An empirical test of alternative theories of survey response behaviour Market Research Society. Journal of the Market Research Society; London; Apr 1999; Felicitas EvangelistaGerald AlbaumPatrick Poon Volume: 41 Issue: 2 Start Page: 227-244 ISSN: 00253618 Full Text: Copyright Market Research Society Apr 1999 [Headnote] Abstract This study examines the extent to which the theories of exchange, cognitive dissonance, self-perception and commitment/involvement, when used to design surveys, can influence potential respondents to participate in a survey. The results from an experiment involving a total of 403 subjects in Hong Kong and Australia expands what is known about the role played by theory by examining consumer responses to participation requests made on the basis of each theoretical framework. Specific results support the relatively high positive impact of two of the frameworks that has been reported in a study of research practitioners. Introduction There is very little known about the reasons why some people participate as respondents in a survey while others do not, and among respondents why the quality of data varies. A great number of empirical studies have been conducted on response inducement techniques and other methodological artifacts that affect response to surveys, particularly mail surveys. Of concern in these studies have been the effects of such devices as preliminary notification, foot-in-the-door technique, follow-ups, questionnaire format and length, survey source or sponsorship, nature of return envelopes, type of postage, personalisation, cover letters, anonymity, deadline date, and premiums and rewards. Quantitative (i.e., meta-analysis) and qualitative reviews of a large number of studies relating to mail surveys have been written by Scott (1961), Blumberg, Fuller & Hare (1974), Kanuk & Berenson (1975), Linsky (1975), Houston & Ford (1976), Heberlein & Baumgartner (1978), Duncan (1979), Fox, Crask & Kim (1988), Yammarino, Skinner & Childers (1991) and Church (1993). Reviews by Peterson & Kerin (1981) and by Yu & Cooper (1983) included all major methods of survey data collection, as did the quantitative review of response effects to interviews by Sudman & Bradburn (1974). The consensus of all this research is that there is no strong empirical evidence that any technique or aspect of a technique is always best at inducing response, except, perhaps for prenotification, follow-ups and the use of a monetary incentive, particularly one that is sent with the request for participation. Typically a study has used one or more of the following as a dependent variable or measure of effect: response rate, item omissions, response speed, cost and in a much more limited manner, response content itself. Yet there is evidence that people tend to respond to mail survey requests in a consistent manner, especially for those who participate (Brennan & Hoek 1992). People who return questionnaires uncompleted (refusers) were reported to differ from those who do not respond at all (nonreturnees) with regard to predisposition toward survey participation. One thing that seems clear is that the slow development of a generally accepted conceptual framework or theory has hindered the development of effective techniques to use. A theory of survey response could explain behaviour such that a researcher could predict which techniques would do what under various conditions. Thus, theory can provide guidance to researchers so that they can determine what it is they have to do to encourage response and accurate and truthful reporting of data. Within the context of a personal interview survey, Groves, Cialdini & Couper (1992, p. 477) state, '...full understanding of decisions to participate in a survey requires a theory that integrates the observed influences of socio-demographic and survey design factors, on the one hand, with the less observable impact of the psychological components of the relatively brief interactions between interviewer and respondent, on the other'. In view of the pre-eminent role of the survey method in international marketing research (Albaum & Peterson 1984; Aulakh & Kotabe 1993) there is need for `methodological studies that investigate theoretically based techniques for increasing respondent co-operation'. (Jobber & Saunders 1988). This paper reports on a two-country study that examines the extent to which each of the four theories that have been proposed as alternative explanations of survey participation can influence consumers to participate. This study builds on a study by Albaum, Evangelista & Medina (1998) which looked at marketing research practitioners and examined degree of awareness, extent of use and perceptions of each theory, and the perceived influence each had on survey design. Alternative theoretical frameworks A number of theories have been suggested as being applicable to the survey response decision (Dillman 1978; Linksy 1975;Yammarino, Skinner & Childers 1991). The three most cited that are applicable to marketing research are exchange (Dillman 1978), cognitive dissonance (Furse & Stewart 1984; Hackler & Bourgette 1973), and self-perception (Allen 1982; Tybout & Yalch 1980). In addition, Albaum (1987) has suggested that a theory of commitment or involvement might also fill the gap in theory development and use by marketing researchers. Another approach to theory is suggested by Groves, Cialdini & Couper (1992). These authors suggest that critical elements in the development of a theory of survey participation are an understanding of the interaction between respondent and interviewer, and of the behaviours, attitudes and expectations each brings to the interaction. It is contended that understanding of survey participation can benefit from looking at the social psychological factors underlying compliance, helping tendencies, and opinion change. This is what a recent study by Groves & Couper (1998) has done. These researchers have developed and empirically studied a basic theoretical framework of influences on survey participation. Their study resulted in a book about why people behave the way they do regarding survey participation. Specifically, Groves & Couper (1998) looked at attributes of design, interviewers' behaviour, prior experiences of the respondent, interaction between respondent and interviewer, and the social environment in which the request for survey participation is made, as influencing the participation decision. Their research is limited primarily to faceto-face surveys and to studies of household population in the United States conducted or sponsored by US government agencies. As they acknowledge (Groves & Couper 1998, p.23), government surveys throughout the world tend to have higher response rates than surveys conducted in the academic or commercial sectors. One major concluding deduction is that many survey design features have their effect because they make favourable consequences of the interview more salient to the respondent prior to his/her decision; however, any stimulus presented during the survey request can interact with individual characteristics of the respondent (Groves & Couper 1998, p.296). Our study relates directly to this concluding deduction. EXCHANGE The process of using (mail) survey techniques to obtain truthful information from potential respondents is viewed by Dillman (1978) as a special case of `social exchange'. Very simply, social exchange theory asserts that the actions of individuals in answering a questionnaire are motivated by the return or rewards, not necessarily monetary, these actions are expected to, or usually do, bring from others. Whether a given behaviour occurs is a function of the perceived costs of engaging in that activity and the expected rewards (Tullar, Pressley & Gentry 1979). In order that survey response be maximised, then, three conditions must be present: (1) the costs for responding must be minimised, (2) the rewards must be maximised and (3) there must be a belief by potential respondents that such rewards will, in fact, be provided. Dillman (1978) asserts that the guidance offered by exchange theory is only general. Many of the techniques used to induce compliance with the request for response, including the nature of the request itself, can be viewed as being designed to provide rewards, lower costs, and establish trust. For example, if completing a questionnaire or responding to an interviewer's questions can be made to be a rewarding act, the process itself may provide the motivation to participate in the mail or telephone survey. An implication for the researcher, therefore, is to make the questionnaire as interesting as possible (Dillman 1978). Another example is that of token financial incentives. Their effectiveness is probably not so much due to their monetary value as it is to their being a symbol of trust. Social exchange theory may not apply equally to mail and telephone surveys. The main reasons for this are due to differences in time to make the initial response decision, extent of prenotification, and amount of information available for consideration. Consequently, social exchange is probably not as important in telephone surveys as in mail surveys. However, costs, rewards, and trust may be important to some respondents. COGNITIVE DISSONANCE Cognitive dissonance theory (Festinger 1957) provides a mechanism for integrating, within a single model, much of the empirical research that has been done on inducement techniques for survey response (Furse & Stewart 1984). As used for explaining survey response, the theory postulates that reducing dissonance is an important component of the `respond/not respond' decision of potential survey respondents. In a mail survey the process is triggered by receipt of a questionnaire and cover letter asking for participation (Furse & Stewart 1984). For telephone and personal interview surveys the process is started by the request for participation. Failure to respond to a survey may be inconsistent with a person's self-belief of being helpful, or at least a person who honors reasonable requests. The inconsistency created by the failure to respond will produce a state of dissonance which the potential respondent seeks to reduce by becoming a survey respondent. Since the decision process involves a series of decisions for some people, delaying the ultimate decision may be a way to avoid completing the questionnaire without having to reject the request outright and, thus, experience dissonance. Delaying a decision, therefore, may in itself be a dissonance reducing response. The dissonance model has had limited tests. Hackler & Bourgette (1973) attributed the high response rate they found for a dollar inducement to the ability of the money sent to induce cognitive dissonance in potential respondents. Furse et al (1981) found that the initial monetary incentive served to create dissonance, but that repeating the same incentive in a follow-up mailing did not induce dissonance among those not responding initially. Apparently, there are people who are dissonance resistant. These researchers felt that dissonance explained the success they found regarding the foot-inthe door technique and would also explain some of the negative findings experienced when that technique was used. SELF-PERCEPTION Self-perception theory asserts that persons infer attitudes and knowledge of themselves through interpretations made about the causes of their behaviour (Bem 1972). Interpretations are made on the basis of self-observation. To the extent that a person's behaviour is attributed to internal causes and is not perceived as due to circumstantial pressures, a ositive attitude towards the behaviour develops. These attitudes (i.e., selfperception) then affect subsequent behaviour. Allen (1982) extended the self-perception paradigm to the broad issue of mail survey response. To increase the precision of the paradigm, he introduced the concepts of salience (behaviours one has attended to), favourability (the affect of feeling generated by a given behavioural experience), and availability (information in memory). In addition, to enhance the effects of these on response, labels should be created. Labelling involves classifying people on the basis of their behaviour such that they will later act in a manner consistent with the characterisation. Self-perception would predict that labelling one's behaviour would cause that person to view herself or himself as the kind of person who engages in such behaviour, therefore the likelihood of later label-consistent behaviour is increased (Tybout &Yalch 1980). Self-perception theory has often been applied in survey research to explain the effects, or lack of effects, associated with the foot-inthe-door techniques (DeJong 1979). This technique attempts to elicit participating in a study by first gaining compliance with a small request, such as answering a couple of questions in a telephone pre-call. Self-perception is purported to operate as follows (Allen 1982, p. 3). '... responding with a small behaviour (answering the phone interviewer's questions) should alter one's self-perception (I am a participator) and influence subsequent behaviour (filling out and returning the mail questionnaire)'. This technique was studied rather extensively in the 1970s and early 1980s (Swan & Martin 1982). Self-perception predicted foot-inthe-door effects in some studies (Freedman & Fraser 1966; Hansen & Robinson 1979; Reingen & Kernan 1977), whereas in other studies significant effects were not demonstrated (Allen, Schewe &Wijk 1980; Furse et al 1981; Reingen & Kernan 1979, Seligman, Bush & Kirsch 1976). COMMITMENT/INVOLVEMENT Somewhat related to the theories presented above is the theory of commitment or involvement (Becker 1960). The concept of commitment has been used by sociologists to explain consistent behaviour. It can be defined as 'a variable which encompasses the ranges of allegiance an individual may be said to have for the social system of which he is a member' (Hornback 1971, p. 65). Characteristics of this so-called consistent behaviour are that it (1) persists over some period of time, (2) leads to pursuit of at least one common goal, and (3) rejects other acts of behaviour (Becker 1960). Consequently, the major elements of commitment are viewed as including: * The individual is in a position in which her/his decision regarding a particular behaviour has consequences for other interests and activities not necessarily related to it. * * The person is in that position by her/his own prior behaviour * * The committed person must recognise the interest created by one's prior action; even though one has such an interest, she/he will not act to implement it unless it is realised as being necessary. A person who is highly committed to some activity is less likely to terminate the activity than one who is uncommitted (Ford 1973). This concept of commitment involvement is consistent with what consumer behaviourists have called enduring involvement contrasted to situational involvement (Houston & Rothschild 1978; Havitz & Howard 1995). Enduring involvement reflects a sustained level of concern with an issue, product, or activity and, as such, remains stable over long periods of time. In contrast, situational involvement is situation specific. The theory of commitment (or involvement) can be extended to explain survey response behaviour in that commitment can be attached to many different aspects of a survey, such as the source or the sponsor, the researcher, the topic and issues being studied and/or the research process itself. The study by Brennan & Hoek (1992) seems to suggest that enduring commitment would seem to exist. But, situational commitment is not precluded. Potential respondents may have varying feelings of commitment to the various aspects attached to a survey. To a large extent, commitment is manifested by interest in what is being asked of the potential respondent. Borrowing from Hornback (1972): * The less favourable the attitude toward a survey's sponsor, topic, etc., the less involvement with, and thus the commitment to anything related to that study. * The less the extent of involvement, the more behaviour productive of disorder (e.g., non response, deliberate reporting of false information, etc.) is perceived as legitimate. * The more behaviour productive of disorder is perceived as legitimate, the less favourable the attitude towards the survey. It is postulated that this theory may help explain survey response behaviour, in terms both of the respond/not respond decision and the quality of data when it is judged to be less than desirable. The theory of commitment does not suggest that always there will be consistent behaviour regarding response to surveys in general, although this is not precluded. Rather, the theory suggests that there would be consistent response behaviour for people facing the same type of survey under the same situation and conditions. The theory of commitment has been used very little to explain methodological effects. For example, the effects of different subunits (from a broader organisation) as survey sources for a mail survey were found to not differ even though the sample had an affinity with one sub-unit, but not the other and one of the topics was related to the mission of only one sub-unit (Peterson & Albaum 1984). Other attempts to apply this theory have involved studies of (1) the effects of inducement questions i.e., an initial question to arouse respondent interest (Geurts, O'Neill, Lawrence & Albaum 1988), and (2) the effects of survey source and coding in mail surveys (Albaum 1987). In the most recent study, Albaum, Evangelista & Medina (1998) report that marketing research practitioners reported a relatively high level of awareness of the theory and its major aspects and a relatively high use of techniques derived from the theory compared with other better known theories. The present study The present study was conducted in Australia and Hong Kong. Four different appeals for survey participation, one for each theory, were developed. Each appeal was presented to a sample of consumers together with a test questionnaire in three formats (mail, telephone and personal interview), as follows: `Suppose you receive this letter and questionnaire in the mail', `Suppose you receive a telephone call from a marketing research agency and the caller says.' `Suppose a market research interviewer approaches you in a shopping mall and says ...' The study can be viewed as an experiment using a simplified 4 x 3 factorial design in each of the countries. The cover letter and the statements used to invite or induce participation emphasised the following appeals: Exchange theory: Incentive of a $2.00 scratch lottery ticket (Australia). McDonald's coupon worth HK$17.90 Self-Perception: `responsible and concerned householders like yourself would like their opinions to be heard' `Being a helpful person. ..' Commitment/Involvement: `topic of survey is very important' Cognitive Dissonance: `non-participation will cause us great difficulties' The cover letter and introductory statements were uniform in all cases except for the appeals. A series of questions about whether they would or would not agree to participate in the test survey, reasons for participating or not participating, perceived reasons of why people participate in surveys in general, attitude towards surveys and demographic characteristics were then asked. The statement used in the cognitive dissonance appeal could raise ethical questions because it induces a sense of guilt within a potential respondent. Such guilt may, however, be no greater than that arising from requests for survey participation based on the other theories included in this study e.g. social exchange and selfperception. For this reason, the ethical issues which could arise from the use of these appeals are not explored further in this paper. The obtained sample for this study consisted of 217 and 186 respondents in Australia and Hong Kong respectively. The breakdown of respondents according to theory and the survey format asked about is shown below: Data collection in Australia was undertaken through mall intercepts. In Hong Kong, mature age, mostly working (i.e., parttime) students were asked to fill out the questionnaire in class. The characteristics of the respondents are presented in table 1. The two sample groups were similar in gender distribution with slightly more than one half being female. The Hong Kong sample was, not surprisingly, younger and had a higher percentage of respondents with at least university/tertiary education than did the Australian sample. This, of course, reflects part-time student compared with a more general population sample. Although the two populations are not the same, there is no empirical evidence that we have been able to uncover suggesting that the response behaviour to the different theories within each group would differ. Thus these results are not affected by having different populations. [Table] Caption: Respondents were asked about previous participation in other types of surveys. Much higher percentages of each sample group reported participating in telephone and personal interview surveys than in mail surveys, as follows: Findings THEORY AND SURVEY PARTICIPATION The results of the present survey show that there is a relationship between survey response theory and survey participation (see table 2). The significance is greater in Australia (p < .01) than in Hong Kong (p < .11). In Australia, commitment/involvement generated the highest response rate followed by exchange, self-perception and cognitive dissonance in a descending order. In Hong Kong, exchange theory appears to be the more dominant appeal followed by commitment/involvement, cognitive dissonance and selfperception. [Table] Caption: [Table] Caption: Table 1 The mode by which the appeals were presented to the respondent (i.e., mail, telephone or personal interview) were found to have no effect on the selfpredicted response rate of the Australian sample (see table 3). This finding however was not supported by the survey results from Hong Kong which showed a higher response rate for personal interview, followed by telephone and then by mail surveys. Although the statistical test results obtained from the two samples differ, the ranking of the three modes in terms of selfpredicted response rates is similar i.e. in both samples, personal interview showed a higher response rate followed by telephone interview and lastly, mail survey. This rank ordering reflects the general experience of researchers as indicated in marketing research textbooks (e.g. Malhotra 1999) and what one would expect based on the advantages and disadvantages of each mode particularly between telephone and personal interviews (Groves & Couper 1998). The consistency in the rank ordering of these three modes in both samples and with respect to general experience strengthens the external validity of the experiment. REASONS FOR PARTICIPATING/NOT PARTICIPATING When the different appeals were presented to the respondents, a test survey questionnaire was shown to them. For the telephone and personal interview modes, the topic of the survey, `attitudes toward Australian (Chinese for Hong Kong respondents) made products', were mentioned. It was then in this context that respondents were asked whether they would or would not participate in the test survey. [Table] Caption: Table 2 After indicating whether they would or would not participate in the test survey, the respondents were asked the reasons for their selfpredicted behaviour. In addition, the respondents were also asked to rank these reasons from the most to the least important. The percentage of respondents that ranked these different reasons as first, second or third in importance is shown in tables 4 and 5. The two most important reasons for self-predicted participation (table 4) are those associated with commitment/involvement and exchange while cognitive dissonance was rated as important by only a small percentage of respondents in both countries. For those who would not participate in the test survey (table 5), the most frequently reported most important reason in both samples is `questionnaire will/might take long to complete' (exchange). From these answers, it appears that exchange and commitment are the two more compelling reasons for participation and nonparticipation. PERCEPTIONS OF SURVEY RESPONSE BEHAVIOUR Respondents were asked to identify their beliefs regarding why people typically respond to surveys. A set of nine statements representing the four theories of survey response behaviour were presented to the respondents in a five-category Likert scale format. Comparisons of the mean extent of agreement between the two sample groups are shown in table 6. The two reasons that received the highest level of agreement from the combined sample are: `People respond when the task required from them is relatively easy to carry out' and `they respond if they think the topic is important'. These statements represent exchange and involvement/commitment theories, respectively. The reasons that received the lowest rating and therefore are the least popular overall are `people respond to eliminate the feeling of anxiety' (cognitive dissonance) and `they respond because they feel they have an obligation to do so' (self-perception). [Table] Caption: Table 4: Table 5 [Table] Caption: Table 6 The survey results from Australia and Hong Kong show a similar pattern. Significant differences in the mean value of agreement were found in only three statements, one each for exchange, cognitive dissonance and involvement/commitment. In terms of the four theories being examined, these results indicate moderate to strong support for the involvement/commitment and exchange theories. Of the four theories, cognitive dissonance was perceived as the least likely reason for people to participate in surveys. The perceptions of those respondents who said they would participate in the test survey were compared with those who said they would not participate. While the results from Hong Kong sample indicated no significant difference in the perceptions of these two sub-groups, the results from Australia yielded some interesting differences. From table 7 it can be noted that those who would participate in the test survey have a higher rating of agreement on three reasons namely, `people respond if rewarded for their efforts', `they respond in order to eliminate the feeling of anxiety', and `they respond because they feel they have an obligation to do so'. Both groups gave similar ratings to all the other reasons although, relative to the other theories, those pertaining to commitment/ involvement yielded higher mean values of agreement. CONSUMERS' AND RESEARCHER'S PERCEPTIONS OF SURVEY RESPONSE BEHAVIOUR One intriguing question that emerges from this analysis is whether the perceptions of research practitioners and consumers are similar or not? Do marketing researchers 'read' the minds of their subjects correctly or not? In order to gain some insights to this question, perceptions of consumers and those of research practitioners are compared. The data for the research practitioners are from Albaum, Evangelista & Medina (1998). The analysis of variance results shown in table 8 indicate that although both researchers and consumers in both countries gave similar relative ratings of agreement to the various theories, the degree of agreement or disagreement differed significantly for some of the perceived reasons for survey participation. In Australia, researchers were found to agree more strongly than the consumers on two statements - that `people respond to surveys if rewarded for their efforts' and `if they are interested in the topic'.The consumers, on the other hand, expressed less disagreement to the statement '...that they respond to eliminate the uneasiness created by the receipt of the questionnaire and the request to participate'. In Hong Kong, the difference in the perceptions of researchers and consumers lie in both reasons pertaining to cognitive dissonance and one reason each for the other theories. RESPONSE BEHAVIOUR THEORY AND SURVEY DESIGN In the previous survey of research practitioners (Albaum, Evangelista & Medina 1998), the respondents were asked about whether they have used the four theories of survey response behaviour in survey design. The results showed that some of the theories were used more widely than others. Table 9 shows a comparison of the extent to which the theories were used by researchers and the percentage of consumers who indicated they would participate in such a designed survey. In Australia, there appears to be a consistent pattern in the theory used in designing surveys on one hand and the response rate that each theory generates from the consumers. However, the pattern is not as clear cut in Hong Kong. While the response rate in Hong Kong is highest with appeals relating to exchange, more researchers there tend to use commitment/involvement to encourage survey participation. Conclusion It is generally accepted that surveys would be better planned and implemented if we, the researchers, knew why people respond to requests for survey participation as they do. The theories of social exchange, cognitive dissonance, self-perception, and commitment/involvement have been proposed as alternative theoretical frameworks to provide an answer to the question. The study reported in this paper expands what is known about the role played by theory by examining self-predicted consumer responses to participation requests made on the basis of each theoretical framework. [Table] Caption: Table 7 [Table] Caption: Table 8 [Table] Caption: Table 9 On empirical grounds, the study supports the relatively high positive impact of the theory of commitment/involvement that has emerged from the previous studies examining this theoretical framework. In addition, the positive effects of surveys based on exchange also emerge from the present study. The external validity of these findings is enhanced by two countries being studied. The theory of commitment/involvement has an advantage of being relatively easy to operationalise either a priori or by some form of direct measurement, compared with the other theoretical frameworks. There may be research questions raised, however, that would not be conducive to the survey based on commitment/involvement. 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