaling sa uri ng mga maylupa at
mayayaman. Natural na interes ng mga mayayaman ang palaging umiiral sa
kanilang paggawa ng mga batas at programa.
Hindi rin natin maikaila ang mga ginawa ng mga Marcos at kanilang mga kroni sa
Pilipinas at kailan lang, kung paano nagtamasa at nagpayaman sina Erap, kanyang
mga kroni at kaibigan sa kanilang pagkaluklok sa kapangyarihan.
Layunin ng panayam na ito na maipaliwanag kung ano ang kahulugan ng pulitika
batay sa kulturang Pilipino (Filipino Political Culture). Bibigyan natin dito ng diin ang
anyo ng tradisyunal na pulitika na umiiral sa ating bansa at kung bakit ito nananatili
kahit sa mga dulot nitong di-mabuti sa mamamayang Pilipino. Panghuli, tatalakayin
natin ang hamon ng bagong pulitika at ang mahalagang papel ng mamamayang
Pilipino sa pagbubuklod-buklod laban sa tradisyunal na pulitika.
ANG TRADISYUNAL NA PULITIKA
Ang lumang pulitika ay higit na nakikilala bilang “trapo” o tradisyunal na pultika.
May sari-saring kahulugan ng tradisyunal na pulitika sa iba’t ibang antas. Subali’t
malinaw na, sa ilalim ng tradisyunal na pulitika, hindi naipuwesto ang mga ideya at
mithiin ng nakararaming mamamayang Pilipino sa loob ng gobyerno.
Ang totoong kahulugan ng pulitika ay higit na maiintidihan kung ang magiging
batayan natin sa pag-intindi nito ay nakabatay sa relasyon ng kapangyarihan ng mga
tao sa isa’t isa; ng panginoong maylupa at magsasaka; kapitalista at manggagawa;
pulitiko at botante; babae at lalaki; at gobyerno at mamamayan.
Ang Kulturang Trapo
May kasaysayan ang kulturang tradisyunal na pulitika. Nag-umpisa ito sa “Hacienda
Politics”, dahil hinubog ang kulturang ito sa sistemang hacienda noong panahon ng
pananakop ng mga Kastila. Sa sistemang hacienda, ang umiiral ay ang relasyong
umaasa o palaasa, sa panig ng mga nagsasaka, at ng nagbibigay pabor at pagtugon
sa mga umaasa, sa panig ng maylupa. Ang relasyong ito ay tinatawag na ugnayang
patron-client. Dito nagmula ang pyudal na kaisipan na pala-asa, sa panig ng mga
magsasaka kasama ang buong pamilya nito.
Ang kulturang ito ay dala-dala hindi lang sa loob ng asyenda. Sa panahon ng
Commonwealth (sa ilalim ng Amerika) ang mga panginoong maylupa na rin ang
naging makapangyarihan ng sila ay maluklok sa poder matapos ang mga halalang
pinasimulan ng mga Amerikanong kolonista. Imbes magkaisa ang mga magsasaka
laban sa kani-kanilang mga maylupa, sinuportahan nila ang kani-kanilang
panginoong maylupa. Kaya’t sila pa ang naging magkalaban sa pulitika. Sa
sukdulan, kapag minsa’y ginagamit pa silang mga goon laban sa mga kapwa
magsasaka.
May kasabihang mas nakakabenipisyo ang isang grupo ng mga magsasaka o kaya’t
mangagawa kung ang mananalo sa eleksiyon ay ang kanilang amo, kaysa ang
kabila. Mas madaling magkaisa ang mga magsasaka at manggagawa sa ilalim ng
mga kauri nila sa panahong iyon (totoo pa rin ito hanggang ngayon). Malinaw na
sinuportahan at pinalakas ng piyudai na kultura at kaisipan ang tradisuynal na
pulitika.
Ang tradisyunal na pulitika ay isang relasyon ng kapangyarihan na nakabatay sa
PADRINO AT ELITISMO.
Padrino, dahil nakabatay sa relasyong patron-client
relationship, sa panig ng umaasa at nagbibigay ng pabor. Elitismo dahil ang may
hawak ng kapangyarihan ay nasa kamay ng iilang mayayamang pulitiko, kilala, at
kayang bumili ng boto sa ibat-ibang paraan (hal. Pangakong magbigay ng trabaho sa
munisipyo o ibang tanggapan ng gobyerno, at iba pa).
Sa ilalim ng sistemang ito, ang kapangyarihan ay nasa kamay lang ng iilang elite na
pulitiko na gumagamit sa yaman ng gobyerno para sa makasariling pagpapayaman
at para sa benepisyo ng kanilang angkan at mga tauhan. Ang PATRON-CLIENT
RELATIONSHIP mismo ang pinakabuod ng trapoismo-ang tradisyunal na pulitkang
sistema.
Nagawa ng tradisyunal na pulitika na gamitin ang kiliti ng mamamayang Pilipino sa
pamamaraang paggamit ng mga Pilipinong pagpapahalaga (values) tulad ng utang
na loob at pakikisama.
Ang Trapo at ang Tingin Nito sa Kapangyarihan
Ang tradisyunal na pulitika ay naniniwala na ang kapangyarihan ay isang
instrumento para sa pag-giit ng makasariling interes ng may hawak nito. Grabe ang
kasiraang dulot ng prinsipyong ito: naubos ang kaban ng bayan: nabaon sa utang
ang bansa: maraming nabawian ng buhay sa mga taong kumokontra nito, lalo na
noong Martial Law; nasira ang kapaligiran dahil sa mga magtotroso na siya ring may
impluwensya sa gobyerno; at iba pa. Dahil sa makasariling interes, hindi na nakikita
ng mga may hawak ng kapangyarihan kung ano ang makakabuti sa nakakarami.
Kaya’t sa bawat eleksyon, ang pag-aaway-away ng iba’t-ibang mayayaman ay
nakabatay kung sino ang susunod o mananatiling nakikinabang sa yaman ng bansa.
Ang naisantabi ay magiging oposisyon. Ngunit kapag mabigyan ng posisyon ang
oposisyong ito, biglang tikom ang kanilang bibig.
Kaya ang ugat ng malawakang pangungurakot ng bansa ay bunga ng kaisipang
“serbisyo sa publiko tungo sa serbisyo sa sarili.”
ANG PROGRESIBO AT BAGONG PULITIKA
Ang bagong pulitika ay isang kaisipang pulitikal na, una; naniniwala na kailangang
wakasan na ang lumang pulitika sa Pilipinas na naghahari sa loob ng higit isang
daang taon; pangalawa, naniniwala na ang kapangyarihan ay dapat nasa kamay ng
karamihan – ng mamamayang Pilipino – at hindi sa iilan lang (elite) particular ang
mga mayayamang uri tulad ng mga panginoong maylupa at mga malalaking
negosyante.
Bagong Pulitika, Sasalungat sa Kulturang Trapo
Ang kultura ng bagong pulitika ay hindi pa gaanong nagkahugis dahil nasasapawan
pa rin ito ng dominanteng kulturang trapo. Pero, kung titingnan, masasabi nating
nag-uumpisa na ito. Kaya lang ay palaging nauudlot dahil na rin sa lakas ng
dominanteng sistemang pulitikal-pangkabuhayan at cultural at maging sa pananakot
at dahas na ginamit ng mga trapong nasa poder para lang mapanatili nila ang
kanilang interes.
Hindi maikaila na noon pang 1940s, nag-umpisa na ang bagong pulitika sa bandera
ng Democratic Alliance, isang partido pulitika na lumahok at nanalo, pero
dineklarang illegal at pinaghuhuli ang mga lider nito. Dahil dito nauwi sa armadong
pakikibaka ang nagging alternatibo ng mga progresibo dahil hindi sila binigyan ang
puwang ng mga mayayamang makapasok sa gobyerno at maipatupad ang reporma
at pagbabago. Dahil dito, nalimita sa dalawang larangan ang kinikulasan ng mga
progresibong pulitiko, ang bundok sa pamamaraang armado at ang kalsada, sa
pamamaraang pagkilos na extra-parliamentaryo. Hindi tinanggap ng karamihang
progresibo na ang eleksyon ay isang larangan na makamit ang tagumpay para sa
pagbabago.
Gayunpaman, marami pa rin ang sumubok sa larangang parliyamentaryo. Nandiyan
ang Party for Philippine Progress (PPP) nina Sen. Manahan at Manglapuz at ang PDPLaban noong 1970s, ang pinagsanib na partido nina Ninoy Aquino at Nene Pimentel.
Nagsubok din ang Partido ng Bayan (PnB) nina Joma Sison at Satur Ocampo noong
1987, at ang LP-PDP-Laban-Akbayan noong 1992.
Nagkaroon muli ng bagong pag-asang sumali ang mga progresibo sa halalan nang
simulan ang sistemang Party-List noon 1998. Dahil dito, nabuo ang iba’t ibang
progresibong organisasyon at partidong pang party-list, kabilang na ang Akbayan!
Abanse! Pinay, AKO, coop-NATCCO at iba pa.
Ang impluwensya ng bagong pulitika ay makikita sa plataporma o programa ng mga
kandidato at mga partido politikal. Dati, wala kang makikitang plataporma, puro
batikos sa kalaban lang ang mababasa mo. Halos walang kaibahan ang laman ng
kanilang mga polyeto at poster, labas lang sa kanilang pagmumukha.
Hindi nanalo si Ramon Mitra,Jr. sa pagkapanggulo ng Pilipinas noong 1992 dahil
nakilala siyang trapo, at negatibo ang dating nito sa mga botante. Si Joe de Venecia
hindi rin nanalo noong 1998 election dahil nakita na mga mamamayan na may taglay
siyang katagiang trapo. Ito ay pagpapatibay na dahan-dahang pumapasok sa
kaisipan ng mga mamamayang Pilipino ang kahulugan ng trapo. Pero, hindi ito
sapat dahil malalim ang ibig sabihin ng trapo. Problem rin na walang malinaw na
mukha sa ngayon ang bagong pulitika.
Sa ngayon may iba-ibang pagbibigay kahulagan ng bagong pulitika. Ilan dito ay
karaniwan nang ginagamit at tinatanggap ng mga taong nasa larangan ng
pagtataguyod ng bagong pulitika.
Bagong Pulitika at ang Tingin Nito sa Kapangyarihan
Kasama sa bagong pulitika ang pagiging aktibong kalahok ng mga tao hindi lang sa
panahon ng eleksyon kundi pati na rin pagkatapos ng halalan. Hindi nilimita ang
pulitika sa eleksyon lamang.
Ang mahalagang elemento dito ay ang pagkilala ng mga botante sa kanilang
kapangyarihang pumili at magtalaga kung sino ang nararapat na manungkulan.
Dahil na rin dito, ang konsepto nila mismo sa kapangyarihan ay hindi nalilimita sa
pormal na balangkas ng estado lamang. May pagkilala rin sa kapangyarihan na
nanggagaling sa mga NGOs at POs, na nagsisilbing alternatibong sentro ng
kapangyarihan at demokrasya. Ibig sabihin, nakikita at naisasakatotohanan ng mga
mamamayan ang kapangyarihang mag-impluwensya ng pagbabago sa gobyerno
kahit nasa labas sila ng estado.
Pulitika ito ng mga magkakasama-magkasamang uri, kasarian, etnisidad-na mga
tinaguriang “equals” o “pantay”. Kailangang walang bahid ng padrino system ang
batayan ng mga relasyon. Mas pinapahalagahan ang kolektibo at nagkakaisang
lakas ng mga mamamayan tungo sa iisang mithiin kaysa karisma ng isang lider.
Pinapayaman at pinapahalagaan nito ang INTEGRIDAD at hindi CORRUPTION, SELFRELIANCE at hindi DEPENDENCE; PAGKAKAISA at hindi PAGKAHATI-HATI.
Hindi nito sinusuportahan ang tradisyunal na pulitika at itinataguyod nito ang
pagbibigay kapangyarihan sa nakakaraming Pilipino.
Tinataguyod ng bagong pulitika ang reporma sa lipunana, at hindi simpleng doleouts, hindi mga basketball courts, waiting shed, pag-I-sponsor ng mga kasayahan sa
fiesta, at iba pa. Ang bagong pulitika ay nangangailangan ng mga kongretong
pagbabago na nanggagaling sa
mga malinaw na adyenda at programang
panlipunan, tulad ng trabaho, murang pabahay, health care sa mga mahihirap na
lugar, kapayapaan sa pamamaraang tinugunan ang ugat na dahilan ng rebelyong ng
mga kapatid nating Muslim at NPA, repormang agraryo, at pantay na pagtinging at
pagbigay ng oportunidad sa mga kababaihan at lalaki,
Bagong Pulitika: Pananaw at Pamamaraan
Bagong Puwersa, Bagong Pamamaraan. Ang bagong pulitika at nangangailan ng
pagkakaisa sa mga organisasyong progresibo na nagtataguyod ng adyenda at
programang panlipunan ng sambayanan.
Ang bagong pulitika ay ang pagiging progresibo na ang mga programa, pagtugon at
pagkilos nito ay palaging naka-ugat at angkop sa mga nangyayari ngayon.
Tumutugon ito sa mga pagbabagong nangyayari sa ating mundo at sa lipunan, tulad
halimbawa ng globalisasyon.
Kung ang mga adyenda at programa ng mga
tinaguriang progresibo at maka-reporma ay hindi na angkop sa kasalukuyang
kalagayan, wala ring mangyayari. Tulad na rin ito ng isang trapo, dahil pinapa-asa
ang sambayan sa isang pagbabagong “suntok sa buwan” at hindi na naaangkop sa
kasalukuyan. Ang pagiging lumang progresibo ay para na ring pagiging konserbatibo
dahil hindi nito binibitawan ng mga lumang paniniwala at pamamaraan.
Ang bagong pulitika ay patuloy na nagbabago ng kanyang adyenda at programa at
pamamaraan, habang nananatiling solido at tapat sa kanyang mga “core values”,
tulad ng pagkapantay-pantay, katarungan, demokrasya at kalayaan.
ANG AKTIBONG MAMAMAYAN TUNGO SA BAGONG PULITIKA
Ang salitang “mamamayan” ay salin ng salitang “citizen”. Ang kabaligtaran ng
“citizen” ay ang “subject”, tawag sa mga tao sa isang absolutong monarkiya, at ang
mga “subjects” ay walang mga karapatan. Ang mga karapatan ay para lamang sa
hari at reyna at kanilang mga kadugo (nobility), mga heneral at opisyal ng
sandatahang lakas, at iba pang uri ng taong may prebilihiyo.
Ginagamit ang bansag na “citizen” sa mga pamahalaang republikano o demokratiko,
ganap man o limitado. Sa isang demokratikong pamahalaan ang mamamayan
(citizen) ay siyang nakahihigit at makapangyarihan.
Ngunit sa praktis, dahil
kontrolado ng estado ang sandatahang lakas, minsan maari nitong sindakin at
takutin ang mamamayan. Ganito ang nangyari sa Pilipinas sa ilalim sa Diktaduryang
Marcos sa panahon ng batas military.
Ang Rebolusyon ng People Power noong Pebrero 1986 ay isang pagpapatunay na
kayang baguhin ng mga mamamayan ang isang pamahalaang bulok at hindi na
tumutugon sa interest ng nakararami. Napatalsik din si Pangulong Erap Estrada
noon Enero 2000 sa pamamagitan ng lakas ng mamamayan dahil sa husga ng
taumbayan na ang gobyerno ni Erap hindi na umaayon sa pagpapahalaga sa
katotohan at katarungan.
Ngunit, kahit pa man sa People Power 1 at maaring maging ngayon sa People Power
2, ang kulturang pulitika ng mga Pilipino ay ningas cogon-mabuti lamang sa umpisa
ngunit hindi napapanatili ang hawak nitong lakas para sa pagbabago. Nang mapaalis
si Marcos, inihabilin at iniwanan ng mga mamamayang Pilipino ang kapangyarihan at
pulitika doon din sa mga uri ng taong nagiging dahilan sa kabansutan ng ating
ekonomiya at pulitika.
Sa bawat eleksyon dumarating, patuloy pa ring ibinoboto ng mamamayang Pilipino
ang mga trapo., Kahit pinatalsik ang isang berdugo, mapanlinlang at kurakot na
diktador, ang mamamayang Pilipino ay patuloy na pumipili ng mga lider-pulitiko
batay sa popularidad at angking yaman. Ibig sabihin, nanatiling mga trapo ang
nakaluklok sa pamahalaan dahil na rin trapo ang kulturang pulitika na umiiral sa
karamihang mamamayang Pilipino.
Isang dahilan din kung bakit nanatiling trapo ang palaging may hawak sa poder ay
ang kasalukuyang sistemang eleksyon na tinatawag na “game of millionaires”. Sa
sistemang ito mga mayayaman lang ang may malaking pag-asang manalo sa
paligsahan. Kahit walang laman ang utak mo, walang karanasan, kung may milyonmilyon ka at kilalang-kilala, may sarili at libo-libo kang manggagawa sa negosyo mo
o kaya may isang lalawigan kang hawak ng iyong angkan ang mga lupain at mga
magsasaka, siguradong panalo ka.
Ang puwersa na maaring makapagbabago ng tradisyunal na pulitika ay walang iba
kundi ang nakakaraming mamamayang Pilipino na nagsasawa na sa mga trapo.
Ngunit kailangang dahan-dahang mabago din nito ang pananaw sa pulitika at
kapangyarihan. Kailangan ang paniniwala ng mamamayan na ang kapangyarihan ay
nasa kamay ng karamihan-ng mamamyang Pilipino- at hindi sa iilan lang (elite)
Kailangan ng isang malakas at patuloy na kilusan tungo sa bagong pulitika. Ang
kilusang anti-trapo ay hindi sapat kung ito pang-eleksyon lang, hindi rin ito sapat
kung ang tinutumbok nito ay ang mga pulitikong trapo lamang at hindi sinasali ang
kaisipang trapo ng mga botante. At lalong hindi sapat kung ang isang kilusang
bagong pulitika ay hindi tumutumbok sa sistemang pulitika at sistemang elektoral na
umiiral sa ating bansa.
Kailangan ang malawakang pagbabagong pulitikal at
electoral.
Hindi rin sapat na makapagpanalo tayo ng mga progresibong pulitiko na
magbabandera ng alternatibo at bagong pulitika. Nakikita natin sa ating karanasan
na malalamon lamang ang mga ito sa bulok na kultura ng pamamahala at
burukrasya kung pababayaan natin sila matapos mahalal.
Kapag iniwanan at
pinabayaan natin sila, maaring “survival” ang magiging katayan nito sa loob ng
burukrasya o kaya’y sadyang malamon na ng bulok na kultura ng burukrasya, at
nagiging bulok na rin sa kalaunan. Tandaan natin na ang lahat ng tao, kabilang na
ang mga lider-pulitiko – trapo man o progresibo – ay baligtarin (ambivalent).
Dahil dito, mahalagang pagkatapos ng eleksyon ay masuportahan at/o mabantayan
natin ang mga nanalong opisyal. Kailangang lagi natin silang sinusukat batay sa
Agenda ng Sambayanan at batay na rin sa mga prinsipyo at pagpapahalaga ng
bagong pulitika at pamamahala.
Kailangan din nating suportahan ang mga
magaganda nilang programa at proyekto kasabay ng pagbatikos sa anumang
ginagawa nila na kontra sa kapakanan ng mamamayan.
Nasa kamay pa rin ng mamamayan ang pagbabago, hindi solong pakikibaka ng mga
pulitiko sa loob ng burukrasya. Kailangan pa rin ang aktibong pakikilahok ng
mamamayan sa panahon man o ng eleksyon o matapos ang eleksyon.
Panghuli, ang kulturang trapo ay konserbatibo – takot sa mga bagong kaisipan. Para
sa isang tao, pulitiko man o isang simpleng botante, na may pagpahalagang trapo,
may natural na pagkabahala at pagtutol sa mga kaisipang repormista. Kailangang
makahanap ng mga malikhain at angkop na pamamaraan para maisulong ang
kultura at kaisipan ng bagong pulitika at pamamahala. Ito ang hamon sa atin
ngayon sa ating pagsisikap na magkaroon ng malawakang pagbabago sa ating
lipunan.
SESSION 6: PEOPLE’S AGENDA
(1 hour)
Session Guide
Objectives: For the participants:
 To enumerate the principles underlying the People’s Agenda
 To explain the main points of the People’s agenda
Methodology: Interactive Lecture
Materials: Chalk and blackboard or Manila paper and felt-tip pens
Process and Content:
Step 1:
Start with this question:
Going back to our earlier session on
assessing/reflecting on the RIO-Erap campaign and People Power 2, what would you
say are the basic principles that we fought for?’
As the participants answer, write their responses on the board.
Step 2: Synthesize the answers. Most probably, their answers may be summarized
as follows:
 Honesty and Transparency (Katapatan at Kabukasan)
 Justice and Fair Play (Katarungan)
 People’s Welfare (Kapakanan ng Nakararami, Hindi ng iilan)
 People participation and Empowerment (Partisipasyon at Kapangyarihan ng
Taumbayan)
Step 3: The facilitator then poses this question: “How can we put these principles
into practice in our economic, political and socio-cultural systems? What programs
should we advocate?
[NOTE: Tackle each system one by one. For the economic system, it might be
helpful to discuss each sector (i.e. industry, agriculture/fishery, services) in turn.
Make sure that the environment and women/gender concerns are discussed. Bring
these out separately at the end if necessary]
Step 4:
Refer to the paper/hand-out on the People’s Agenda – “Agenda ng
Sambayanan para sa Taong 2001-2004.”
Step 5: Sum up the discussion by emphasizing that, after People Power 1 and 2 our
continuing task is to broaden and deepen democracy )”palawakin at palalimin and
demokrasya”) –
 To broaden from only political democracy to economic and cultural democracy
 To deepen democracy in every sphere (e.g. from just limited formal democracy
to people’s participation, party-list, sectoral representatives, etc; from just unionorganizing to asset reform, industrial democracy. Etc; from just freedom to
choose to student participation, broad ownership of media institutions, etc.).
Talk/Input
Agenda ng Sambayanan para sa Taong 2001-2004
Nagsisimula na tayong makahon sa krisis pampulitika at pang-ekonomiya na dinanas
natin sa panahon ni dating Pangulong Joseph Estrada. Masasabi ring nagtagumpay
tayo sa krisis pang-moral/pangkultura na katambal ng panunungkulan ng dating
Pangulo. Ngunit malinaw ring nananatili pa rin ang mga problema ng ating lipunan
na siyang kaugnay at/o pinagmulan ng ating krisis. Kung hindi natin matutugunan
ang mga problemang ito, malamang na mauulit sa darating na mga taon ang krisis
na ating dinanas. Dahil dito, mahalaga ang Agenda ng Sambayanan.
PAMPULITIKA
1. Kasuhan, arestuhin at litisin si dating Pangulong Joseph Estrada para sa mga
krimeng pagnanakaw ng pera ng bayan, economic plunder at iba pa.
Kumpiskahin ang nakaw na yaman ni Estrada, ng kanyang pamilya at mga
asawa/babae at ibalik ito sa pondo ng bayan para magamit sa mga programa
para sa mahihirap.
2. Palakasin ang programang anti-corruption ng pamahalaan.
Kaugnay nito,
magtalaga ng yunit sa Opisina ng Ombudsman na regular na magsasagawa ng
pagsusuri sa Statement of Assets and Liabilities (SALs) ng matataas na opisyal at
ng mga “lifestyle checks.” Gawin ding mas “transparent” ang proseso ng “prequalification, bidding and awards”
3. Itaguyod ang partisipasyon ng mga mamamayan sa pamamahala sa
pamamagitan ng pagpapatupad at pagpapalakas ng iba’t ibang probisyon ng mga
batas tulad ng representasyon sa mga “development councils.” “local health
boards” at iba pang “local special bodies” at mga pambulikong konsultasyon.
Kagyat na isabatas at ipatupad ang konstitusyonal na probisyon para sa mga
“local sectoral representatives” sa mga Sangguniang Pambayan, Panlungsod at
Panlalawigan. Sa lahat ng ito, dapat tiyakin ang partisipasyon at representasyon
ng mga batayang sector at kababaihan.
4. Magsagawa ng repormang electoral. Pangunahin na rito ang modernisasyon ng
eleksyon upang tiyakin ang mabilis at matapat na pagbibilang ng boto. Kailangan
ding isabatas ang Absentee voting Act para sa mga Pilipinong nagtatrabaho o
nag-aaral sa ibang bansa at ang pag-amyenda ng Party List Law upang palakasin
ito bilang isang sistema para sa mga mahihirap at naisasantabing sector at
maliliit na partido-pulitikal.
5. Palakasin ang mga inisyatiba tungo sa kapayapaan. Pangalagaan ang pagtigil ng
mga opensibang military lalo na sa Mindanao. Muling buksan ang panimulang
negosasyong pang-kapayapan sa MILF at CPP-NPA, pabilisin ang negosasyon sa
RPA-BBA at ganap na ipatupad ang kasunduang pang-kapayapaan sa MNLF.
Muling buuin at palakasin ang mga organong pang-kapayapaan ng pamahalaan
tulad ng Office of the Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process (OPAPP).
PANG-EKONOMIYA
6. Isulong ang repormang pansakahan at pangisdaan.
Kumpletuhin ang
pamamahagi ng malalaking pribadong lupain sa ilalim ng Comprehensive
Agrarian Reform Program o CARP bago matapos ang taong 2004. Iwaksi ang
“corporative scheme:, “market-assisted land reform: at iba pang paraan upang
mapanatili ng malalaking maylupa ang kanilang pagmamay-ari at kontrol sa
malalawak na lupain. Kailangang igalang at ipagtanggol ang mga Emancipation
Patens (Eps) at Certificate of Land Ownership Awards (CLOAs) laban sa
pagkakansela. Dapat nang I-“install” ang lahat ng mga magsasakang nabigyan
na ng CLOA.
Kailangan din kilalanin ang karapatan ng mga kababaihang
magbubukid sa pagmamay-ari ng lupa at sa pagtanggap ng suportang serbisyo.
Dapat pigilin ang pagpasok ng mga komersyal na pangisdaan sa 15-kilometrong
‘municipal waters’ at ipatigil ang lahat ng illegal na pamamaraan ng pangingisda.
7. Pangalagaan ang katiyakan sa pagkain ng bansa. Kaugnay nito kailangan nang
ihinto ang malawakang kombersyon ng mga sakahan at katubigan. Kailangan
kagyat na isabatas ang National Land Use Act na magtataguyod ng katiyakan sa
pagkain, repormang pansakahan at kapakanan ng mga mahihirap. Habang wala
pa ang batas, kagyat na maglabas ng Executive Order na magtitigil ng
malawakang kombersyon at exemption sa repormang pansakahan.
8. Ibalik sa milyun-milyong mahihirap na magniniyog ang coconut levy fund.
Ideklara itong public trust fund para sa kapakanan ng maliliit na magniniyog.
9. Itaguyod ang likas-kayang pagsasaka o ‘sustainable agriculture’. Kailangang
itigil ang pagsandig sa mga kemikal na input sa agrikultura. Dapat ding pigilan
ang pagpasok ng mga genetically-modified organisms o GMOs. Kailangan ding
bigyan-diin ang ‘alternative pest management’ o APM upang iwaksi na ang
paggamit ng mga kemikal na pestisidyo.
10. Pangalagaan ang kapakanan at karapatan ng mga manggagawa. Kaugnay nito,
ipatupad ang konstitutsyonal na probisyon para sa “living wage.” Dapat ding
protektahan ang mga mangagawa laban sa paglaganap ng “labor-only
contracting” at sa agarang pagtanggal sa trabaho.
11. Palakasin ang demokrasya sa paggawa. Kailangang itaguyod ang makabuluhang
partisipasyon ng mga manggagawa sa mga pagpapasya sa kanilang mga
pinagtatrabahuhan sa pamamagitan ng mga ‘work council’ at representasyon sa
‘board of directors’. Dapat ding tiyakin ang makatarungang pagbabahagi ng kita
sa pamamagitan ng ‘profit-sharing’ at ‘employees stock ownership.
12. Itaguyog at bigyang-insentibo ang local na pamumuhunan lalo na sa mga
industriya sa kanayunan at mga pagawaang tumutugon sa mga batayang
pangangailangan ng mamayan.
Kabilang na rito ang mga industriyang
nagpoproseso ng mga productong agricultural at mga pagawaan ng damit,
simpleng kasangkapan sa bahay at mga makinaryang pang-agrikultura. Kasabay
nito, tiyakin ang paglikha ng mga trabaho.
13. Pangalagaan ang ‘security of workplace’ ng mga street vendors at ang kaligtasan
ng mga construction workers. Kaugnay ng huli, pagtibayin ang ILO Convention
Nos. 162 at 167 at gawing krimen ang malalang paglabag sa Occupational Healh
and Safety Standards.
14. Kilalanin ang karapatan ng mga katutubo sa kanilang lupaing ninuno at kagyat na
respetuhin ang lahat ng mga naisyu nang Certificate of Ancestral Domain
Claim/Title (CADC/CADT).
15. Itigil ang walang patumanggang liberalisasyon, deregulasyon at ‘privatization’.
Kailangang suriing mabuti ang naging epekto ng mga isinagawang
liberalisasyon/deregulasyon (hal. GATT-WTO, APEC) at ‘privatization’ (hal.
MWSS) lalo na sa mga mahihirap na sector at tiyakin na ang mga patakarang
pang-ekonomiya ay tunay na nakakatulong sa kapakanan ng taumbayan.
16. Pawalanng-bisa ang automatic appropriations para sa pagbabayad ng utang
pambansa (Sec. 26/Book 6 of the Revised Administrative Code of 1987, as
Amended) upang mapag-usapan at mapagpasyahan nang mabuti angkop na
halagang dapat ilaan sa pagbabayad ng utang.
SERBISYONG PANLIPUNAN AT KULTURAL
17. Ipatupad ang panlungsod na reporma sa lupa at pabahay. Ideklara ang mga
lupang pagmamay-ari ng pamahalaan sa mga urban at urbanizing areas bilang
pook para sa socialized housing para sa kapakanan ng mga aktwal na ninirahan
doon.
Tiyakin ang mga panlipunang serbisyo, kabuhayan at iba pang
pangangailangan sa mga housing project at resettlement sites.
18. Itaguyod ang de-kalidad na edukasyon para sa lahat at kilalanin ang karapatan
ng mga samahang-estudyante at guro/empleyado na maiilahok sa mga desisyon
sa pagpapatakbo ng mga kolehiyo/unibersidad.
19. Bigyan-diin ang primary health care at isulong ang makakayanan at de-kalidad
na serbisyong pangkalusugan.
20. Ipatupad nang husto ang mga batas laban sa karahasan sa kababaihan at
kabataan (Anti-Rape Law, Anti-Sexual Harassment Act, atbp.) at tiyakin ang
pagtupad ng mga ahensya ng pamahalaan sa itinatadhana ng batas na paggawa
ng gender and development (GAD) programs/projects at paglaan ng 5% man
lamang ng kanilang budget para rito.
PANGKAPALIGIRAN
21. Ipatupad nang maayos at paglaanan ng pondo ang Clean Air Act at ang sold
Waste Management Act.
INTRODUCTION TO ADVOCACY CAMPAIGN MANAGEMENT
Adapted from the Political Action Manual:
A Guide for Lobbying and Campaign, pp. 40-43 (TUCP, 1997)
E. Running Campaigns
(Sectoral Elections/Party-list System)
1) Mobilizing for an Electoral Campaign
- Consolidate your forces and define your system of operation
a. Meet with the political action officers and decide the areas of concentration.
b. Select the core-group leaders of the district who will be the coordinators in the in
the precincts, task forces and in the campaign center of the aspirant.
- One group of officers shall consolidate resources, obtaining commitments unions
and volunteers activists;
a. cooperation
b. integration, and
c. separate operation(specific assignments) of two groups;
- Call a meeting with political action officers to finalize the action plan;
a. lay out the strategies and time table within which your activities will operate and
accomplish specific tasks.
b. effectively plan out:
- manpower needs
- resource sourcing (mobilization)
- communications
- activities phasing
- coordination and monitoring
c. Finalize assignments/areas of responsibility.
2. The Task Forces
- Task Forces/Committees during Elections:
a. Committee on Ways and Means/Fund Raising
b. Mail/Telephone Brigade
c. Poster/Flyer Brigade
d. Campaign Rally Coordination
e. Electoral Information Committee
f. Committee on Registration and Get-out-the-vote Drive
g. Committee on Election Monitoring/NAMFREL
h. POLLWATCH Election Day Watchers
i. Strike Force and Special Means
3. A Campaign Medium (Form and Style)
Getting the votes of persons is just like promoting an unknown product. But you
must market the product within a very short period of time – the campaign period.
- Utilize the best approach
a) Determine your bailiwick. Determine which method will be most effective in
catching attention.
b). Use a personal approach, initially be visceral in introducing your candidate.
People identify with candidates who are endorsed by popular personalities. Popular
TV and movie personalities, presidents of prestigious organizations are sought to
endorse a candidate for their vote-swaying influence.
c). Highlight a person’s professional, political and civic achievements. People are
attracted and captivated by candidates’ achievements.
d). Address the prevailing issues of the community.
e). Stress the positive. Emphasize the candidate’s qualifications and achievements.
The campaign should concentrate on issues, on the strengths of the programs of our
candidate and on the weaknesses of the opponents’ programs.
- Packaging and Representation:
We should stress the candidate’s vitality, projection, vision, innovative
projects/programs. Focus on issues and programs but work realizing the reality of
visceral campaigns – or image-oriented context of the campaigns.
4. Campaign Activities
- Effective distribution of posters, flyers, other campaign paraphernalia:
a.) from source to local unions (for distribution in locals)
b.) from local unions to target areas (for distribution in communities)
Timing is essential to a campaign. The materials should be delivered ahead of
schedule and distributed ahead of schedule and distributed on time.
- Maximize radio, TV, Newspaper exposures;
- Letter soliciting support:
a.) Letters from activists soliciting support of friend and relatives should be
generated.
b.) Giving it a personal touch from other members of the family makes a difference.
c.) Flyers/handbills should be included.
- Effective mobilization on activists/volunteers in rallies and other activities;
“Bandwagon effect” of massive support in campaign rallies will help attract
undecided voters. Participation of activists in rallies is a must.
- Fund Raisings;
Letters soliciting contributions from fellow workers and allied organizations can be
utilized.
-Obtaining materials from other sources;
The Committee on Ways and Means should be able to source, negotiate for, and
obtain logistics from formal party machinery and other friendly campaigns.
Kung Ayaw Mo ng Pagbabago . . . . Muli mong iboto ang mga sumusunod na
Kandidato
 Gumagamit ng kanyang katungkulan upang:
 Magpayaman ng sarili
 Kumamkam ng yaman
 Mandaya at magsamantala sa sariling pamilya
 Magwaldas ng pera ng bayan
 Gumagamit ng “goons, guns, at gold”
 Ginagamit ang kanyang katungkulan upang:
 Magkaroon ng kapangyarihan
 Manakot at magbanta
 Makapasok sa tiwaling kasunduan para sa sariling kapakanan
 Mapagsamantala, Oportunista, Mapagpakitang-gilas sa kapwa
 Sa panahon lamang ng eleksiyon nagkakaproyekto at nakikpag-kapwa
 Mga pangako noon na napako
 Tapat sa kanyang partido ngunit hindi sa bayan
 Trapo.. palipat-lipat ng partido makamit lamang ang sariling kapakanan
Kung Gusto Nating Umasenso . . . Mga Katangiang Dapat Hanapin sa isang
Kandidato
 Hindi basta sikat o gwapo/maganda
 Magaling, matuwid, at mabait
 May pagpapahalga sa pamilya
 May respeto sa kababaihan
 May kakayahan sa paglilingkod
 May konkreto at kapanipaniwalang plataforma para sa bayan
 May paninindigan sa mga isyu
 Kayang pag-isahin ang iba’t-ibang sector ng pamayanan
 Hindi siya o sino man sa kanyang pamilya nasasangkot sa kahit anumang
anomalya, krimen o eskandalo
 May delicadeza; hindi makapal ang mukha
 Masipag at tapat sa kanyang tungkulin
 Maka-diyos, Maka-tao, at Makabayan
 May pagmamalasakit sa kapwa (at hindi sa panahon ng eleksiyon lamang
nagpapakita)