City template Oeiras
Basic information on ethnic minorities and
their participation
Report according to the grid for city templates
of the MPMC project
By Maria Margarida Marques, Rui Santos, Tiago Ralha
and Ana Rita Cordeiro
with the collaboration of António Sá
SOCINOVA
Universidade Nova de Lisboa
Avenue de Berna 26C
Lisbon
Portugal
1
CONTENTS
CONTENTS
FOREWORD
THE GENERAL FRAMEWORK
IMMIGRATION AND ETHNIC MINORITIES IN
PORTUGAL: EVOLUTION AND CONTEXT
1
2
2
Demographics
Public opinion
Immigration policies and the granting
of civil rights and duties
Juridical-political rights
Social and economic rights
Cultural and religious rights
THE GENERAL SITUATION IN OEIRAS
Demographic, economic, and political evolution
6
13
6
18
20
24
29
34
34
Internal differentiation
38
Making a rough estimate about how many
immigrants there are in Oeiras
40
Town Hall position toward immigration
43
Relations between local and other levels of government 45
Relations between local level of government and
Immigrants and ethnic minorities interests
mediating organisations
47
Civic participation in re-housing context
51
The URBAN program
56
LIST OF THE INTERVIEWS MADE
SOURCES AND REFERENCES
APPENDIX
60
62
2
FOREWORD
The invitation we were made to join the MPMC project occurred in January 98, in the
sequence of field work we had been carrying on for the last two years; and the formal
acceptance of our team in the MPMC project occurred in February. We were very happy
to participate in a comparative research, of course, but since our work was following a
specific orientation, most of the items requested for the MPMC city template had to be
collected, and interpreted in four months time. This report therefore reflects the short
time we had for information gathering and processing, and for discussing the issues
addressed in the MPMC project with the different actors and levels of decision
involved.
THE GENERAL FRAMEWORK
Lisbon metropolitan area concentrates almost one third of the Portuguese population,
two thirds of the taxes collected (but one should keep in mind that many large firms
choose to establish their sieges in the capital), and about two thirds of the foreigners
living in Portugal. Oeiras, the municipality where this observation is being carried out,
is located in the periphery of the administrative Lisbon perimeter, and is one of the
eighteen municipalities included in the Lisbon metropolitan area (LMA).
Lisbon Metropolitan Area
(Please insert map 1)
3
Source: Atlas Municipal de Oeiras
Portugal
LMA
Area
91 985 km2
3 121,3 km2
Population
9 862 700
2 535 669
LMA –
North*
LMA South*
1 599,92 km2 1 521,38 km2
1 895 176
640 493
Oeiras
45,75 km2
151 342
Density
107,4
812
1 185
421
3 308
(inh/Km2)
Source: A geografia de Oeiras. Atlas municipal, CMO, 1997; INE, Portugal em
números, 1992
Note: * North and South of the Tagus river
The administrative organisation of the territory, mostly inherited from the last century,
with some small arrangements made in the fifties, and a recent creation of a
metropolitan authority with scarce (if any at all) authority in the management of the
metropolitan area (Lisbon Metropolitan Board), makes it difficult to conciliate the
administrative requirements of information gathering, and the empirical unveiling of
socio-economic dynamics in the region of the capital 1. The data we shall be handling
will therefore reflect this mismatch: the (reliable) statistics available seldom meet the
criterion of the municipality borders, which is nevertheless the relevant one for most
urban-level policy matters. Even when they do, there is no simple interpretation about
how to interpret them. In fact, lying in the outskirts of the capital, Oeiras has, for a long
time, functioned as a dependent suburb, lodging the people working in Lisbon, and
harbouring some of the nuisances that the capital centrifuged (namely industry and a
part of the people from the shanty towns ran down in the capital). As a consequence, not
only the quantitative, but the qualitative information as well should be analysed bearing
in mind the distortions caused by the powerful attraction effects of the capital vicinity.
Thus, the number and array of associations sieges, cultural manifestations, political and
other initiatives of immigrants and ethnic minorities (henceforth simply referred to as
ethnic) reported for the metropolitan area of Lisbon is, obviously, biased in favour of the
capital, in spite of the fact that most of the people involved live outside its
administrative borders, where they constitute local communities indeed presenting
1
The administrative organisation of the territory defines three geographical units: the “Freguesia” (parish), which is the
smallest portion having an administrative status, although one with a very limited scope of autonomy; the “Concelho”,
corresponding to the municipal area; and the “Distrito”, under the rule of a representative of the central government.
Only the governing bodies of the first two (Junta de Freguesia and Câmara Municipal, respectively) are chosen in
periodic local elections (every four years); the latter being an inheritance of the past, actually abolished by the
Constitution of 1976, in which it was substituted by the “Regions” - the exact definition of which is still being discussed,
and so far, only the Atlantic archipelagos (Azores and Madeira) and (in 1992) the Metropolitan Areas of Lisbon and
Oporto have been created.
4
several traits of institutional completeness – with or without the recognition, and the
actual support of the respective local authorities (namely the Town Halls and their
specialised intervening institutions). Conversely, the relatively small number of
immigrants and ethnic minorities members living in Lisbon is but an illusion, as
anyone who walks in the streets of Lisbon can plainly see. Although the bulk of the
activities (namely public works and house building and repairing, for men; and personal
and domestic services, and the menial commerce jobs for women) is concentrated in the
centre, it is in the periphery that most of the immigrants and ethnic minorities’ members
live – the vast majority of which either in City Council and other public funded
re-housing projects or in the still remaining slums.
The available data obtained through nation-wide surveys actually document the
extremely precarious housing situation of immigrants and ethnic minorities in Portugal:
not only are they mostly concentrated in the Lisbon metropolitan area, as they are
over-represented in the slum areas (Silva et al. 1989). These are to be found in the inner
city, as well as in its outskirts, the large influx of people coming from the former
African colonies after de-colonisation (since the mid seventies) having strongly
contributed to their growth. Their elimination has been targeted as one of the major
policy objectives, and the Special Re-housing Program (SRP), aiming at definitely
putting an end to the degraded areas, was initiated by 1993, and covered both the
metropolitan areas of Lisbon and Oporto.
Although Oeiras started its municipal re-housing program earlier 2, the Town Hall also
participates in the central government SRP program, and while adopting a “pragmatic
position” (i.e. re-housing all the inhabitants registered in 1993, independently of their
legal status), today the municipality clearly rates among the most successful in the SRP
execution. Mutatis mutandis, the re-housing achieved performances attracted a booming
influx of immigrants, mostly coming from the Portuguese speaking countries, supported
by the family reunification act and an admittance policy biased in favour of the former
Portuguese colonies. This increasing growth rate may jeopardise the planning initially
drawn by the local authorities and, in the long run, even the goals of integration.
The general idea one gets, when looking at the formal organisation schemes adopted by
central and local governments in the LMA is, in fact, that central government and local
authorities are not playing in tune, that the re-housing program is being carried on by the
different municipalities following different criteria, not necessarily congruent with the
2
The first re-housing project in Oeiras was built in 1943 and 40 families were re-housed. Between that first experience
and 1973, five such projects were built, lodging 181 families (source: 10 Anos de Habitação, CMO, 1997).
5
central government policy toward immigration and ethnic minorities issues, and that the
very existence of such a policy is by no means a pacific matter.
Let us now, therefore, get a closer look at the context of immigration and ethnic
minorities presence and associated issues in Portugal, the LMA, and in Oeiras
municipality.
6
IMMIGRATION AND ETHNIC MINORITIES IN PORTUGAL: EVOLUTION AND
CONTEXT
Demographics
The use of statistics concerning foreigners is the only way to make an approximated
guess about the numbers of immigrants and ethnic minorities, for there is as yet no
statistical device specifically conceived to come to terms with this recent development
in Portugal, and, therefore, there is no other category, besides the “not national” (i.e. the
foreigner) to grasp this particular and growing phenomenon of immigration and
ethnicity. Among other things, this situation has to do with the late (by European
standards) development of immigration in Portugal, and, consequently, with its
identification as a political issue to be considered on its own right – which will be
further discussed later on.
About 4 % of the population of the whole LMA 3 , in 1996, didn’t have Portuguese
nationality (83.2% of which came from Portuguese speaking countries (PSC) - African
former colonies and Brazil), a proportion that is nearly double the national percentage
(Cordeiro 1997)4. Although it is impossible to determine exactly how many foreigners
are at present living in Oeiras, and particularly the part of immigrants among them, it is
possible, by the knowledge obtained via direct intensive and extensive observation made
during the last two years, to consider it as a municipality having a heavy immigration
presence, most certainly higher than the average obtained for the metropolitan area as a
whole, although very unevenly distributed throughout the municipal territory.
Immigration is a very recent phenomenon (mostly dating from the eighties) in a society
of, until very recently, heavy emigration. The calculations have already been made
elsewhere, so in order to simply illustrate how recent are the changes entailed by this
immigration upsurge, we shall only present the basic statistical tables on the cycles of
migration of the country: one about the migratory balance in Portugal for the last four
censuses; the second one concerning the evolution, from 1980 to 1996, of foreigners
legally residing here; a third one about their age and gender makeup, by national group;
and the fourth showing their uneven geographical distribution throughout the country.
3
The administrative definition of the metropolitan area is broader here than the one we used before (it includes the
whole “distritos” of Lisbon and Setúbal), because it is based on another source, presenting data at a distrito level, thus
encompassing municipalities that by the first and more precise definition should be excluded.
4
The corresponding data for the foreigners living in Oeiras municipality are not available – the census data will not be
used because not only are they out-dated, but also very unreliable – see Cordeiro, 1997
7
Migratory balance in Portugal in the last four censuses
1960-1970
1970-1981
1981-1991
Total balance
-278 267
1 221 889
29 526
Natural balance
1 080 419
783 819
353 334
Migratory balance
-1 358 686
438 070
-323 808
Source: Barreto, A. and C. V. Preto (1996)
The straightforward interpretation of these data is that there is, at least until 1991, a
coexistence of the two movements: inward (immigration, mostly from the Portuguese
speaking African countries - see below) and outward (emigration of Portuguese toward
destinations outside the EU 5 ). The African de-colonisation in the seventies is
responsible for the large superavit recorded.
Evolution, from 1980 to 1997, of foreigners legally residing in Portugal
1980
1986
1997
growth
1986/97
annual rate
of growth
1986/97
9%
Total number 58 091 100 86 692
100
175 263 100
+ 102%
of foreigners
Africans
30 343
48
37 539
43
81 717
46.9 + 118%
11%
Asians
1 153
2
2 958
3
7 192
4.1
+ 143%
13%
Europeans
17 706
30
24 040
28
49 747
27.4 + 107%
10%
North-Ameri
4 821
8
9 047
10
10 573
6.2
+ 17%
2%
cans
South-Ameri
6 403
11
12 629
15
25 274
15
+ 100%
9%
cans
Others
260
0
479
1
760
0.4
+ 59%
5%
Source: SEF (1998) and SEF cit. in Cordeiro (1997) and Machado (1997)
Note: The data don’t account for the whole number of requests presented in the extraordinary
legalisation process (which involved over 35 thousand legalisation processes).
This second table clearly evidences the rapid pace of immigration influx in Portugal,
during the last decade, and allows the identification of the major groups involved:
Africans, the bulk of whom comes from former Portuguese colonies, who represent in
1996 almost half of the total foreign population living in Portugal; Europeans come in
second place, but their relative weight is decreasing; and in third place come the
South-Americans, mostly Brazilians. The most impressive increase, however, comes
from Asians, and is composed mainly of Indians, Pakistanis and Chinese - the latter
5
Since those who move inside the EU perimeter are no longer counted as migrants, this is certainly an underscore of
emigration. Yet, all available estimates show that emigration is in a continuous process of reduction.
8
arriving in Portugal via Macao or directly from China (following more or less tortuous
paths).
Age and gender makeup, by selected national groups, of the foreigner population living
in Portugal (%)
AGE (1992*)
0-14
15-64
65+
Angola
6,0
89,9
4,1
Cape Verde
1,0
96,4
2,6
Guinea
2,4
96,6
1,0
Mozambique
4,0
91,4
4,6
São Tomé
2,0
95,0
3,0
Brazil
9,0
89,1
1,9
Europe
1,4
82,5
16,1
Total
2,9
89,8
7,3
SEX
Male
Female
Total
(Average
1992/1996)
Angola
56,0
44,0
100,0
Cape Verde
61,2
38,8
100,0
Guinea
74,2
25,8
100,0
Mozambique
56,9
43,1
100,0
São Tomé
51,6
48,4
100,0
Brazil
54,7
45,3
100,0
Europe
53,7
46,3
100,0
Total
57,8
42,2
100,0
Source: SEF cit in Cordeiro (1997)
Note: * More recent SEF data were still unavailable, while writing the report.
These basic sociographic figures are typical of recently settled migrant populations: sex
ratios are all above unity (with most PSAC nationals well above it), and the average age
is relatively low, an evidence of the dominant economic motivation for immigrating.
However, some details which point to some inter-group heterogeneity deserve further
attention.
The data on age and sex makeup and on the recent evolution by national group suggest
two axes of differentiation: the first one being the dominant motivation for immigration
(economic versus other) and the second one, the different composition of the unit group
experiencing migration (isolated individuals versus family experiences). We have
therefore to distinguish between three groups: those who migrate for economic reasons
either individually (in the case of Cape Verdians, Guineans and Santomese) or in family
9
(in the cases of Brazilians, Mozambicans and Angolans), and those who migrate for
economic and other reasons, for instance retirement, which is the case of Europeans 6.
In fact, this heterogeneity has already been mentioned in earlier studies (e.g. Pires 1990;
Machado 1994; Cordeiro 1997 inter alia), and a rough categorisation of the last thirty
years should at least distinguish between a first period of heavy immigration from the
PSAC in the sixties (following an important shortage in national labour force to face the
investments in public works); a second one, following African de-colonisation, which
brought to Portugal a labour force qualified above the average (Pires et al. 1987); and a
third one, still going on, again associated with the intensification of public works, after
Portugal entered the European Community in 1986. This last one is, indeed, the period
which brought to Portugal the bulk of the populations usually grouped under the term of
immigrants.
Two further details should be kept in mind: the clear majority of Capeverdians among
immigrant populations, and the recent increase of Angolans, who, besides economic
motives, also frequently come to Portugal running away from civil war and a possible
military draft. Concerning the first aspect, it is interesting to notice that two studies of
the content of the national press showed similar results concerning the very infrequent
use, until very recently, of the term immigrant (indeed frequently confused with
emigrant - a still vivid reality in Portuguese society), and the common use of terms such
as Africans and Capeverdians as alternative synonyms (Guibentiff 1991). Concerning
the second remark, it will be shown later on that, although expulsion risks from
Portuguese soil for unlawful stay are slim, Angolans are, among the PSC, those who rate
higher (see also Baganha 1997; Seabra 1998; Justino et al. 1998).
Finally, although the settlement patterns of the various nationalities varies greatly, the
overwhelming African concentration in the LMA makes this region the second highest
concentration of foreigners in the whole territory - the first one being the southern
sunbelt (with a ratio of 5.4%) -, but certainly the first one in terms of economic
immigrants concentration.
6
In fact, as it will be shown later on, there is still another element of differentiation, related to academic and
occupational skills.
10
Foreigner population living in Portugal and in the Lisbon Metropolitan Area
Resident population Foreigner population
(1)
(2)
(1991)
(1997)
LMA*
2.782.730
112 962
Ratio (1) / (2)
4%
Portugal
9.927.440
175.263
1,8 %
Source: SEF (1998) and INE cit in Cordeiro (1997)
Note: * these figures include the sum of the two distritos of Lisbon and Setúbal.
There are, however, other important data to describe the composition of foreign
populations in Portugal, so far ignored: those concerning their modes of economic
incorporation, and their social and cultural characteristics.
Capeverdians are not only the majority (about forty thousand), but indeed they were the
first immigrant community (in contemporary times) to settle in Portugal, in the sixties,
in order to fulfil the vacancies left by Portuguese emigration abroad and military draft
toward African colonial wars, and new opportunities opened by large public investments
made in public works (subway, bridge over the Tagus ...). Cape Verde, together with
São Tomé, were the only Portuguese African colonies which didn’t put up a liberation
war against the Portuguese colonial presence, and people born there were indeed
frequently used, in the other colonies, as intermediary representatives of the colonial
authorities. Cape Verde became an independent nation, as the other African Portuguese
colonies, in 1975; unlike the others, it never experienced a military coup (which
occurred in Guinea and São Tomé), or a civil war (like in Angola and Mozambique),
and its political system is based on free direct elections, which occur normally in a
periodic consultation to voters, since 1991. Capeverdians are allowed to vote and be
elected in Portuguese local elections, and the reciprocal situation is also true. Most of
Cape Verdians settled in Portugal come from Santiago, the biggest island in the
archipelago, and are drafted directly from agricultural activities. Concerning their
cultural characteristics, their religion is overwhelmingly Christian Catholicism, the
language they speak is a Portuguese Creole, which differs slightly from island to island and this appears to be, in fact, one of the main differences among them: the island of
origin. One should however keep in mind the heterogeneous socioeconomic
composition of this community, whose higher strata, completely assimilated in
Portuguese society, generally have Portuguese nationality, and who hardly relate to the
bulk of the unskilled manual labour force 7.
7
Major researches made on this community: see references.
11
Brazilians also show evidences of little internal differentiation, even less than
Capeverdians in socioeconomic terms (although social stratification cleavages are
sharp): they all speak Portuguese, and are overwhelmingly affiliated with the Catholic
church - although they also bear the main responsibility for the proliferation of churches
and sects of Christian, but also African inspiration religions. Of course Brazil is a
quasi-continent, so it is more than natural that they present some differences in the
accent, their morphological traits, and other cultural aspects (e.g. gastronomy, music ...).
It should be stressed however that a sizeable part of them are of Portuguese origin
(second or third generation descendants of Portuguese emigrants to Brazil), and most of
them come from urban areas and the state of Minas Gerais. Finally, they are, with
Capeverdians, among the Portuguese speaking communities, the only two who share the
reciprocal possibility of electing and being elected in local elections.
The other national groups evidence a much higher degree of differentiation: be it of
religious or ethnic origin.
Let's start with people originated from Africa. Most of Angolans present in Portugal
come from Luanda and other urban areas. They have come to Portugal not only for
economic reasons, but a huge portion also fleeing civil war and (especially young men)
escaping military draft. For historical reasons, related to the colonial period, the memory
of past ethnic backgrounds of these urban populations sank into oblivion, and the huge
majority speaks only Portuguese and has a Christian religion (although Catholics are the
largest group). Related to the recent history of internal and external civil wars, there is
also a sizeable group of the so called (by Angolans) French-Angolans, mostly originated
from Zaire.
People coming from Guinea have much more heterogeneous backgrounds. It is possible
to distinguish grosso modo four groups. The first one, composed of people coming from
urban areas, is made of Guineans of Portuguese and Capeverdian origins, who speak
Portuguese and Creole, and who are Catholics. A second group, although a smaller one,
is made of Guineans who have their origins in French speaking countries (such as
Senegal, Guinea-Conakri and Mali), who can hardly speak Portuguese – thus possibly
unveiling dominant ethnic dynamics over administrative boundaries. Then come the
sizeable Muslim groups, of three particular ethnic groups (Fula, Mandinga and
Beafada), who are bilingual (while preserving their own languages, they also speak
Portuguese), and whose affiliation within the Islam overflows the religious sphere
12
(magic is an important source of legitimate authority, and the Moor has a specific role).
Finally, the followers of (native) African religions also represent a sizeable group (made
of Pepel, Manjaco and Brama or Mancanha ethnic groups), also bilingual 8.
Coming from Mozambique, there is a much smaller community. Most of the Black
Mozambicans 9 belong to the Maconde ethnic group. Since Portuguese colonial
presence in Mozambique was not so overwhelming as in Angola, uprooting of cultural
traditions is slimmer among this community. The religious affiliations of Mozambicans
are quite diversified: besides the Christian religions, there also are sizeable groups of
Muslim and African religion followers.
Finally the Santomese living in Portugal are a sort of an unbiased sample of their
origins. They can be divided in three groups: the native Santomese, the Santomese of
Capeverdian origin, and the Santomese of Angolan origin. They all speak Portuguese
and Creole and are overwhelmingly Catholic.
Concerning Asians, the largest group comes from India. Ávila & Alves (1993) and
Malheiros (1996), referring to ethnic associations’ estimates, point to the Indian ethnic
group in Portugal to be about 33 thousand, 11 thousand of which are Goese and the
bulk of the rest are Gujratis. If these figures prove to be exact, Indians should be
considered as the third biggest ethnic group in Portugal (after Gypsies and
Capeverdians). A sizeable portion of them however has Portuguese nationality, some
inherited it from the past colonial presence of Portugal in India, others acquired it from
their stay in former African colonies (especially Mozambique), and still others coming
directly from India availing themselves of the family reunification opportunities. People
from Goa are in general Brahmans, having high socioeconomic status, they all speak
Portuguese and are of Catholic persuasion. The rest of the community is made of
Hindus, Ishmaelites and other Islamic groups, and their socioeconomic status are quite
differentiated 10.
Pakistanis are much less, and even among those who came from Mozambique, speaking
Portuguese is quite rare. They are however bilingual (speaking native languages and
English), and the large majority shares the same religion - Islam.
8
Major researches made on this community: see references.
The huge community of Asian Indians and Pakistanis who came, after independence, to Portugal will be addressed
elsewhere.
10
Major researches made on this community: see references.
9
13
Among the Chinese, one has to distinguish three groups: those who came from
Mozambique after independence, those who come from Macao and a third group
coming from Mainland China. The two first ones often have Portuguese nationality, the
others don't. Yet none of them fluently speaks Portuguese, and besides from the barely
spoken "business language" (English), Cantonese and Mandarin is preserved as the
community communication means. Concerning religion, it is difficult to ascertain, in the
absence of systematic observations, whether the traditional Buddhist cult is preserved,
or abandoned, and the extend of confucionist philosophy.
Finally, most of the Gypsies living in Portugal have Portuguese nationality. Estimates
point to a figure around forty thousand, about the same weight of the Capeverdian
community therefore, but unlike them, they are scattered all over the country. Some of
them still maintain a nomad style of life (even when they are housed in municipal
projects), for they carry on selling in open air markets (throughout the whole Iberian
peninsula). The major cleavages among them are between (extended) families11.
Concerning the modes of economic incorporation, we shall dwell on two indicators: the
occupations (according to the former CITP 12 classification scheme, still in use at the
SEF13) and the working status (wage earner or employer/self-employed).
The occupational structure reveals two major axes of differentiation: one concerning the
academic skills required for entering into some occupations (which clearly singles out
Brazilians and Europeans from the rest), the other one being the use of manual effort
(where, among the PSAC, Capeverdians, Guineans, and Santomese stand out as the
more heavily dependent upon the use of manual effort in their occupations). It is
therefore possible to identify three distinct occupational groups, the first one being
composed of the higher qualified segments of foreign labour force in Portugal
(Brazilians and Europeans) - which are also scattered all over the country; the second
one is made up of an heterogeneous amalgam of skilled, unqualified labour and business
owners (Mozambicans 14 ); and finally the third, gathering all the other nationalities,
heavily represented in manual labour, be it in public works and building, manufacture or
personal and domestic services (Angolans, Capeverdians, Guineans, and Santomese).
The bulk of the last two groups is heavily concentrated in the LMA. Finally, the scarce
volume of people employed in farming activities (in contrast, for instance, with the
situations observed in other South European countries) is also worth mentioning.
11
Major researches made on this community: see references.
Classification Internationale Type des Professions (1968).
13
Borders and Foreigners Service, the police department to whom the borders and foreigners control is committed.
14
Among Mozambicans, there is, however, a batch of Asian Indians who are either self-employed in commerce or
work as clerks.
12
14
Occupations for selected national communities - Average 1990-1996 (%)
Profes Direc Office
Shop
Perso Farmers Manual
sionals, tors,
Clerks keepers nal and , fisher manufa
techni-c mana
and
domes
men,
cture
ians,
gers
sales
tic
manual labou
artists
clerks services farm
rers
labour
Angola
5,1
0,2
1,6
1,6
58,0
0,3
33,0
Cape Verde
1,5
0,1
3,3
0,6
5,5
0,6
88,0
Guinea
7,7
0,3
2,4
5,5
5,5
1,7
77,0
Mozambique 14,0
3,3
8,6
24,7
5,4
0,2
44,0
São Tomé
1,4
0,4
7,3
3,3
18,0
0,6
69,0
Brazil
46,0
4,6
8,0
10,7
5,1
0,9
24,0
Europe
41,0
15,0
4,9
11,9
5,0
1,7
20,0
Total
24,0
6,3
4,4
7,8
6,0
1,5
50,0
Source: SEF cit. in Cordeiro (1997)
Total
100,0
100,0
100,0
100,0
100,0
100,0
100,0
100,0
The working status helps to clarify the image: the first group, and a sizeable part of the
second share a heavy presence among the employer/self-employed category 15; the third
one is essentially made of wage earners (all national groups exceed 90% in this
category).
Working status for selected national communities - Average 1990-1996
employer/self-e
Wage earner
Unknown
mployed
Angola
321
6,6
4 562
93,3
4,5
0,1
Cape Verde
219
1,1
19 137
98,8
23
0,1
Guinea
276
6,1 4 213,5
93,7
12
0,3
Mozambique 266,5
15,4 1 468,5
84,6
2
0,1
São Tomé
130,5
9,6 1 231,5
90,2
7
0,5
Brazil
2 310
32,0
4 894
67,8
25
0,3
Europe
9 022
43,3 11 781
56,5
88
0,4
Total
12 545 20,9 47 291
78,9
83
0,1
Source: SEF cit. in Cordeiro (1997)
15
Total
4 887,5
19 367
4 495,5
1 736
1 365,5
7 220,5
20 847
59 919
100,0
100,0
100,0
100,0
100,0
100,0
100,0
100,0
Asian Indians and Chinese, not present in these statistical data, are heavily represented (in relative terms) among
this category.
15
Public opinion16
National surveys consistently show that Gypsies are traditionally the major
discriminated against group. Other communities, easier to identify with immigration
(Brazilians, Asian Indians) lag well behind in the polls, and even the Blacks, which rate
second in the public opinion sense of "excessive presence", are two and a half points
behind the Gypsies.
Attitudes toward immigrants and ethnic minorities (1995)
In Portugal are there too
Yes
many:
(%)
Gypsies
50,9
Blacks
48,3
Brazilians
39,5
Asian Indians
24,6
Europeans
17,3
Spaniards
10,9
No
(%)
38,5
40,9
49,0
55,0
64,1
73,0
Source: Público, August 2, 1995.
One should keep in mind that immigration upsurge in Portugal is a very recent
phenomenon. The term immigrant is therefore not easily interpreted correctly - and still
is sometimes confused with emigrants. On the other hand, being a mass tourism destiny
since the sixties, the concept of foreigner does not have the negative connotations it
assumes in other societies.
And indeed, according to Eurobarometer, the Portuguese society appears to be much
more tolerant than the rest of the EU - whether concerning nationality, race, or religion.
Percentage who find the presence of people of different nationality, race, or religion
disturbing
Nationality
Race
Religion
1989 1993 1997 1989 1993 1997 1989 1993 1997
Portugal
3
6
5
4
9
7
6
8
--EU
11
13
13
14
16
15
11
13
--Source: Eurobarometer Special Issue, 1989 cit. In Baganha (1996 : 86); and
Eurobarometer 39 (1993) and 48 (1998).
Moreover, when one considers the perception of the volumes involved in the migration
flows coming from outside the EU, the data corroborate the scenario of tolerance toward
foreign workers in Portugal, even if unfriendly attitudes keep rising (as the last
16
This is an abridged version of a previous paper (Marques 1997). See also the press analysis made by Guibentif
(1991) and Cunha (1996), and the thorough collection of poll data made by Baganha (1996).
16
Eurobarometer shows). However, it is most striking that the percentage of people
unaware of the presence of outside EU residents drops to one half in just seven years.
Attitudes towards non nationals of the EU (%)
1991
1993
1995
There are too many Portugal
18
25
30
EU
50
52
43
There are a lot but Portugal
33
42
36
not too many
EU
34
34
42
There are not many Portugal
28
19
26
EU
9
9
11
Don’t know
Portugal
21
14
8
EU
7
6
4
Source: Eurobarometer 35 (1991), 39 (1993), 42 (1995), and 48 (1998).
1997
28
45
41
40
20
10
11
6
Concerning abstract and universalistic references, a poll made in the early nineties show
unequivocal results about the wide consensus on basic human rights principles,
revealing that the large majority (77%) of Portuguese think foreigners should be granted
the access to the same rights as the nationals, whereas only a small minority disagrees
(M. Villaverde Cabral 1997 : 107); Eurobarometer (#47.1, 1998) also presents the same
pattern of response, which holds for the rest of the EU.
Yet, the picture we get from another source (França 199317) is another one, and quite
different in fact.
Concerning sharing the neighbourhood with “others”, Portuguese clearly appear as
much less tolerant than the rest of the EU when a reference to race or religion is
involved, but more open-minded than the average when the question involves the
reference to foreign workers. The apparent dissonance these data reflect emerges
primarily from the fact that most of the immigrants in Portugal come from the former
African colonies, and belong to other races.
Acceptance of "others" as neighbours
Refuses having as neighbours (%)
Note: * 9 countries considered
Source: França et al. (1993 : 23, 28)
17
European Value Systems Study Group
other races
Muslims
Immigrants- foreign workers
Jews
Hindus
Portugal
15
18
10
19
17
EU *
10
17
13
9
11
17
Considering work, the ESSVG poll shows that Portuguese are much less prone to share
jobs (considered as scarce resources) with foreigners than the rest of EU.
Access to jobs
Agrees national citizens should be given priority in
access to jobs (%)
Note: * 9 countries considered
Source: França et al. (1993 : 53)
Portugal
86
EU*
62
This result is confirmed in a nation-wide poll made in 1997 (Freire et al. 1998), 41% of
the interviewees of a sample of firms having stated that being Portuguese should be a
‘very important criterion’ of recruitment; and again in a nation-wide survey made in
1992, concerning the perceptions of the competition in the labour market from foreign
workers: in the Lisbon metropolitan area, more than half the respondents reveal an acute
feeling of insecurity crystallised in the presence of foreigners. This occurs in spite of
low rates of unemployment in Portugal.
Are the immigrants snatching the jobs away from national
citizens? (%)
Country
LMA
Yes
42.6
50.3
Maybe
13.8
11.0
No
43.6
38.7
Source: Público, May 11th, 1992, p. 3
The large numbers involved allow us to think that it is indeed a collective sense of
insecurity which is here being expressed, possibly crossing different levels of
socioeconomic status, as the problems with Brazilian dentists, and the racial clashes of
the 80s between labourers in the highly depressed Setúbal industrial district suggest.
Is there to be expected a remake of situations occurred in the past in traditional
immigration societies, in spite of the differing conditions? Eurobarometer latest special
issue on racism and xenophobia shows that the figures in Portugal are, in the European
context, quite low, albeit growing18.
18
Baganha (1996), based on the polls she collected, suggests that Portuguese cannot be considered as
racist, rather as having a particular discriminating behaviour: ‘polite’ on the public sphere but prejudiced
in the private sphere.
18
Immigration policies and the granting of civil rights and duties
Although the rising tide of immigration started in the mid-eighties, as discussed above,
only one decade after did the Portuguese government publicly accept to endorse the
label of country of immigration, and therefore started to put up an institutional and
juridical framework specifically designed to cope with this emerging phenomenon.
The figures involved in the first “special legalisation period” (Decree Law 212 of 1992)
don’t mirror the real dimension of illegal residence of foreigners in the beginning of the
decade in Portugal.
Special legalization period 1992/93
Angola
Brazil
Cape Verde
China
Guinea-Bissau
São Tomé e Princípe
Senegal
Others
Total
12525
5346
6778
1352
6877
1408
1397
3483
39166
Source: SEF cit. In Ramos 1998: 11
This first “regularization process”, together with the Council of Ministers Resolution 38
of April 8th 1993, aiming at fighting immigrants' social exclusion, a task whose
co-ordination was committed to the Ministry of Employment, was the official
recognition of the problem. The creation of a High Commissioner for Immigration and
Ethnic Minorities in 1995 (by decree law 296-A), directly reporting to the prime
minister, was but the more visible part of that framework. Significantly, its creation
occurred only a few months after the Socialist party acceded to government,
overthrowing a decade long liberal (Social-democratic) one. The High Commissioner
was a member of the first Municipal Council for immigration and ethnic minorities
issues being created in Portugal, in Lisbon, where the Socialist party holds the Town
Hall since 1993.
Another measure adopted immediately after the Socialist government was elected, also
part of the promises made during the electoral campaign, was the
second
“extraordinary process of immigrants legalisation” (Law 17 of May 24, 1996).
19
As was to be expected, people coming from the Portuguese speaking African countries
(PSAC) again made the bulk of the requests:
Legalisation requests presented under Law 17 of May 24, 1996 , by region where
request was presented
Lisbon
Oporto
Faro
Total
PSAC
21 776
541
603
23 400
Brazil
1 398
474
170
2 330
Maghreb
361
95
63
585
Eastern Europe
449
28
28
541
Asia
4 338
384
152
5 029
Others
2 500
218
149
3 197
Total
30 822
1 790
1 165
35 082
Source: SEF, 1997
The law itself made a distinction between people coming from Portuguese speaking
countries (PSC) and the others 19, and as far as the simple reading of the data allows, it
is possible to conclude, by the number of processes submitted during the legalisation
process but refused, that that discrimination in favour of the PSC actually worked:
Legalisation requests: major national groups represented in processes not admitted for
approval
Total
Pakistan
India
Bangladesh
Portuguese
Speaking
Countries
3 965
1 364
625
599
70
100%
34%
16%
15%
0,2%
Source: SEF, 1997, cit. in Baganha (1996).
Other measures were, in the meanwhile, undertaken, and the specific framework for
handling the new public issue of immigration is being built creating anew the necessary
conditions now considered to be missing, but also adapting some of those already
existing. For instance, a new law concerning access to wage work was approved on May
12, this year, eliminating the restriction imposed by the former one (decree law 97 of
March 17, 1977), which prohibited the hiring of foreigners in firms having less than five
employees and the number of foreigners to exceed 10% of the total firm labour force.
19
It covered people coming from Portuguese speaking countries arrived until December 31st of 1995, and people from
other origins arrived till March 25th of that same year.
20
This legal constraint had become, in the last decade, the legitimating reference for the
fast growing of a vast informal economy of clandestine work, mainly of immigrant
labour force in the building and public works sector. Conversely, the decision for
adhering to the Schengen Convention is going to be respected, for it involves the
integration in the EU; and so will the policy of relative privilege in favour of people
coming from Portuguese speaking countries, included in the Constitution.
In order to facilitate the reading of the data, we have organised the detailed presentation
of the legal framework according to the three analytical dimensions suggested in the
MPMC project restatement of December 1997.
1. juridical-political rights
see synoptic table
This brief analysis of the evolution of the juridical-political rights granted to foreigners
reveals three aspects worth mentioning:
 the deliberately biased policy in favour of people coming from Portuguese speaking
countries (in Africa and Brazil);
 the recent change from jus soli to jus sanguinis, after Portuguese de-colonisation in
Africa, and a short while before Portugal joined the EU;
 the granting of political participation to foreigners in local elections, once reciprocity
is admitted 20 (Law 50 of September 4th 1996).
Concerning this last item, it is possible to see in the following table that participation in
the last local elections involving citizens from outside the EU (as recorded in the
electoral lists) was very shy. However, as the Capeverdian MP for the immigrants’
constituency in Portugal signalled us, only around five thousand Capeverdians living in
Portugal registered for elections in Cape Verde, which suggests a higher participation of
this community in the host community local level, than in their homeland policy.
Since more precise data were not availed to us, it isn’t possible to go any further in this
interpretation.
20
Since the set of countries (outside EU) meeting the criterion of reciprocity may change in time, a normative
document is published in the official paper before every local election listing the countries whose citizens can register
as electors. Among the nationalities present in the immigrant communities in Portugal, the 1996 local elections
recognised that right to Brazilians and Capeverdians.
21
Political participation in last local elections (1997)
Cape
Verde
Brazil
PORTUGAL – Registers
9 572
732
LMAa - Registers
OEIRAS
9 038
289
Registers
1 378
23
not
available
not
available
Voters
Elected - “Junta de
Freguesia” b
2
c
not
available
Elected - “Concelho” b
1d
0
Source: STAPE 21
Notes: a) Lisbon and Setúbal distritos
b) Assembleia de Freguesia and Assembleia Municipal, parish and
local council assemblies.
c) But at least three ethnic minorities members have already had
that experience.
d) A member of the Socialist party.
In fact, political (other than formal) and civic participation in general are very modest in
Portuguese society. The feebleness of civil society, abundantly referred to in
sociological and political studies (vd. Braga da Cruz, Lucena, Sousa Santos, Villaverde
Cabral, inter alia), reflected in reduced mobilisation through organised collectives, the
dominance of particular over universal references, and the inability to engage in
negotiated changes in the different levels of collective decision, goes hand in hand with
strong suspicion toward formal institutions, namely the state and the political parties,
and collective organisation in general. This pervasive withdrawal from the formal public
sphere ends up making the public intervention ‘almost always necessary for everything’
(Lucena). This is, in fact, the matrix that moulds the opportunity structure for
participation both for nationals and immigrants. And the local authorities at Oeiras
Town Hall are pretty much aware of it - as will be shown later on.
The acquisition of Portuguese nationality is mainly a matter dependent of the Ministry
for Home Affairs. Not only do they conduct the whole enquiry, but they are also in
charge of establishing whether the person is ‘well integrated in Portuguese society’ or
21
STAPE is the central government department which centralises the whole information obtained directly from the
Town Halls; these, in turn, get the information from the Juntas de Freguesia.
22
not, one of the fundamental topics of the enquiry - which of course allows a large
discretionary power to the decision making.
The data on nationality acquisition from 1980 to 1985 clearly reveal the change in the
basic principle of the law (from jus soli – law 2098 of July 29, 1959 and decree law
308-A of July 24, 1975 - to jus sanguinis - Law 37 of October 3, 1981): in the
beginning, the total number of direct requests was equal to the total number of granted
requests; in 1983 the refusals jumped twenty-fold, and after 1983, the numbers of
naturalisations granted suddenly dropped. The reason for this is simple: in 1975, the
de-colonisation process in Africa began, and Portugal granted Portuguese nationality to
those who lived in those new nations who requested it (although it was assumed that
Africans would be granted the new nationality automatically, the same might not hold
true for the non Africans - for instance in the case of the many Asian Indians living in
Mozambique, specifically referred in the law). In 1981, five years before adhering to the
EEC, the Portuguese Parliament issued a new law, thus trying to keep in tune with what
was being done in the European Community (see also Franco 1991 and Carlos 1993).
Naturalisations
1980
1981
1982
1983
1985
1987
Refu Grants Refu Grants Refu Grants Refu Grants Refu Grants Refu Grants
Sals
0
sals
68
6
sals
84
2
sals
74
40
sals
97
23
sals
32
27
Source: Franco (1991 : 129).
In the 1989-1992 period, it is possible to see two things: the booming of the total
number of requests (when compared with a decade sooner), and the slow and very
meagre process of granting Portuguese nationality.
Naturalisations granted
1989
PSAC
153
Brazil
4
Asia
28
Others
26
Total
211
Source: SEF
1990
86
7
19
14
126
1991
51
10
23
15
99
1992
11
6
6
6
29
26
23
A change in data presentation occurred in 1993. The data for the 1993-1997 period
evidence an abrupt upsurge in requests in 1994, but a stabilization from then on; and
erratic variations in granted and refused naturalizations. It is also possible to point to the
slow police decision process as the major cause for the small number of naturalisations
granted.
Naturalisations in 1996 and 1997
1993
Requests
243
Granted
12
Refused
0
1994
802
144
29
1995
783
30
692
1996
918
147
6
1997
866
153
2
Source: SEF, 1998
Specifying requests by nationality, as a percentage of the nationals residing in Portugal,
one can see two things: that the volumes involved are very small, and that citizens from
Portuguese speaking African countries and China rate above the average.
Rate of naturalization requests as a percentage of foreigners of each
nationality, by selected nationalities (1994-98)
Nationality
1994
1996
1997
Capeverdians
0,9
1,1
0,9
Mozambicans
1,6
1,5
1,0
Angolans
0,7
0,7
0,6
S. Tomese
1,4
1,1
1,7
Guineans
0,7
1,2
1,0
Chinese
1,9
0,7
0,7
Total number of foreigners
0,5
0,5
0,5
Source: SEF
Still there was a loophole in this new nationality law, which was widely used mainly by
football players coming from the East, in the beginning, as abundantly reported in the
mass media, and which consisted in the acquisition of nationality through marriage with
a Portuguese national (possible after a three years stay) 22. The data concerning 1996
(1411 naturalisations by marriage) show that this seems to be indeed a solution
preferred to direct request.
22
Some interviewees told us that it had become afterward a “business”, namely for some Pakistanis and Chinese who
wanted to guarantee their legal acceptance in the country.
24
In fact, direct request is but a small part of total requests. Naturalization via marriage is
indeed the main source of nationality acquisition in Portugal for more than 90% of the
candidates to Portuguese nationality. The evolution shows there has been no significant
changes in the last decade:
Number of naturalisations by marriage
1985
1987
1990
1993
1996
1607
196
1284
1554
1411
Source: Ralha et al. (forthcoming)
Specifying naturalizations via marriage as a percentage of nationals of the birthplace of
the applicants to Portuguese nationality, one can see that citizens born in China are the
major group – which is probably due to the Portuguese presence in Macao.
Naturalizations by marriage, 1993-96, as percentage of legally resident foreign
citizens by nationality and birthplace
1993
1994
1995
1996
1993-96
Cape-verdians
0,60
0,87
0,50
0,36
0,58
Mozambicans
1,36
1,39
0,78
0,75
1,05
Angolans
1,05
1,02
0,54
0,42
0,70
S. Tomese
0,93
0,98
0,91
0,50
0,81
Guineans
0,89
0,55
0,29
0,14
0,42
Brazilians
1,63
2,64
1,46
1,43
1,78
14,94
22,41
12,53
13,82
15,76
1,13
1,56
0,92
0,82
1,09
Chinese
Total number of foreigners
Source: Ralha et al. (forthcoming)
2. social and economic rights
see synoptic table
Except for the case of political rights (voting and being elected at levels other than
local), holding positions in government or the judicial system, including at the regional
level, and the military service, Portuguese Constitution inhibits any restriction of rights
to non nationals, as long as there is reciprocity between countries. Therefore, access to
health, education, professional training, social welfare and other public goods formally
has no restriction.
25
In fact, as some interviewees pointed us out, since in most of the sending countries there
is no such thing as a welfare policy, this reciprocity clause would inhibit wide segments
of the foreign population from benefiting of most of the public goods. However,
irrespective of this clause, the implementation of welfare policies (and indeed the
everyday practice of public institutions) does provide foreigners with these rights, which
hold even when clandestine immigrants are involved – for example, an agreement on
free healthcare for these foreigners was settled between a NGO (SANITAE), and Lisbon
Regional Health Administration, in August 1998 (see Público, August 27th 1998). The
Law 19A of July 29th 1996 refers to immigrants as priority addressees for minimum
public wage granting. A Secretariat for Multicultural Education was created in the realm
of the Ministry of Education, in 1991. The Constitution in fact commits to the state the
responsibility for creating the conditions for enacting the right to go to school for
immigrant children (Art 74)23. And in 1998, the Joint Dispatch #304 of March 31st
created the “cultural mediators” whose task is to facilitate ethnic minorities youths
integration in school. In sum, the granting of social and economic rights shows there is a
firm intention of public authorities not to discriminate against foreigners, and prevent
social exclusion.
Two exceptions to this broad definition of rights, however, are worth mentioning: those
concerning housing in public projects, and work as wage earner.
Respecting access to public housing, decree law 797 of November 6, 1976 explicitly
confines it to nationals. The context of the making of this law should be considered,
however:
 first, as stated earlier, in the second half of the seventies, the arrival of more than half
a million persons coming from the former African colonies was considered to be a
national problem, not an immigration issue;
 secondly, public decisions in 1976 still had that voluntary flavour of a period
immediately following a revolution, and it was intended, through this legal
framework, to definitely solve the “housing problem” (slums, shanty towns ..., not
only the housing of the people coming from the colonies) through the active
intervention of public institutions and funds, but guaranteeing an efficient and proper
allocation of resources.

23
This particular article of the Constitution stands as an example of the sort of policies the Socialist government is
committed to implement, since it is dated from 1997, and the previous formulation (dated from 1993) referred to
emigrant population.
26
Therefore, the lodging of people coming from Africa in public housing was considered
to be part of the solution for national citizens needs; the foreigners excluded by the law
had, by that time, no immigrant or ethnic connotation.
The SRP program (decree law 163 of May 7, 1993), however, doesn’t mention any
restriction according to nationality. And as we shall see below, Oeiras Town Hall has
been re-housing in municipal projects both nationals and foreigners - and so do other
municipalities in the LMA. The weight of foreigners in the total number of families
encompassed by the program is, as shown in the table, quite high.
Families in the SRP census in Oeiras (1993), and in municipal re-housing projects
(1997)
Waiting to be re-housed
Total
Foreigners*
Re-housed in public
projects
Foreigners*
Oeiras
3 165
34%
29%
Source: CMO
Note: * It should be kept in mind that some of those reported as nationals have foreign
origin.
About work, restrictions included in decree law 97 of 1977 (already mentioned) were
thought in the same vein: preventing employers from using foreign labour to counteract
the (by that time) very active and powerful trade unions. The two major limitations to
the use of foreign wage earners were therefore:
 that access to public functions was prohibited to foreigners, except in the case of
shortage of national professional and technical manpower - a large number of
nationals having departed abroad after 1974, and being labelled as related to
reactionary interests;
 and employment of foreigners was forbidden in firms under 5 workers and whenever
the percentage of national labour didn’t reach 90%., in order to prevent harmful
decisions against Portuguese labour force.
Law 20 of May 12, 1998 revoked that decree: the second restriction (number of foreign
employees beyond 10%) was clearly dysfunctional (and even congenial to the
development of unlawful economic behaviour) in the context of heavy concentration of
immigrant labour in public works and building; the first one (foreign labour admitted
only in firms having more than five employees) disappeared. Moreover, the Home
Affairs Ministry has been dispossessed of the responsibility for the supervision of the
27
whole, which has now been turned over to the Secretary of Employment, and the
European Social Chart strongly influences new normative guidelines.
Furthermore, special training programs, especially for youth, have been designed to help
unskilled workers to adapt to changing labour market conditions, which often include an
explicit reference to immigrants and ethnic minorities as specific beneficiary targets.
There is no special reference to foreigners where self-employed and employers'
situations are concerned: they must comply with the same norms that rule the activities
of nationals.
Finally, the trade unions (CGTP and UGT) have also been very active, participating in
important issues concerning immigration and ethnic minorities, in spite of their delicate
situation: protecting foreigners without nationals disaffection. The first one (CGTP) has
Communist roots, while the latter positions are very much in tune with the Socialist
party; both have specific departments to handle immigration issues and problems. Two
such activities are worth mentioning: (1) they both took part in the lobbying activities of
an ad hoc Co-ordinating Secretariat for the Legalisation (SCAL) created in the early
90s, composed of religious organisations, immigrants national associations, prominent
members of opposition parties (namely the Socialist), and others, in order to achieve the
first legalisation process of undocumented immigrants, having in fact participated in the
second one as well; and (2) they collaborated in the making and implementing of the
guidelines concerning combat to racism and xenophobia in the working place and to
moonlighting inscribed in the State and social partners negotiated Strategic Agreement
(Acordo de Concertação Estratégica, signed in 1996). As noted earlier, this
participation was not without precautions, since immigrants' labour market participation
is a delicate issue. The rationale for campaigning against clandestine work was that it
was a sort of social dumping, pervasively hampering the normal functioning of labour
markets (the absence of restrictions in hiring might consolidate the building and public
works sectors as the turf of foreign more or less informal work, since this informality is
in fact the major asset the contractors are interested in). The defence of labour market
liberalisation would, therefore, be achieved through legalisation without jeopardising
regulation schemes.
Labour market and education and training are thus the two major opportunity structures
and the fundamental means of incorporation of immigrants and ethnic minorities in
Portuguese society. The creation in 1995 of the High Commissariat for Immigration and
Ethnic Minorities and the subsequent formation of a Consultative Council where
28
immigrants associations and other social partners are represented, trying to adapt the
‘Dutch model’ as an interviewee put it, stands as an initiative aiming at creating new
participation opportunities in Portuguese society, including the political sphere.
For the sake of some objectivity in dealing with these juridical-institutional issues, it
should however be reminded that reality doesn’t always comply with the ideal world
implied in the norms ... And if, as previously noted, immigrants are over-represented in
slums and shanty towns, as well as in manual unskilled labour, which has to do with
their ability to face the new situation in the present; the high levels of drop outs from
school and lower rates of success among their youngsters are even more worrying, since
they entail their capacity of dealing with the future.
Success rates in mandatory schooling
1992/93
1996/97
Portugal LMAOeiras
LMA-S Portugal LMA-N
Oeiras
LMA-S
North* Municipality outh**
orth* Municipality outh**
Portuguese
87.3
85.9
88.4
84.6
83.5
83.4
82.5
82.9
Africans
83.8
82.2
80.6
87.0
77.6
76.8
74.9
79.4
Asians
87.3
84.9
88.5
93.3
86.0
85.9
68.0
84.6
Europeans
88.5
84.0
92.1
87.6
81.6
76.7
76.6
76.7
Others
89.1
87.6
89.0
89.0
84.0
80.1
86.1
85.1
Source: Entreculturas cit. in Cordeiro (1997)
Notes: * Lisbon distrito; ** Setúbal distrito.
As we can see from the data, this situation is worsened by the fact that the lowest rates
of success occur precisely in those areas where immigrant communities are larger namely the LMA and Oeiras municipality particularly.
When one looks at the occupational structure of immigrants this becomes even more
worrying, for it is by now clear that the second generation is going to face a whole
different structure of labour market, where the lack of academic or professional skills
will be severely at odds with the major recruitment needs of developing economic
sectors.
The different modes of economic incorporation presented earlier are unequivocally
interpretable: it is clear that the large majority of first generation immigrants from the
PSAC work in the secondary market (mainly building and public works for men, and
personal and domestic services for women), exposed to the host of uncertainties that
characterises it; but even if the large investments in public works carry on for some
more years, it is not very likely that the second generations, better educated, and
socialised among the Portuguese society, will be available to carry on their parents
29
‘survival strategies’ (Portes); while on the other hand, their comparatively low school
success rates and high drop out rates may prevent them from taking advantage of new
mobility ladders that rely heavily on education credentials.
3.
cultural and religious rights
see synoptic table
There is no restriction impinging on the liberty of association, religion, and cultural
manifestations whatsoever. Furthermore, any religious persuasion can have its own
mass media, besides broadcasting rights in public television proportional to their
relative weight in the total number of believers. In fact, the only penalty present in the
law concerns the use of the freedom of speech and association in order to promote
racism, xenophobia and fascist ideals and propaganda.
A new law, specifically concerning immigrants’ associations, is now being discussed;
the Socialist and the Communist parties presented, each, a law proposal on that topic.
While the Socialists (proposal #501/VII) want to enhance the articulation with the High
Commissioner for Immigration and Ethnic Minorities (through the Consultative
Council), the Communists (proposal 533/VII) strongly oppose such a mediating
structure.
Catholics are the overwhelming majority in Portugal, and are therefore granted public
(including financial) support for their activities. Although other churches also benefit
from public support, it is now being discussed in further detail how representative they
are, comparing to Catholic church, in order to guarantee a more equitable distribution of
that support. Anyway, the local authorities also contribute with funding and other forms
of support to their activities (for instance, in Loures, the Town Hall granted municipal
soil to build a mosque).
Among the minority persuasions, one has to distinguish between those originated from
inside the communities (Muslims, Hindus, Buddhists...), and those brought from the
outside (namely various Protestant churches, some of them having a long experience of
Africa). The former are more reticent to any sort of articulating with the catholic church;
while the latter, being Christians, have been able to put up forms of collaboration,
mainly concerning interventions on the local level.
30
Clearly the nature of dominant activities (social support through food and clothes
distribution; exegesis of religious doctrines; decision partner or pressure group over
local or central authorities concerning issues related to immigration and ethnic
minorities), and the geographic scope of such interventions (local or supra-local) reveal
huge differences that should be appropriately set apart in order to understand the
functioning of such organisations. In a tentative essay at creating a typology of situations
according to the specific activities led by these religious organisations, one may
consider those two attributes as dichotomous (major intervention at local level or not;
dominant activity aimed at immigrant and ethnic policy goals or not), thus defining
three categories.
Typology of religious organisations interventions
religious exegesis/ social support
decision partner/pressure group in
immigration and ethnic minorities
policy
local
type 2
e.g. Centro Paroquial Cristo Rei,
e.g. Islamic and Protestant churches, Centro Paroquial do Prior Velho ...
supra-l
Catholic missionaries, Caritas, ...
ocal
type 1
type 3
e.g. Obra Católica das Migrações,
Centro Padre Alves Correia
It should however be clear that all sorts of mixed situations can be found; for instance,
in type 1 the aim may dominantly be the religious exegesis, but in order to foster loyalty
and commitment to the organisation, it may be necessary to provide for tangible goods
(Olson), beyond the simple food and clothing support, and that might involve the claim
on local authorities for some public goods - for instance school facilities, public
sanitation, or even being considered in decisions about who gets re-housed where.
Besides the churches, there is also an important role in cultural intensification and
diffusion committed to the more educated segments of the immigrant communities often having double nationality. Immigrants' national associations typically begin with
such participants. These are, however, a minority among immigrants associations.
Having cross-checked several lists, from different sources 24, and made a direct contact
by mail with all of those listed in the LMA, the unanswered return rates were huge.
24
Coming from the Embassies, the High Commissioner for Immigration and Ethnic Minorities, the Justice Department,
the CEPAC, and from some Town Halls.
31
Later on, it was possible to understand why: many had just disappeared, simply because
they never really existed at all. In fact, the general impression we have is one of an
enormous fragmentation, seasoned with personal dislikes, localism (in the origins), but
sometimes also a strategic behaviour in order to be granted supports. Anyway, and after
the series of interviews made, it seems obvious that coming in such a huge majority
from PSAC the immigrants communities are very much exposed not only to the
environment in the host society, as well as to the scrutiny and control of their home
countries - including both the political and the informal authorities.
One can grosso modo divide the existing national and ethnic associations into five
categories:
 those which have a strict local involvement - namely promoting sports, parties and
more generally other locally centred activities -; be they created by the local
authorities or not, their survival always depends on the more or less regular
attribution of public funding and other ways of public support; local youth
organisations are particular cases of this type (see further comments in the end of
this paper);
 those with supra-local involvement in Portuguese society, but having local references
of their country of origin (typically: “sons and friends of such and such district”),
which indicate the vivid presence of particularistic references among some immigrant
communities (mostly occurring among Continental Africans and Asian Indians);
 those having a religious background, either in communities where non-Christian
persuasions are dominant (typically, in Portugal, the Muslims) and have a
multi-stranded control over their communities (religious, political, and other aspects
of everyday life), or in communities where Christian persuasions are dominant, but
whose more or less isolated and segregated conditions (e.g. shanty towns) legitimate
churches to assume a multi-stranded intervention;
 those which have all encompassing aims, trying to work as representatives of the
whole community (and to monopolise its representation - e.g. Cape Verdean
Association, Guinean Association ...), and clearly assuming (and claiming) the status
and role of partner in all the negotiations with public authorities concerning not only
the specific national community, but sometimes even a broader definition of “alien
community” (until recently, Cape Verde, Guinea, and Brazil each had one single such
association; Angola, because of its internal political situation, didn’t); some are quite
in tune with the government of origin (Cape Verde, Brazil), others aren’t
(Guinea).The leaders of these associations generally are qualified above the average
of the community they represent and have Portuguese nationality (for instance, the
former and the present members of the Socialist Party who claim to be representing
32
immigrants interests in Parliament were leaders of national associations); in both
legalisation processes, in the political mobilisation for 1997 Portuguese local
elections, and during the process that led to the recent change in the law concerning
foreigners wage work, these associations had a very active intervention in the public
discussion of the issues at stake (and in making propositions about what should be
the alternative wage work law);
 and finally, those which aim at promoting and fostering the communities' cultural
identities, probably also working as lobbying structures (in the realms of politics,
economy, professions ...), normally led by people having Portuguese nationality (and,
when permitted, the nationality of origin) and assimilated in Portuguese society,
which seem to have a harder time in establishing links with the national or ethnic
community of origin, than with the Portuguese society (e.g. Goese, Capeverdian
professionals ...) 25 ; these structures frequently overlap with the former one (e.g.
Capeverdean Professionals Movement).
Recently, the building up of federations of national associations, as well as of European
level federations, is in the agenda of Capeverdians, and the Forum of the Capeverdian
Diaspora Associative Movement (in March 1998, in Lisbon) devoted one of its panels to
discuss this topic.
The creation of the Consultative Council to the High Commissioner for Immigration
and Ethnic Minorities, still on the making, which includes representatives of immigrants
and ethnic minorities communities, might well favour and consolidate that evolution 26.
The acknowledgement of the increasing importance of European Community in
defining guidelines and specific programs targeted at immigrants and ethnic minorities
on an European basis is also a favourable condition for the development of such more
encompassing forms of organisation 27.
Although there is a member of the Parliament, belonging to the Socialist group, who
was sometimes referred to us by some catholic and immigrants organisations members
25
We found one such association in the field work made at Oeiras, originating in the immigrant and ethnic
Capeverdian communities: the ECC-CO (Espaço da Comunidade Cabo-verdeana - Concelho de Oeiras). This is an
organisation still on the making, designed as a formal structure enabling the Capeverdian community initiatives (be it of
economic, cultural or political nature) with the necessary conditions to blossom and thrive. Most of its members are
qualified above the average of the Capeverdian community, and have Portuguese nationality (University students, civil
servants, military, business men ...).
26
It should be signalled that one such federation already exists (a Capeverdian one), but, as stated by a prominent
member of the Capeverdian association, who is also second to the High Commissioner, it is a weak one (see Carlos
Correia, "A orgânica das instituições associativas. Formas superiores de organização", Forum do Movimento
Associativo Caboverdeano na Diáspora, Lisbon, March 29, 1998, 11 pp.).
27
See also the same document by Carlos Correia.
33
as a “representative” of the immigrant and ethnic minorities 28, no clearly identifiable
political party can claim to monopolise their representation. Conversely, no pressure
group targeted at the immigrant and ethnic issues stands out in the political party system
in Portugal. The importance assumed by members of the Socialist party - or somehow
connected to it - in these issues is mainly the result of a decade long leading and rallying
civil society opposition to the social-democratic party in office (from 1985 to 1995).
The ability of being granted supports, being admitted as partners in all levels of decision
making, and mobilising strategic alliances is not, however, confined to the formal
political sphere. The Catholic church and some (related or not) non-governmental
organisations (NGO and others) play an important role which clearly extravasates the
limits of catholic solidarity and social support, and has other far reaching consequences
(e.g. Obra Católica das Migrações (OCM), Cáritas, CEPAC, ...). One of their most
visible interventions was during the second legalisation process of immigrants that took
place in 1996, when the High Commissioner for Immigration and Ethnic Affairs and the
Home Affairs invited OCM to take part in the National Commission for Legalisation, as
a consequence of its prominent role co-ordinating the SCAL (Secretariado
Coordenador do Apoio à Legalização - Co-ordinating Secretariat for the Support of
Legalisation), which started functioning in the late eighties, as a pressure group,
congregating other organisations, maxime the national associations, in order to combat
the dramatic social exclusion experienced by undocumented immigrants.
Another critical issue where OCM participated, again with the same partners of the
SCAL, concerned the making of the new wage labour law (Law 20 of May 12, 1998).
Participating in the public discussion of the document allowed OCM to strengthen its
position as a fundamental partner of national associations and as a mediating structure
with the central government, very much at ease to function as a pressure group
concerning immigrants and ethnic minorities policies. However, the making of the new
law on entry, stay and expulsion of foreigners (Decree-Law 244 of August 8th 1998)
was done without public participation and away from social partners scrutiny, since the
Parliament granted a legislative authorisation to the government - which obliterates
public discussion.
Finally, there are the non-religious (SOS Racismo, Olho vivo, ...) and non-government
(NGO - e.g. Associação Mundo Unido, OIKOS ...) organisations, which have a more
28
To be sure, she is of Capeverdian origin, and a member of the Capeverdian Association. The member of the
Parliament she replaced is of Guinean origin, and a member of the Guinean Association. The references made to her
alternatively insist on the fact that she is African, or on her specific national origin.
It should also be mentioned that the inclusion of a member of major national associations in an eligible place of the
list for the Parliament was part of an agreement formally established in 1991 between the Socialist party and some
major national associations: Cape verde, Angola and Guinea, (see Machado 1992).
34
diffuse and encompassing intervention on the issues concerning immigrants and ethnic
minorities. They acquired high visibility among public opinion in 1996, when they
organised (and managed to have trade unions and other organisations participating in)
the only sizeable demonstration organised in Lisbon against racism and xenophobia,
following the death by spanking of a young man of Cape Verdian descent (of
Portuguese nationality) by skin heads. Otherwise, their action is clearly more directed
toward articulating with other organisations in order to have a more effective pressure
on decision making. Even when they have the participation of immigrant and ethnic
minorities members, these are organisations mainly originated among Portuguese
nationals - and the first ones have strong connections to the left political parties.
There are 45 NGO present in Portugal, which aim at issues directly linked to immigrant
and ethnic minorities; two of them are located in the municipality of Oeiras, but their
scope of intervention is well beyond the local.
NGO
Portugal
LMA
Working directly with
immigrants and ethnic
minorities
15
14
Total
45
38
Oeiras
para um Mundo
Acções
Unido
Missão de Estudos para o
Desenvolvimento
e
Cooperação
Idem
2
2
Source: Guide ONG 1998
A final note must be made, concerning the evolution of the number of foreigners
expelled from Portugal for unlawful stay. Considering a period covering the booming
influx of immigration of the second half of the eighties, until the second legalisation
process, one cannot help being surprised by the low figures presented by the Home
Affairs:
Number of foreigners expelled for unlawful stay *
1986
1988
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
84
52
88
73
73
45
97
123
146
109
Source: Relatórios de Segurança Interna; SEF, Relatório Estatístico para o Ano de 1997,
cit. in Seabra (forthcoming).
These low figures, confronted with the total number of requests of legalisation presented
both in 1992-93 and 1996 (39 166 and 35 082), do speak loud, revealing the looseness
of the control over illegal foreigner stay by the Portuguese police authorities.
35
THE GENERAL SITUATION IN OEIRAS
Demographic, economic, and political evolution
Oeiras municipality lies in the immediate outskirts of the administrative Lisbon
perimeter, and has a huge waterfront along the transition from the Tagus river to the
Atlantic ocean. Its mild natural characteristics, along with the vicinity to the capital help
explain why it was still chosen, by the mid fifties, as a holiday and week-end resort for
Lisbon inhabitants. So, however low the densities of the waterfront are, they are still
higher than in the hinterland of the municipal territory, because the major urban
concentrations occurred along the Tagus bank. Afterwards, however, the influx of
populations of internal migrants, coming both from the North (maxime from Trás-os
Montes) and from the South (Alentejo) of the country, attracted towards the capital, and
of people “centrifuged” away from Lisbon29 forced the rapid increase in densities of soil
occupation, as well as the evolution toward another pattern of settlement, dominantly of
a suburban type. Yet recently, this tendency was clearly stopped, and the last rates of
growth recorded show a clear slowing down.
Demographic evolution in the last four censuses: annual growth rates
Portugal
Lisbon distrito
1960/70
-0,27
1,32
1970/81
1,17
2,50
1981/91
0,03
-0,10
Oeiras
4,5
7,4
1,35
Source: A geografia de Oeiras. Atlas municipal, CMO, 1997
Oeiras municipality has, by now, the (overall) best standard of living in the whole LMA,
it has become the siege of prestigious tertiary activities (e.g. high tech industries,
software, a University, and a technology park) and the occupational structure and
academic qualifications of its population (as well as the inherent taxes collected) show it
rises high above the average.
Some social and economic indicators: occupational structure and academic
qualifications
LMA
Labour force by
economic sector
29
Primary
Secondary
1,84
28,35
LMA North
1,17
26,56
LMA South
4,0
34,1
Oeiras
0,51
22,64
It should be kept in mind that the suburban growth pattern in Southern European countries differs from the Central
and Northern European one.
36
(%)
Tertiary
69,8
72,27
Schooling (above
High school
15,26
16,16
mandatory level - 9 Polytechnic &
6,34
7,32
years) (%)
University
Sources: A geografia de Oeiras. Atlas municipal, CMO, 1997
61,9
12,59
3,43
76,85
20.9
11.26
Along with the suburbanisation process, came the frequently chaotic occupation of
former agricultural soils (Lisbon and its periphery had the richest soil in the whole
country), the intensification of the capital hypertrophy, the differentiation of the spaces
integrated into the conurbation, and eventually the need to make some territorial
administrative arrangements. In 1979, the Law 45 of September 11th amputated part of
Oeiras territory, in order to create a new municipality (Amadora). The alienated piece of
land lied in the North-East hinterland, in the vicinity of Lisbon administrative borders.
Geographic evolution: size and population
1970 Census
Area
62,22 km2
Population
68 265
1981 Census
45,84 km2
149 328
1991 Census
45,84 km2
151 342
Sources: A geografia de Oeiras. Atlas municipal, CMO, 1997
Following the administrative territorial rearrangements, the social-democrats have since
then, and until now, always been the major political force in Oeiras Town Hall.
Political vote in local elections for the last ten years
1976
1979
1982
1985
1989
1993
1997
Electio Electio Electio Electio Electio Electio Electio
n
n
n
n
n
n
n
Electors
190 024 99 298 105 365 111 729
**
133 260 141 001
Political
PPD/AD/
14,4
45,3
39,7
44,4
43,6
39,1
48,3
local vote
PSD
For three
PS
38,9
22,7
26,8
15,7
28,5
33,1
29,5
Major
PCP/APU/
26,6
27,7
29,7
27,07
18,5
15,8
12,3
parties*
PCP-PEV/
(%)
CDU
Sources: A geografia de Oeiras. Atlas municipal, CMO, 1997; STAPE, 1998.
Notes: * political parties or coalitions where these parties were integrated.
** data not available
In the last elections, that majority was indeed reinforced 30 . However, among the
immigrants elected to the Assembleia Municipal and the Assembleias de Freguesia,
30
It should be signalled, however, that concerning the Assembleia de Freguesia, although the structure of vote is
unchanged, the relative values of the parties changed:
PPD/PSD
PS
PCP/PEV
37
although the information we have is scarce, it seems as if the lists opposing the
social-democratic party had some success, since the single African descent municipal
MP belongs to the Socialist party, in the opposition.
42%
32,6%
15,4%
38
Electoral registration of immigrants in last
local elections in Oeiras *
Freguesias
Registrations
Algés
258
Barcarena
14
Carnaxide
427
Cruz Quebrada - Dafundo
61
Linda-a-Velha
490
Oeiras
87
Paço de Arcos
184
Porto Salvo
7
Queijas
59
Total
1 587
Source: Juntas de Freguesia - CMO
Note: * The figures are higher than the ones presented above, because
they come from a different source: Oeiras Town Hall. Since the
STAPE data initially shown record an insignificant number of
foreigners from nationalities not present among the immigrants and
ethnic minorities (four), we shall use the number of foreigners (from
outside the EU) given by Oeiras Town Hall as an estimate.
The stability in the leading political party of the Town Hall, and in the last four elections
of the head of the municipal government, allows conditions of stability well suited for
the continuity of local policies. One of the main reasons why the social-democratic
party, and indeed the Lord Mayor of Oeiras, are so popular lies in the fact that the Town
Hall has decided, since 1985, to implement (and intensify with the SRP) the municipal
housing program 31, which included re-housing of populations living in shanty towns,
the urbanisation of illegal settlements, and the easy access of youngsters and other
segments of the population to buy or rent municipal lodging. Immigrants were,
furthermore, granted the right to municipal re-housing independently of their legal
status.
Housing is indeed one of the major problems of municipalities in the region of Lisbon,
the other ones being the related basic needs (schools, transportation...), inevitable when
one bears in mind the macro-cephalic situation of the region of the capital. According to
the SRP census made in 1993, Oeiras had one of the biggest shares in barracks in the
LMA - above 10,5%.
31
In 1986, a new organic structure of the Town Hall granted further autonomy to the Housing Department - still
reinforced in subsequent years.
39
Housing
LMA
(absolute values)
of
366 992
LMA - North
%
66,49
LMA - South
%
33,51
number
buildings
number
of
1 083 457
73,62
26,38
houses
number
of
30 016
84,96
15,04
barracks
(SRP census)
Source: A geografia de Oeiras. Atlas municipal, CMO, 1997
Oeiras
%
4,16
5,96
10,54
Although existing shanty towns have (or had) different sizes, the large majority of these
barracks were concentrated in five of these slums. In all of them, as will be shown later
on, the immigrants presence is huge.
Internal differentiation
Some of the inhabitants have been living in these precarious conditions for more than
thirty years: these are the internal migrants who never could afford moving away, into
the formal housing market, whose children, and sometimes grandchildren too, were and
are raised in an underclass environment. The first settlers came as manual labourers for
the execution of menial jobs in building and public works (men), and domestic service
(women), during the period of strong internal migrations of the fifties and the sixties
(the bulk of whom coming from Alentejo and Trás-os-Montes). Their settlement
occurred mainly along the administrative borders between Oeiras and Lisbon, on the
fringe of some of the main roads, and in some scattered locations, mostly near the
Lisbon border, in vacant former agricultural spaces.
Period of settlement in shanty towns
1935-1965
1966-1975
Total
427
690
Foreigners
7
180
1976-1985
1 374
556
1986-1993
710
370
Source: SRP census
Immigrants came much later, but were immediately channelled towards these slums,
where their dreams of a better life dramatically clash with the underclass exclusion. The
first ones came and settled in Oeiras in the late sixties, early seventies, and were
employed in building and public works (in the quarters of J. Pimenta, Miraflores ...).
40
Later on, in the eighties, with the massive immigration, the shanty towns boomed with
African colours. Although there is no accurate figure about how many there are, by
national group, all the interviewees in Oeiras municipality are positive about one thing:
Cape Verdeans are the larger community, and most of them come from the island of
Santiago. Our own observations corroborate this impression.
In this context, Oeiras is a sort of a cross-road of different internal and external
movements, which has reflects on the physical differentiation between the crowded
waterfront and the still dominantly green hinterland, but also between different
settlement patterns: higher densities and most of the shanty towns lying in the eastern
part of the municipality; while the west still maintains some of the traits of its former
tourist resort.
Oeiras Municipality territory
(Please insert map 2)
Source: Atlas municipal, CMO, 1997
Finally, the Gypsies are the only originally Portuguese ethnic minority group, but not
only are they scattered all over the country, as there are very few living in Oeiras. They
are, however, considered by the Town Hall officials we contacted as the more difficult
community: both in shanty towns, and in re-housing projects. The municipal guidelines
for their re-housing are to avoid concentration of families in the same buildings, and
even in the same neighbourhoods.
41
Making a rough estimate about how many immigrants there are in Oeiras
As mentioned before, there are no reliable demographic data available on foreigners at
municipal level. It is however of common knowledge that the vast majority of them
gathers in ran down slum areas, or in the City re-housing projects. Therefore, we shall
use the corresponding data in order to draw a rough estimate of the number of
immigrants living in Oeiras municipality.
It’s difficult to make a typology of the informal housing and slum situations (which are
to be found scattered all over the metropolitan area). For the sake of some clarity in the
notions we shall be using, we shall refer to the types of situations according to two
criteria: the ownership of the soil and the making of the house. We found three types:
Typology of informal housing and slum situations
Soil / piece of land owned by the people living in there
Yes
No
Type 1
Type 2
Shanty town (an extremely
heterogeneous aggregate of ad
yes Clandestine settlement 1
hoc made houses and barracks,
(detached houses, built in
generally made of bricks and
non-urban areas, without any
other materials – wood, metal
construction permit, and having ... – with very precarious
House built by
no collective infrastructures - at collective infrastructures)
the people
least in the beginning).
living
Type 3
in there
Clandestine settlement 2 (idem, Ran down areas (made of old
no
but purchased from the original buildings, sometimes former
owners)
farm buildings, very degraded,
rented to people who have to
pay all the uses made of the
facilities – water, electricity,
sanitation services ...)
The available list of all such quarters in Oeiras municipality, naturally incomplete and
out of date, as well of the number of persons living in there is the following:
42
Clandestine settlements – Type 1
Number of “houses”
Pedreira Italiana
Leião
Marchante
Ribeira da Laje
Casal das Chocas
Outeiro
249
59
45
276
277
data not available
Number of people
living
946
268
180
1 049
1 053
data not available
Immigrants
presence
No, or scarce
No, or scarce
No, or scarce
No, or scarce
No, or scarce
No, or scarce
Source: A geografia de Oeiras. Atlas municipal, CMO, 1997
The total amount of families involved in this housing situation is quite lower than the
one we found for families living in shanty town barracks. Although there are no exact
data on the presence of foreigners in these type 1 settlements, it is common knowledge
among Town Hall officials we contacted that their presence in these quarters is really
irrelevant.
This is not, however, the case for type 2 settlements: among the 3 165 families living in
barracks recorded in the SPR census in Oeiras, one third were headed by foreigner
citizens, three quarters of whom were concentrated in five nuclei 32.
Clandestine settlements – Type 2
Nuclei
Number of
Percentage of
Designation of the
nuclei
families living in
nuclei
these nuclei
82
100%
----11
74%
----5
59%
Alto dos Barronhos
Alto do Montijo
Qta. De Salregos e Qta.
De Sales
Alto de Sta. Catarina
Pedreira dos Húngaros
Nationalities present
Total Portuguese Foreigners
(%)
(%)
(%)
100
-----
100
-----
100
-----
59
52
75
Source: A geografia de Oeiras. Atlas municipal, CMO, 1997; Divisão de Habitação,
CMO, 1998
We found no source availing the systematic listing of type 3 urban dwellings.
32
Which is considered to be an objective discrimination by some interviewees. As mentioned by a Capeverdian official
of the Embassy "it took two visits of the Capeverdian Prime Minister to Pedreira dos Húngaros before the Town Hall
started tearing it down".
43
The data available for municipal re-housing projects reflects a distribution by
nationalities very much similar to the one we found for the second type: nearly one third
of the inhabitants living in City Council re-housing projects are foreigners, the vast
majority of whom of Capeverdian nationality (16% of the total - not counting
Portuguese nationals of Capeverdian descent). The lowest (or nil) percentage of
immigrants corresponds to the older quarters, while the figures found for immigrants
living in the run down areas covered by the SRP program in Oeiras are homologous to
corresponding percentages of re-housed in recent ones (those built from 1985 to 1998).
Municipal re-housing projects
Number of
houses/families
Number of people
People of foreign
living
origin (%) (a)
(only in rented houses)
397
38
309
20
155
5
354
35
1 091
33
296
33
Outurela/Portela
128
Bugio
180
Medrosa
44
Moinho da Portela
90
Bairro do Pombal
326
Laveiras/Caxias
(F.Sá
400
Carneiro)
Alto da Loba
440
220
34
Encosta da Portela
364
1 202
32
Quinta da Politeira
160
191
23
Ribeira da Lage
166
527
49
Bairro
Bento
Jesus
74
240
3
Caraça II
Bairro
Bento
Jesus
40
251
48
Caraça (PER)
Bairro Luta Pela Casa
100
data not available
0
Source: A geografia de Oeiras. Atlas municipal, CMO, 1997; Dez anos de habitação,
CMO,1997; Divisão de Habitação, CMO, 1998
Note: (a) according to "heads of household" (i.e. the holder of the municipal rental
contract) nationalities - which most certainly is an underestimation.
In sum, it is possible to coarsely estimate the foreign population living in Oeiras around
fifteen hundred families33, i.e. oscillating between six and eight thousand individuals34.
Bearing naturally in mind this is but a calculation exercise based on a (somewhat)
educated guess on immigrant and ethnic minorities family size, we may however say
33
I.e. families "headed" by a person not having Portuguese nationality.
I.e. including people living in mixed households, but headed by a person not having Portuguese nationality.
A tentative essay of a census made by a religious organisation (Centro de Estudos Padre Alves Correia) in
1994/1995 accounted, however, for 11.124 African individuals, irrespective of their nationality, in Oeiras municipality
(living in shanty towns and public re-housing projects). Considering the existence of mixed households headed by
Portuguese nationals (of foreign descent or not), this figure might well be considered as an upper limit of people of
African descent.
34
44
that these figures don’t appear to be very far from what the experience we had, in direct
field intensive and extensive observation all around the municipal territory. In fact, a
foreign population around 5% of the total, amounting to one percentual point over the
average obtained in the LMA - although, as every average, this figure conceals the
heavy concentration of immigrants in some locals, and their near invisibility in others -,
can be considered as a conservative estimate.
Town Hall position toward immigration
Oeiras being a municipality of immigration (by national standards), what is the position
of the Town Hall in this respect: should there be municipal policies specifically oriented
to immigrants and ethnic minorities?; should the status of “Benetton city”, as the black
youngsters proclaim, be recognised, and a multicultural model of reference adopted?, or
should there prevail, instead, an assimilationist view as the only way to guarantee equal
rights and opportunities to all?
As far as the plain official rhetoric allows us to see, the philosophical guidelines of the
Town Hall elected representatives confer the focal role to the individual, assuming this
is the only right democratic position to escape patronising and naive attitudes. These,
maxime quotas creation and other such positive discrimination measures, are refused on
the basis that it only leads to the crystallisation both of stigmatising tendencies steaming
from outside (white, lower classes of Portuguese descent), and of the internal
stratification cleavages of immigrants and ethnic minorities, where only the better
positioned can avail themselves of these exceptional opportunities created.
A strong opposition to the setting up of a specific institutional frame for dealing with
immigration and ethnic minorities issues is therefore the key note. The main argument
runs like this: there are no specific group problems, at least as much as the Town Hall is
concerned, there are only individual problems – e.g., and foremost, the inability to
accede to the housing market. Thus, the experiences of institutional representation of
immigrant and ethnic minorities and its interweaving with public officials in designing
and implementing Town Hall decisions or guidelines concerning specific issues (e.g. the
Conselhos Municipais created in Lisbon and Amadora) are rejected as pure (and
absolutely ineffective) propaganda. The individual is the sole interlocutor of the City
Hall, and the relations between Town Hall and local inhabitants, whether national or
not, are therefore personal and direct: independently of passport register, every resident
is a "municipal citizen" and must be faced as such. Therefore, labour market and
45
education are the major opportunity structures guaranteeing everybody's incorporation –
be they national or foreign.
The Town Hall officials having technical and management functions are aware of these
philosophical guidelines, some agree with it, others don't, but their contact with
everyday problems, and experience of concrete situations gives them a much more
pragmatic perspective on immigrants and ethnic minorities. Yet, since they are oriented
toward handling specific local situations, it ends up reinforcing that stress on the
individual. Furthermore, the intense working schedules and diversified concrete
situations they have to handle daily also function a contrario of a general perspective
(and this is a common complain during interviews). On the other hand, however, the
concrete experience they have, and the pragmatic positions they assume lead to the
recognition of some specific immigrant and ethnic minorities situations; this in turn is
reinforced by the intermediate levels of local public administration (heads of
department), in charge of co-ordinating specific departments, and therefore translating
general policies philosophical guidelines into concrete municipal interventions, which
often reflect a de facto recognition of cultural differentiation and specificity.
Concrete situations of this line of action are the support (funding, availing facilities, ...)
of local immigrants and ethnic minorities associations (on the only condition that they
have a formal planning of their activities) and initiatives (e.g. a fashion show organised
in 1997, and the creation of a football school in Outurela/Portela), the facilitation of
contacts with supra-local institutions (public employment agency, national
associations,...), and the attraction of cultural manifestations of their countries of origin
in Town Hall facilities (e.g. an exhibition of African art in 1998). It should however be
stressed that this kind of initiatives has the full support of the City Hall - and namely the
enthusiastic personal adhesion of the Lord Mayor. In fact, in spite of the official rhetoric
initially mentioned, the politicians do accept that the only way to counter the
stigmatisation of immigrants and ethnic minorities is using (even manipulating) the
cultural diversity of the municipality as one of its distinctive symbols.
Cultural participation by these populations is, however, generally very low. A sharp
limitation to its increase lies in the deficient (or even lacking altogether) connection
with the specialised Tow Hall Department of Cultural Affairs, which has a two-fold
program, based on top-down initiatives (paintings exhibition, classical music ...),
generally of the so called erudite culture, and on bottom-top propositions, which are
only very seldom expressed by immigrants and ethnic minorities.
46
Another critical issue, as previously shown, concerns housing. As mentioned above,
Gypsies are considered a very special community. The strong ties their networks are
made of facilitate their existence as a community, but sometimes also pervasively
facilitate the reproduction of decades long hates between families. So, the guidelines for
their re-housing in municipal projects are specific, and consist in lodging them in
ground floors, with direct access to the streets, and scattering them in different
neighbourhoods. This is not, however, the general orientation followed towards
immigrants and ethnic minorities re-housing - or towards re-housed populations in
general. Furthermore, the materials used and inner lodging arrangements, as well as the
exterior settlement outlook are decided exclusively by the Town Hall officials. If and
when claims are made to participate in these decision processes (by local associations of
residents, local parishes, ...), they are generally disregarded: this is considered as the
exclusive turf of Town Hall, in order to guarantee a systematic implementation of
norms.
The establishment of privileged inter-city relations with municipalities in PSC is also
part of the Town Hall strategy of action. In this context, among the existing six twin
partners of Oeiras, four belong to PSC (Cape Verde, São Tomé, Angola, and Brazil),
and co-operation is very intense (including the donation of goods, the funding of
development programs, and the granting of scholarships and lodging to students coming
to Portuguese universities); the three twinning processes now being prepared concern
only PSC cities (in Mozambique, Guinea, and Brazil). Other international participation
in inter-city networks include European Forum for Urban Security; INTA (International
Association for Urban Development); UIOF (International Union of Family
Organisations); OICI (Ibero-American Organisation of Inter-Municipal Co-operation);
FMCU (World Federation of United Cities); UCCLA (Luso-Afro-American-Asian
Union of Capital Cities); and FIHUAT (International Federation of Housing, Urbanism,
and Urban Planning).
Relations between local and other levels of government
The (implicit) acceptance, since the mid eighties, of an ongoing influx of immigrants,
necessary to meet the schedules of public investments in public works, and the
residential centrifugation of immigrants and ethnic minorities to Lisbon periphery
makes the relations between local and central governments, and between local
governments of the LMA themselves a central issue.
47
Oeiras Town Hall officials contacted, whether holding elected offices, or occupying
plain technical and professional or higher level management functions, are unanimous in
considering that there are hardly any relations with central government concerning
immigrants and ethnic minorities. The general idea, as an interviewee put it, is that “they
[central government] let them in, and we [Town Hall] have to take care of the rest” meaning by that providing houses, places in schools, in sum, availing all sorts of
municipal facilities; but also deciding which course of action is better to face situations
that the municipal organisation is not used to handle - however “simple” they may
appear to an external observer (e.g. what is the better way to combat low school success
rates: creating specific classes for the children of immigrants, or mixing them with the
others?).
In order to exchange and share experiences and to stabilise a common set of knowledge
and guidelines, specialised commissions were created, with the participation of central
government and municipal officials, in areas such as: children in risk situations, drug
and alcohol abuse, school drop outs, poverty, old people, guaranteed minimum income,
etc. - which are not areas uniquely affecting immigrants and ethnic minorities
communities. This initiative aimed, furthermore, at decentralising some of the functions
committed to central government institutions (e.g. finding foster homes for children in
risk situations), and was proven useful in sharing experiences, and creating
supra-municipal networks of people intervening in the same areas. However, since
decentralisation of functions and implementation of decisions negotiated in different
government levels involves availing resources, which often entails decisions at other
levels, the effectiveness of these commissions has until now been meagre. The creation
of cultural mediators, a measure recently taken (in June 1998) by the High
Commissioner for Immigrants and Ethnic Minorities, aiming at facilitating the
communication between local schools and immigrants communities (an experience
intended to be used in other areas, if proven useful), may be a step toward strengthening
the relations between local and middle and central levels of decision.
Besides, connections hardly exist between municipalities themselves, in the LMA. Since
the Junta Metropolitana was created, in the beginning of the decade, no really important
decision, concerning public investments in Lisbon metropolitan territory, was taken
outside central government. Moreover, since the major City Hall sanction mechanism
are local elections every four years, it is generally the municipal interests that prevail in
decisions concerning bilateral or multi-lateral municipal issues.
48
But even within the municipal services, as frequently repeated to us by the interviewees,
the lack of horizontal articulation between different services is the key note. For
instance, since the bottom-top propositions made to the Department of Cultural Affairs
are so meagre, maybe a different interweaving with other departments having more field
experience (e.g. Housing, Social Affairs, and Youth Departments) could be useful.
These in turn would like to avail themselves of the Department of Cultural Affairs
resources in order to better support their intervention.
Finally, concerning Oeiras Town Hall relations with supra-local organisations (religious
and other), and local associations involved in immigrants and ethnic minorities issues,
the general idea is that the main policy guidelines are established by the elected
municipal government, and are in no way negotiable. Furthermore, the Town Hall
public position being that there are no specific group issues, maxime immigrants and
ethnic minorities, but only municipal problems, doesn’t recognise these organisations,
whether local or supra-local, the status of collective interests mediators. (As will be
shown later, the implementation of URBAN project is, however, somewhat at odds with
this official norm). Therefore, Oeiras doesn’t accept the making of a Municipal Council
on immigrants and ethnic minorities issues. As previously mentioned, however, Town
Hall officials (social workers, psychologists, architects...) pragmatism sometimes
reflects a de facto recognition of cultural specificity concerning practical issues.
Relations between local level of government and immigrants and ethnic minorities
interests mediating organisations
Two strategic issues for immigrants and ethnic minorities integration in Portuguese
society will be analysed here: the collaboration between Town Hall and collective
interests mediating organisations mobilising immigrants and ethnic minorities for (i) the
two periods of special legalisation, and (ii) the electoral registration and participation in
local 1997 elections. Further on, we shall try to present and characterise the local
associative experience.
Concerning the extraordinary legalisation processes, the first one occurred during a
social-democrat government 35 , and was an exclusively top-down initiative; many
organisations and opposition parties publicly pointed this out (in newspapers, television
...) as the main cause for what they consider to have been a plain flop. The second
35
The Home Affairs Secretary, Mr. Dias Loureiro, was convinced that, since unlawful presence in Portuguese soil was
a police issue, then it would have to be treated as such, and committed the charge of co-ordinating and implementing
the whole legalisation process to the SEF, in spite of the claims made by some organisations (maxime national
associations) to be a part of it.
49
legalisation process, under the by then recently elected socialist government, was
designed to incorporate the national associations and other organisations directly
working in the realm of immigration and ethnic minorities integration. Indeed, as
previously reported, the religious organisation Obra Católica das Migrações was part of
the National Commission for legalisation, which carried out the whole process, and had
the participation of national associations and other organisations. The municipalities
were also asked to collaborate, mainly by facilitating the contacts with immigrant
communities and turning the necessary means available.
1996 Legalisation process
Legalisation process of 1996
Source: ACIME; SEF, 1997
Note: * by the end 1997.
Total number of
Requests not
requests
admitted
35 082
3 965
Requests granted
22 245 *
The first registration of immigrant political electors occurred in 1996 (the first local
elections where they could participate) and, once more, the Town Halls participation,
besides from the other organisations working specifically with immigrants, was
considered to be essential. Concerning Oeiras, the interviews we made conveyed to us
the idea that, in the first year of the new institutional framework, that co-operation was
indeed important. However, regrets were expressed that the effort is no longer visible
(there were, for instance, no outdoors calling immigrants to register as electors in 1997
and 1998), and it was suggested that it might be because of the fact that next local
elections are only due in 2001...
However, political participation was, as previously noted, low, in 1997 local elections not only in Oeiras, but everywhere.
The absence of recognition by Oeiras Town Hall of formal intermediary immigrants and
ethnic minorities representative bodies is a favourable condition for the burgeoning of a
myriad of small and very diversified associations36. These generally benefit of several
forms of support from Oeiras Town Hall (including municipal facilities), and are funded
as any other (Portuguese) local association.
Let’s now take a look at the existing associations in Oeiras municipality 37.
36
Which also occurs with nationals' voluntary associations.
As initially noted, Lisbon concentrates most of the sieges in the metropolitan area. Therefore, we shall not present
the data in the context of the LMA, for it would really have little meaning.
37
50
Associations in Oeiras: total and with immigrant and ethnic participation
Places/Freguesias Total
Having dominant immigrant and ethnic minorities
participation
1. Outurela/Portela
8
Associação de Moradores da Outurela/Portela
(founded in 1995)
Clube Desportivo Veteranas de Angola *
5
Espaço da Comunidade Caboverdiana - Concelho de
Oeiras
União dos Estudantes Cabo-verdianos de Lisboa
União Desportiva de Barronhos
2. Carnaxide
7
--0
3. Linda-a-Velha
16 Associação Cultural e Desportiva da Pedreira dos
Húngaros
Cabojovem
6
Associação Fúnebre da Pedreira dos Húngaros
Associação Juvenil Luso-Africana
Associação de Moradores Bento Gonçalves
Comissão para um Realojamento Condigno **
4. Algés
13 Associação dos Amigos da Mulher Angolana
Associação dos Naturais e Amigos do Bié e Anabié
3
Grupo Cultural Cristo Rei – Centro Social e
Paroquial
5. Linda-a-Pastora
3
--0
6. Dafundo
3
--0
7. Cruz Quebrada
3
Associação de Solidariedade Social Assomada ***
1
8. Oeiras
15
--0
9. Paço de Arcos
11
--0
10. Porto Salvo
13
--0
11. Barcarena
8
--0
12. Valejas
1
--0
13. Talaíde
1
--0
Oeiras
102
--15
Sources: Embassy of Cape Verde; High Commissioner for Immigration and Ethnic
Minorities; Oeiras Town Hall.
Notes:
* In spite of the reference to Angola, this Veteran Women Sporting Club is mostly
composed of white women.
** Pressure group composed by local associations leaders (from a shanty town known as
Pedreira dos Húngaros).
*** Since the whole population living in the shanty town was re-housed, this
association still has no formal quarters.
We find here four of the five types identified above (see Immigration policies and the
granting of civil rights and duties - 3 cultural and religious rights). The only one missing
is the fourth one, concerning national associations (all of them in fact have their sieges
51
in Lisbon). Their full characterisation is not possible, for the time being; the available
information gives the following picture:
Characteristics of associations in Oeiras having immigrant and ethnic participation a
Activities
Sport Culture Pressu
Other
re
interests
group
Outurela/Portela Associação de Moradores da
X
X
X
--Outurela/Portela
Clube Desportivo Veteranas de X
X
----Angola
Espaço
da
Comunidade X
X
X
economic
Caboverdiana - Concelho de
Oeiras
União Desportiva de Barronhos
--X
--parties
União
dos
Estudantes --X
----Cabo-verdianos de Lisboa
Linda-a-Velha
Associação Cultural e Desportiva
X
------da Pedreira dos Húngaros
Cabojovem
b
b
b
b
Associação Fúnebre da Pedreira ------burials
dos Húngaros
Associação Juvenil Luso-Africana
b
b
b
b
Associação de Moradores Bento
b
b
b
b
Gonçalves
Comissão para um Realojamento ----X
--Condigno
Algés
Associação dos Amigos da Mulher
b
b
b
b
Angolana
Associação dos Naturais e Amigos
b
b
b
b
do Bié e Anabié
Grupo Cultural Cristo Rei – Centro --X
X
religious
Social e Paroquial
Cruz Quebrada Associação
de
Solidariedade X
----school for
Social Assomada
adults
Sources: idem ibidem; and local observation.
Note: a - Specific information given in Town Hall listings are biased underestimation,
because they only count those that submitted a plan of activities for 1998, therefore
characterising the nature of activities involved, in order to receive municipal funding
support. It does not therefore completely overlap with our own local observations.
b - data are still being gathered.
Insofar as this incomplete information allows us to interpret, the dominant activities are
related to sports and (popular) culture, which is congruent with the local down-rooting
52
of the majority of these associations; there are however (at least) four which play a role
as pressure groups: the first and the third ones being local residents associations; the
second one, a supra-local organisation of the fifth type described above; and the fourth
one, a coral group created along the regular activities of a parish among the population
of a shanty town (Pedreira dos Húngaros) 38.
Civic participation in re-housing context
39
With this short comparative description of civic participation in post 1985 public
re-housing projects in Oeiras municipality, we aim at presenting an overview of social
participation practices in contexts of social exclusion. The situations in focus involve
both Portuguese descent underclass and lower classes, and ethnic minorities
populations, encompassed in public policies directed towards fighting exclusion. Are
there significant differences in participation due to ethnic belonging or immigrant status,
or should the recorded differences be committed to other non-individual, contextual
factors?
The observation was made in seven such municipal re-housing projects, and covered
724 cases. All the samples are representative on their own right, and their characteristics
are as follows.
Ethnic presence in municipal re-housing projects (sample respondents)
Pombal
Laveiras
Quinta da
Alto da
Bº Jesus
Bugio
Outurela
Caxias
Politeira
Loba
Caraça
Portela
Ethnic *
49 45.0 51 43.6 41 45.1 38 32.8 28 28.9 38 39.6 63 64.3
minority
Ethnic
60 55.0 58 49.6 46 50.5 69 59.5 69 71.1 54 56.3 35 35.7
majority
Unknow
8
6.8
4
4.4
9
7.8
4
4.2
n **
Total
109 100 117 100 91 100 116 100 97 100 96 100 98 100
Source: Socinova
Notes: * this is a mixed attribute, which includes phenotypic, as well as cultural
(language spoken, and place of birth of ego and his close kin) traits. Therefore, ethnic
stands here, and in the following tables, as a token for ethnic and immigrant.
** Unknown refers to the cases where we were unable to collect all the
necessary information to establish ethnic belonging.
38
Of the second type in the typology of religious organisations having an active intervention among immigrants and
ethnic minorities (see above: Immigration policies and the granting of civil rights and duties - 3 cultural and religious
rights.
39
This is an adaptation of a previous paper (Ralha 1998). We thank Oeiras municipality Town Hall for letting us use
these data gathered in the realm of Renovação Urbana project.
53
As formerly mentioned, ethnic minorities are heavily represented in all these municipal
neighbourhoods (their weight oscillates between under one third and nearly two thirds
of the total), and just as white families cannot all be labelled as underclass, it should be
signalled that not all of the immigrants were re-housed by public intervention as poor.
Nevertheless, they all share a common feature: they are all dependent on public
subsidising in order to access formal housing. Therefore, one should expect the
economic insertion description to somehow reflect this diversity.
Occupations for ethnic and non ethnic populations (%)
Professio- Directors,
Office
nals,
managers
Clerks
medium
level
techni-cian
s, artists
Pombal
Ethnic
1.6
4.8
7.1
minority
Ethnic
2.9
5.7
8.6
majority
Laveiras
Ethnic
14.7
5.9
8.8
Caxias
minority
Ethnic
5.4
5.4
majority
Quinta da
Politeira
Ethnic
minority
Ethnic
majority
Alto da
Ethnic
Loba
minority
Ethnic
majority
Bº Jesus
Ethnic
Caraça
minority
Ethnic
majority
Bugio
Ethnic
minority
Ethnic
majority
Outurela Ethnic
Portela
minority
Ethnic
majority
Source: Socinova
Shopkeepe
rs and
sales
clerks
Personal
and
domestic
services
Farmers,
fishermen,
manual
farm
labour
Manual
manufac
ture
labourers
-
42.9
-
42.9
5.7
37.1
2.9
37.1
2.9
26.5
5.9
35.3
5.4
40.5
8.1
35.1
-
-
3.6
3.6
50.0
3.6
50.0
-
-
5.0
10.0
40.0
-
45.0
-
13.0
4.3
-
47.8
4.3
30.4
21.6
5.9
17.6
3.9
21.6
2.0
27.5
5.6
-
5.6
-
38.9
-
50.0
10.8
2.7
16.2
8.1
29.7
2.7
29.7
-
4.8
14.3
4.8
42.9
-
33.3
16.2
5.4
21.6
2.7
35.1
-
18.9
7.3
2.4
-
4.9
43.9
-
41.5
-
-
9.1
9.1
54.5
-
27.3
A major feature of these populations is, as shown, its heavy concentration in low skilled
occupations. Nevertheless, ethnic minorities evidence a lower differentiation than
Portuguese descent interviewees, reflecting the heavy presence among them of
immigrants of still recent arrival in Portugal (and the therefore dominant ‘survival
54
strategies’ of economic incorporation [Portes]). One could predict that this mode of
incorporation negatively extravasates on other levels of participation - given the strain
imposed by survival on resources availability (time as well as material and
psychological ones). Conversely, should one find that participation is independent of
ethnic attributes, then one should admit the incapacity of individual level factors to
explain this behaviour, and look at the macro level institutional framework in order to
find a plausible explanation.
Following Hirschman's (1970) scheme, we asked whether municipal authorities could
be influenced (if not, exit), should be controlled (voice), or should be left alone in doing
their tasks (loyalty). The results obtained contradict the first prediction (ethnic
minorities are indeed those who make more claims and are more critical toward
municipal power), and therefore grant more credibility to the alternative interpretation.
Attitudes towards political power: city hall (%)
they do whatever
they want, one
cannot influence
power
Pombal
Ethnic minority
20.5
Ethnic majority
25.9
Laveiras
Ethnic minority
20.4
Ethnic majority
31.6
Qt Politeira
Ethnic minority
23.1
Ethnic majority
19.6
Alto Loba
Ethnic minority
18.2
Ethnic majority
7.4
Bº J. Caraça
Ethnic minority
32.1
Ethnic majority
20.6
Bugio
Ethnic minority
14.3
Ethnic majority
26.0
Outurela
Ethnic minority
28.3
Portela
Ethnic majority
22.6
they must be
controlled, so
they don't mess
up
63.6
48.1
61.2
54.4
51.3
45.7
66.7
67.6
46.4
48.5
54.3
52.0
54.7
45.2
they must be left
alone, for they
know what they
are doing
15.9
25.9
18.4
14.0
25.6
34.8
15.2
25.0
21.4
30.9
31.4
22.0
17.0
32.3
Tot
al
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
Source: Socinova
Voluntary associations participation evidences a huge overload on the bottom rows of
the table: membership in voluntary associations can widely vary; however, non
participation is clearly dominant. On the other hand, no clear cut pattern distinguishing
ethnic minorities from ethnic majority emerges from the data: participation as collective
interest representation is meagre, and associations are a myriad of small, horizontal, and
limited in scope forms of local mobilisation. Competition between them at the local
55
level can, therefore, be sometimes ferocious, disputing public mobilisation and access to
public funding and other resources.
Voluntary associations membership (%)
Pombal Laveira
Yes
E. minority
E. majority
No
E. minority
E. majority
Source: Socinova
9,8
15,2
90,2
84,8
Politeira A. Loba
16,3
10,5
7,4
Bº
J.Caraç
a
30,2
8,3
83,7
91,7
17,4
89,5
82,6
24,2
92,6
75,8
22,9
69,8
77,1
Bugio
Outurela
Portela
15,8
27,5
16,7
84,2
83,3
17,2
72,5
82,8
This crumbed framework of voluntary associations is best portrayed by the clear
dominance of structures promoting segmented local activities (sports, culture,
humanitarian ...), over organisations aiming at mobilising and representing the
communities at top levels of political decision (regional/national associations, residents
committee, political parties ...) as shown in the following table:
Voluntary associations activities
School
Sports
Cultur
Region
Religio
Reside
Human
Politic
Profess
activiti
Activit
al
al
us
nts
itarian
al
ional
ies
activiti
/Natio
affairs
commi
es
nal
es
Pombal
E. minority
Laveiras
ttees
-
2
2
4
-
-
1
-
1
E. majority
E. minority
1
2
2
-
-
-
-
-
-
1
8
4
1
-
-
2
1
-
1
8
2
-
1
1
1
-
1
Politeira
E. majority
E. minority
1
2
-
-
-
-
1
-
-
E. majority
E. minority
1
4
2
-
-
-
4
-
-
A. Loba
1
1
1
-
-
-
1
-
-
E. majority
E. minority
1
3
2
-
1
1
3
1
2
1
1
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
E. majority
E. minority
1
9
6
1
2
-
9
-
-
1
4
2
-
-
-
-
-
-
E. majority
E. minority
2
3
1
-
-
-
3
-
2
-
6
3
-
1
11
-
-
-
E. majority
-
2
-
2
-
4
2
-
-
Bº Jesus
Caraça
Bugio
Outurela
Portela
Source: Socinova
56
Therefore, attitudes toward organisation frequently reflect suspicion, estrangement, and
even conflict among particular interests. Looking at the table below, the higher
concentration of the cases in two first rows points in that direction. The results
furthermore suggest wider differences among municipal neighbourhoods, than a clear
differentiation between the answers of ethnic minorities’ and ethnic majority’s
respondents.
Power in voluntary associations (%)
Pombal
There is
always someone
aiming at
gaining power
at the expense
of the rest
When someone
wants to
exercise power
it is a relief for
the others
If someone
wants to
exercise
power, one has
to counteract
Lavei-r
as
Caxias
Ethnic
minority
Ethnic
majority
46,2
57,1
Quinta
da
Politeir
a
45,5
Alto da
Loba
Bº
Jesus
Caraça
Bugio
Outurela
Portela
32,1
38,0
36,4
23,4
62,2
45,8
35,5
50,7
60,0
42,6
41,2
Ethnic
minority
35,9
14,3
24,2
17,9
18,0
27,3
36,2
Ethnic
majority
Ethnic
minority
28,9
22,9
22,6
20,9
16,0
19,1
27,5
17,9
28,6
30,3
50,0
44,0
36,4
40,4
Ethnic
majority
8,9
31,3
41,9
28,4
24,0
38,3
31,4
Source: Socinova
So, once again individual factors related to ethnic belonging appear to be insufficient to
understand the results obtained via direct observation, and contextual factors seem to
be indeed more powerful in explaining how the prevailing institutional matrix affects
both national majority and ethnic minorities participation as well.
However, when asked what
individually or collectively),
minorities’ members appear
respondents’ answers reveal a
individual and collective
would be the best way to solve problems (whether
ethnic belonging indeed makes a difference: ethnic
to prefer collective solutions, while ethnic majority
much more balanced position between the two poles -
57
The best way to solve problems (%)
Pombal Laveira
s
Caxias
Individuall
y
Collectivel
y
Ethnic
minority
Ethnic
majority
Ethnic
minority
Ethnic
majority
14.9
31.4
Quinta
da
Politeir
a
25.7
Alto da
Loba
Bº
Jesus
Caraça
Bugio
Outurel
a
Portela
25.7
39.3
21.6
18.5
30.0
60.3
55.6
32.8
45.6
42.3
46.7
85.1
68.6
74.3
74.3
60.7
78.4
81.5
70.0
39.7
44.4
67.2
54.4
57.7
53.3
Source: Socinova
It should be kept in mind the heavy presence of underclass families among ethnic
majority and therefore admitted that individual, here, has a traditional meaning, together
with a modern, meritocratic connotation. Admitting that the bulk of ethnic minorities
populations overlap with immigrants communities, the experience of poverty may be
perceived as affecting only momentarily a path which is conducive to upper layers of
opportunity. Therefore, different social positions may be the sole responsible for the
observed differences in attitudes.
The URBAN program
Along with the re-housing program of which we wrote above, there is an important
ongoing initiative that targets the same populations in a specific area – the Northern area
of the Vale de Algés - where they concentrate in large numbers: the Oeiras URBAN
subprogram, a part of the European URBAN program. Its aims are both physical
rehabilitation of degraded urban areas and social promotion of populations at risk of
exclusion, namely those who have been re-lodged in the public housing projects. Thus,
while migrant or ethnic minorities are not its sole or main concern, their presence has to
be acknowledged as one of the major social features of the overall populations being
dealt with, an issue clearly reflected in URBAN program guidelines for the past years in
actions such as creating and fostering local organisations that promote intercultural
conviviality, or interventions into the school to promote multicultural approaches.
According to the subprogram's basic philosophy, re-housing, as a process aiming at
social inclusion and the making of a ‘new life project’, entails involving target groups in
58
decision-making because a new perspective on communication and participation is
considered as the sine qua non condition for success. Communication because
re-housing implies adaptation to new architectural forms, transmitting new uses of the
space, new norms, references and life styles, both inside the house and in the
neighbourhood. But the bottom-top feed back is also necessary, because, in order to
guarantee the success of the operation, the targeted groups have to participate, therefore
sharing responsibilities in the process. The issue, therefore, is how do these two
information flows interact, knowing as we do that participation in civic associations
rates very low among these populations?
Understanding local participation involves, as many of the interviewees reminded us,
distinguishing between local and extra-local initiatives, and whether or not they have a
link to the local community. Crossing these two attributes, we get the following
typology:
Local associations
Associations built up by local
inhabitants
Type 1
Embedded in local
community
Associação de Moradores da Outurela /
activities
Portela
Associação de Moradores 18 de Maio
Soc. Musical Aliança Operária Futebol
Club da Outurela
Soc. Musical Simpatia e Gratidão
Having scarce (or
no) links with local
community
------------
Associations coming from
“outside”
Type 2
Associação Portuguesa para a
Defesa dos Menores e da Família
Apoio
Ludoteca
Clube de Jovens (includes
Associação Olho Vivo* and
Marco Aurélio football school)
Type 3
Cl. Desp. Veteranas de Angola
Espaço da Comunidade
Caboverdiana
União dos Estudantes
Cabo-verdianos
Ajuda Internacional
UNIAP
Narcóticos Anónimos
Note * an antiracist organisation
For instance, the Associação de Moradores da Outurela/Portela (a neighbourhood
association, aiming to promote the inhabitants' interests in their relationship with the
Town Hall), when claiming for municipal local facilities to install their siege, used the
59
legitimising argument of being a local initiative, by people living in the neighbourhood,
whereas other organisations had been granted municipal local facilities, although their
members came from “outside”.
Espaço da Comunidade Caboverdiana - Concelho de Oeiras (ECC-CO, an association of
Capeverdian nationals) was granted municipal local facilities through the Urban
program, because, being composed by people with qualifications above the local
community average (middle class professionals and others), municipal officials thought
it would be a way of promoting Capeverdian culture diffusion among a community
where the presence of the Capeverdians is huge. This illustrates one of the possible
top-down strategies for fostering local interlocutors that may function as channels into
the larger immigrant community and possibly as a representative dialogue partner. The
organisation was in fact expected to act as a local institution, one which could promote
initiatives in order to maintain and diffuse Capeverdian culture - especially among
Capeverdian youth, maxime second generation youngsters -, mostly bringing to them the
cultural manifestations they are unaware of: Capeverdian literature, painting, theatre...
Most of the local interviewees who had heard of it, however, considered it to be a type 3
association, and, assuming the facilities were granted to all local Capeverdians,
complained the organisation acted as if it was their restricted turf, not paying any
attention to local inhabitants. Public Town Hall officials echoed the population
disillusion, based on the acknowledgement of the inability so far evidenced to articulate
with local community.
In contrast, another initiative generated from above but with a rather different scope
registered what seems to be a remarkable success. Marco Aurélio, a renowned first
league Brazilian football player was granted the use of local facilities in order to create a
football school for youngsters from the neighbourhood and surrounding places. URBAN
program support of this activity is anchored in the same logic: creating the opportunities
for African descent, but also Portuguese majority youth to interact and to experience
diversity in an integrative way. Adherents were queuing for inscription, and there is now
a more or less stabilised public of around two hundred youngsters. The Marco Aurélio
football school, contrary to the ECC-CO experience, is considered by URBAN team as a
success, and by local community as a type 2 institution. This kind of association,
however, successful as it may be in promoting sociability among different segments of
the population, can hardly be expected to lead to local representation, nor to an
organised participation of migrant groups or ethnic-cultural minorities.
60
In fact, although a general philosophy of organised participation by local populations,
including a multicultural dimension, may contrast the URBAN approach to that of the
Town Hall - which, as we have seen, does not encourage nor indeed recognise interest
group mediation between local government and the individuals or families composing
the population -, its implementation seems to be hindered by the lack of orientation
towards associative participation that we have seen as characterising the population, as
well as by the effective weakness of such direct participation traditions in Portuguese
society and political system 40.
Furthermore, concerning the specific issue of immigrants' and ethnic or cultural
minority groups' participation and representation, it may be noted that none of the type 1
organisations listed above has that kind of functions, most of them having in fact
generated in the local community long before immigrant presence began to be felt - the
only exception being the above mentioned Associação de Moradores da
Outurela/Portela; type 2 organisations, whose creation or local presence directly derive
from URBAN activities, have an important local role, but their relation to
multiculturality, as defined by the URBAN sources, has more to do with intercultural
mingling and conviviality than with multicultural civic participation, representation and
modes of incorporation, and are in fact experiencing difficulties in establishing some
kind of self-sustained leadership - people do participate in the activities, but scarcely in
their organisational and leadership tasks, the ones that might be more conducive to civic
participation. In fact, all of the organisations with foreign national references that we
find in location fit into type 3, even those that benefited from URBAN support: not only
were they "imported", but they have scarce links with local immigrant or immigrant
descent populations and are in fact rather estranged by them.
40
See Y. Soysal (1994) argument on this topic.
61
List of the interviews made:
With central government appointed officials and national MP
Name
Place
Date
High Commissioner for Immigration and Av. Columbano Bordallo May 27 1998
Ethnic Minorities
Pinheiro, 86-8 (Lisbon)
Socialist party MP
Parliament
Nov 11 1998
1.
2. With local government and other municipal elected officials
Name
Place
Date
Oeiras Lord Mayor
Oeiras Town Hall
Apr 27 1998
Oeiras Deputy Mayor - Housing
Oeiras Town Hall
Apr 11 1998
Oeiras Deputy Mayor - Culture
Oeiras Town Hall
June 2 1998
Presidente da Junta de Freguesia de Carnaxide Junta de Freguesia de May 26 1998
Carnaxide
Socialist party municipal MP
FCSH - UNL
Dec 16 1998
With municipal officials with management and technical responsibilities
Name
Place
Director of URBAN project
URBAN siege
Head of Oeiras Town Hall Housing Department Town Hall facilities Bairro de Pombal
Head of Oeiras Town Hall Culture Department Town Hall facilities Fundição de Oeiras
Head of Oeiras Town Hall Social Affairs Town Hall facilities Department
Fundição de Oeiras
Head of Oeiras Town Hall Youth Department Town Hall facilities Fundição de Oeiras
3.
4. With municipal officials with technical responsibilities
Name
Place
Technician of the Housing Department
FCSH - UNL
Technician of the URBAN Department
Encosta da Portela
Technician of the URBAN Department
Town Hall facilities –
URBAN
Technician of the URBAN Department
Town Hall facilities –
URBAN
Date
May 5 1998
May 20 1998
May 18 1998
June 2 1998
June 9 1998
Date
Apr 20 1998
August 1997
Nov. 1998
Dec. 1998
5. With Embassies and foreign elected officials
Name
Place
Date
Ambassador of India
Embassy - Rua Pêro da May 14 1998
Covilhã, 16
Head of Community Affairs - Embassy of Cape Av. do Restelo, 33
Apr 29 1998
Verde
Cultural Attaché - Embassy of Brazil
Sete Rios
May 6 1998
62
General Consul of Brazil
Pr. Luís de Camões
Capeverdian MP for the constituency in Rua de Buenos Aires
Portugal
June 7 1998
Aug 28 1998
6. With international organisations
Name
International Organisation for Migrations
Place
Praça dos Restauradores
Date
June
15
1998
7. With trade unions representatives
Name
UGT
Place
Rua de Buenos Aires
Date
Aug 28 1998
8. With representatives of nation-wide and international groups of interests concerning
immigration and ethnic minorities issues
Name
Place
Date
Obra Católica das Migrações
Campo Mártires da Pátria June 8 1998
9. With representatives of nation-wide associations of immigrants and ethnic minorities
Name
Place
Date
Associação Guineense
Zona J - Chelas
May 19 1998
Associação Caboverdeana
Rua Duque de Palmela, 2 Nov. 1998
Casa do Brasil
Rua S. Pedro de Alcântara Aug 21 1998
10. With representatives of national and local groups of interests concerning
immigration and ethnic minorities issues
Name
Place
Date
Espaço da Comunidade Caboverdiana - Outurela/Portela
May 27 1998
Concelho de Oeiras
11. With representatives of local associations dealing with immigrants
minorities issues
Name
Place
Associação de Moradores da Outurela/Portela Outurela/Portela
Associação das Veteranas de Angola
Outurela/Portela
Clube de Jovens
Outurela/Portela
Ludoteca
Outurela/Portela
União Desportiva dos Barronhos *
Outurela/Portela
APOIO
Outurela/Portela
Ajuda Internacional
Outurela/Portela
BIOS
FCSH - UNL
Note: * This one was in fact a very informal conversation
and ethnic
Date
May 23 1998
May 25 1998
August 1997
August 1997
May 23 1998
Apr 29 1998
May 27 1998
Dec 12 1998
63
SOURCES AND REFERENCES:
1.
Studies on immigration
1.1. In general:
AAVV (1975), Imigração e associação, Lisbon, Cadernos CEPAC 1
AAVV (1975), Os números da imigração africana, Lisbon, Cadernos CEPAC 2
Baganha, M. (1997 & 1998), Migrants insertion in the informal economy. The
Portuguese case, Lisbon, mimeo reports (vol.1&2).
Capucha, Luis (1990), Associativismo e modos de vida num bairro de habitação social,
Sociologia - Problemas e Práticas nº8, pp29-41.
Castro, P. & M. J. Freitas (1991), Contributos para o estudo de grupos étnicos
residentes na cidade de Lisboa - Vale do Areeiro, um estudo de caso, Lisbon,
GES-LNEC
Cordeiro, Ana Rita (1997), Immigrants in Portuguese society. Some sociographic
figures, Lisbon, SOCINOVA Working Papers 4, FCSH-UNL
Cordeiro, Ana Rita (1998), Participação cívica das minorias étnicas no Vale de Algés
(Ethnic Minorities Civic Participation in Vale de Algés), Lisbon, FCSH-UNL, MA
dissertation, mimeo.
Cunha, I. F. et al. (1996), Os africanos na imprensa portuguesa: 1993-1995, Lisbon,
CIDAC
Esteves, M. do Céu (org.) (1991), Portugal, país de imigração, Lisbon, IED, Nº22
Fonseca, M. Lucinda (1997), The Geography of Recent Immigration to Portugal,
Centro de Estudos Geográficos, Universidade de Lisboa
64
Guibentiff, P. (1991), "A opinião pública face aos estrangeiros" in M. C. Esteves,
Portugal, país de imigração, Lisboa, IED pp. 63-74.
Guibentiff, P. (1996), "Le Portugal face à l'immigration", Revue Européenne des
Migrations Internationales, 12 (1), pp. 121-140.
Justino, D. et al. (1998), Integração, práticas de identidade e exclusão social no Vale
de Algés, Lisbon, mimeo report, SociNova, FCSH-UNL.
Machado, F. L. (1992) “Etnicidade em Portugal: contrastes e politização”, Sociologia,
problemas e práticas, 12, pp. 123-136.
Machado, F. L. (1993), "Etnicidade em Portugal: o grau zero de politização" in Actas do
Colóquio: Emigração, imigração em Portugal, Lisbon, Ed. Fragmentos, pp. 407-414
Machado, F. L. (1994) “Luso-africanos em Portugal: nas margens da etnicidade”,
Sociologia, problemas e práticas, 16, pp. 111-134.
Machado, F. L. (1997) “Contornos e especificidades da imigração em Portugal”
(Contours and specificities of immigration in Portugal), Sociologia, problemas e
práticas, 27, pp. 9-44.
Marques, M. M. (1997), Who gets blamed when unemployment rises?, Lisbon,
SociNova Working Paper 2, FCSH-UNL.
Marques, M. M. and T. Santos (1997), Redistributing platform or immigration
society? Some tests and some hypotheses, Lisbon, SociNova Working Paper 3,
FCSH-UNL.
Pires, R. Pena (1990), "Semi-periferia versus polarização? Os equívocos do modelo
trimodal" (Semi-periphery versus polarization? The ambiguities of the trimodal model),
Sociologia, problemas e práticas, 8, pp. 81-90
Pires, R. Pena (1993), “Immigration in Portugal: a typology” in M. B. R. Trindade (ed.)
Recent Migration Trends in Europe, Lisbon, Universidade Aberta, pp. 179-194.
Ralha, Tiago (1998), Participação cívica em contexto de realojamento - Concelho de
Oeiras (Civic Participation in Re-housing Context - Oeiras Municipality), Lisbon,
FCSH-UNL, Graduation dissertation, mimeo.
65
Ralha, T., C. Oliveira & A. Inácio (forthcoming), Naturalizations in Portugal
(1985-1996), Lisbon, SociNova Working Papers #11, FCSH-UNL
Ramos, M C P (1998), L´intégration économique du Portugal dans L´Union
Européenne et ses effets sur les investissements directs étrangers, les migrations et
l´emploi, Paper presented at the OECD Conférence Internationale sur la Mondialisation,
les Migrations et le Dévelopement, Lisbon, November, 25pp.
Seabra, H. (forthcoming), Desviantes ou desviados? Abordagem exploratória da
participação dos imigrantes em práticas criminosas (Being deviant or being
deviated? Exploratory approach to immigrants’ participation in criminal practices),
Lisbon, SociNova Working Papers 8, FCSH-UNL
Trindade, M. B. Rocha (org.) (1995), Sociologia das migrações (Migration Sociology),
Lisbon, Universidade Aberta
1.1. Studies on Guineans:
Machado, F. L. (1991) Etnicidade em Portugal. aproximação ao caso guineense
(Ethnicity in Portugal. An approach to the Guinean case), Lisbon, ISCTE, mimeo report
1.2. Studies on Cape Verdians:
Caria, C. and V. Rosendo (1993), "Associativismo cabo-verdeano em Portugal"
(Capeverdian associations in Portugal), Sociologia, problemas e práticas, 13, pp.
135-152
França, L. de (coord.) (1992), A comunidade caboverdeana em Portugal (The
Capeverdean community in Portugal), Lisbon, IED, Nº 23
Saint-Maurice, A de (1997), Identidades reconstruídas. Caboverdianos em Portugal
(Rebuilt identities. Capeverdians in Portugal), Lisbon, Celta
1.3. Studies on Indians:
66
Alves, M. & P. Ávila (1994), "Indianos em Portugal: processos de (re)construção da
identidade" (Indians in Portugal: rebuilding identity processes), Actas do Encontro de
Vila do Conde da APS, Lisbon, APS, pp. 285-297.
Ávila, P. & M. Alves (1993) "Da Índia a Portugal: trajectórias sociais e estratégias
colectivas dos comerciantes indianos" (From India to Portugal: social trajectories and
collective strategies of Indian business owners), Sociologia, problemas e práticas, Nº
13, pp. 115-133.
Ávila, P. (1994), Indianos comerciantes na cidade de Lisboa (Indian business owners in
Lisbon), in Actas do Colóquio Minorias Étnicas- A participação na vida da cidade,
Lisbon, pp. 33-37.
Bastos, S. P. (1990), "Espaço doméstico, espaço simbólico e identidade - um olhar sobre
o viver indiano na cidade" (Domestic space, symbolic space and identity – taking a look
into Indian living in Lisbon), Actas do Colóquio Viver (n)a Cidade, GES - LNEC, pp.
17-31.
Freitas, M. J. & P. Castro (1993), "Vale do Areeiro. Reflexões acerca de uma realidade
multiétnica" (Vale do Areeiro. Reflections about a multi-ethnic reality), Actas do II
Congresso Português de Sociologia, Vol. I, Lisbon, Fragmentos, pp. 960-981.
Malheiros, J. M. (1996), Imigrantes na região de Lisboa: os anos da mudança
(Immigrants in Lisbon: the years of change), Lisbon, Colibri
Martinho, J, M. A., P. Ávila & R. Mauriti (1990), Indianos em Portugal: que
inserção? (Indians in Portugal: how they get integrated) , Lisbon, ISCTE, mimeo
1.4. Studies on Gypsies:
AAVV (1997), Relatório do grupo de trabalho para a igualdade e inserção dos
ciganos (Report of the group working on Gypsies’ equality and integration), ACIME,
January 1997
AAVV (1998), Relatório do grupo de trabalho para a igualdade e inserção dos
ciganos (Report of the group working on Gypsies’ equality and integration),, ACIME,
March 1998-06-23
67
AAVV (1996), Comunidade cigana na diocese de Lisboa (Gypsy community in
Lisbon Diocese), Secretariado Diocesano de Lisboa, Obra Nacional para a Pastoral dos
Ciganos
1.5. Studies on Chinese:
Cabral, J. P. and N. Lourenço (1993), Em terra de tufões: dinâmicas da etnicidade
macaense (In the land of Hurricanes: dynamics of Macao ethnicity), Instituto Cultural
de Macau, Documentos e Ensaios
Teixeira, Ana (1997), “Entrepreneurs of the Chinese community in Portugal”, in
Benton, G. & F. Pieke (eds.), The Chinese in Europe, Macmillan Press
Teixeira, Ana (1995), Diáspora e cultura empresarial: os empresários da
comunidade chinesa em Portugal (Diaspora and entrepreneurial culture: entrepreneurs
of the Chinese community in Portugal), Lisbon, MA dissertation mimeo., Universidade
Aberta
2. Other references made in the text:
2.1. On legislation
Amaral, A., J. Nunes & P. Costa (1997), Colectânea de direito de Estrangeiros,
Lisbon, SOS Racismo
Carlos, L. P. (1993), “Imigração e integração“ (Immigration and integration) in M. B.
Silva et al. (org.), Emigração imigração em Portugal, Lisbon, Fragmentos, pp.
415-421.
Franco, V. (1991), “A aquisição da nacionalidade portuguesa” (Portuguese nationality
acquisition), in M. C. Esteves (ed) Portugal, país de imigração, Lisbon, IED, pp.
119-143.
2.2. In general
Barreto, A. and C. V. Preto (org.) (1996), A situação social em Portugal 1960-1995
(Social situation in Portugal 1960-1995), Lisboa, ICS-UL
68
Braga da Cruz, M. (1995), "Processos sociais e políticos em Portugal" (Social and
political processes in Portugal) in Instituições políticas e processos sociais, Lisbon,
Bertrand Ed., pp.299-503
European Commission (1998), Eurobarometer Special issue on Racism and
xenophobia, Nº 47.1
European Commission (1991, 1993, 1995, 1998) Eurobarometer 35, 39, 42, 48
França, L. (org.) (1993), Portugal: valores europeus, identidade cultural (Portugal:
European values, cultural identity), Lisbon, IED
Freire, J. et al. (1998), Atitudes face ao emprego, trabalho e tempo livre (Attitudes
toward employment, work, and leisure), Lisbon: IESE and Observatório do Emprego e
Formação Profissional, mimeographed report.
Lucena, M. (1982), "Transformações do Estado português nas suas relações com a
sociedade civil" (Transformations of the relations between the Portuguese state and civil
society), Análise Social, XVIII (72-73-74), pp. 897-926.
Lucena, M. (1985), "Neocorporativismo? Conceito, interesses e aplicação ao caso
português" (Neo-corporatism? Concept, interests, and use in the Portuguese case),
Análise Social, XXI (87-88-89), pp. 819-865.
Pires, R. Pena et al. (1987), Os retornados. Um estudo sociográfico (The people who
returned. Sociographic study), Lisboa, IED
Silva, M. et al. (1989), Pobreza urbana em Portugal (Urban poverty in Portugal),
Lisbon, Centro de Reflexão Cristã
SOPEMI (1995), Trends in international migration. Annual report, OECD
SOPEMI (1998), Trends in international migration. Annual report, OECD
Sousa Santos, B. (1990), O Estado e a sociedade em Portugal (1974-1988) (State and
society in Portugal), Porto, Afrontamento
69
Sousa Santos, B. (1994), Pela mão de Alice. O social e o político na
pós-modernidade (The social and the policy in post-modern times), Porto,
Afrontamento
Villaverde Cabral, M. (1997), "Equidade, Estado-providência e sistema fiscal. Atitudes
e percepções da população portuguesa" (Equity, welfare state and fiscal system.
Attitudes and perceptions of the Portuguese population) in Cidadania política e
equidade social em Portugal, Lisboa, Celta, pp. 99-121