The most recent developments concerning the debate on language of instruction in Tanzania By Birgit Brock-Utne1 Institute for Educational Research University of Oslo Presented to the NETREED conference from the 7 th to the 9th of January 2002. Introduction Tanzania is one of the few countries in Africa that has a uniting language, Kiswahili, that almost the whole population (about 95%) speak and understand. For many Tanzanians Kiswahili is the second language, but the number that has it as the first language is rapidly growing. Kiswahili is the language used in Parliament, in the various Ministries, in the lower judicial courts, in all of primary school. Plans existed to have Kiswahili as the language of instruction in secondary school and the universities. In a research project started in January 2001 I look at the fate of these plans, the prospects of them being followed up now, and the language situation, especially for secondary school students in Tanzania. In my current research project I have analyzed documents to find out the most recent developments concerning policy guidelines on the language of instruction in Tanzania. I have also searched documents to find discussion and decisions on the implementation of the recent language policy. I have further started interviewing policy makers in Tanzania about the language policy and the implementation of it. Further interviews with policy-makers will be conducted in November of this year. Apart from my own direct activity I have also had research assistance from Tanzanian Master students who, under my guidance have made, and are in the process of making, studies in Tanzanian secondary schools. They study the practice going on in secondary schools when it comes to what language is being used as the communication vehicle in class and outside of the class- 1 Prof.Dr.Birgit Brock-Utne. Director of the M.Phil. Programme in Comparative and International Education. Institute for Educational Research. P.B.1092 Blindern. 0317 Oslo. Norway. Phones:* 47 22 85 53 95(office) * 47 66 91 80 36 (home)* 47 928 489 87 (cell phone) Faxes:* 47 22 85 42 50 (office) * 47 66 91 59 17 (home)E-mail: birgit.brock-utne@ped.uio.no http://www.uio.no/~bbrock/ http://www.uio.no/~bbrock/EduDev.html http://www.pfi.uio.no/forskning/netreed 2 room. They look at how much students understand of what is going on in the class-room and what strategies teachers use to impart knowledge in class-rooms where the language of instruction is one that students do not use outside of the class-room. They also make inventories concerning the views of teachers and students when it comes to the language of instruction. This paper deals with these tentative findings. Historical glimpses of the language policy of Tanzanian education I have elsewhere given short historical glimpses of the language policy of Tanzanian education (Brock-Utne, 1983; 2000:2001a;2001b). Here I relate how already in the second Five Year Plan of Tanzania (1969-74) the continued use of English as a medium at secondary and tertiary levels of education was deemed unsatisfactory. The move to Kiswahili as the medium of instruction in primary schools was thought to be only part of a larger plan to implement the use of Kiswahili as the medium of instruction throughout the educational system. In 1969 the Ministry of National Education sent a circular to all Headmasters and Headmistresses of all secondary schools outlining the plan for the gradual introduction of Kiswahili as the medium of instruction. According to Bhaiji (1976) secondary school teachers also favored a shift to Kiswahili as a medium of instruction. The Ministry's circular suggested that political education "siasa" should be taught in Kiswahili from the school-year 1969/70, domestic science from the school-year 1970/71, history, geography, biology, agriculture and mathematics from 1971/72 (Bhaiji, 1976, p. 112). Bhaiji (1976) tells that at this time curriculum developers had already started to translate and compile all the technical and scientific terms of school subjects. Some schools had already received a booklet on mathematical terms in Kiswahili. Polome (1979) claims that the initial plan was for Kiswahili to become the medium of instruction in all subjects in Form I and II by 1973. The teaching of political education - siasa - through the medium of Kiswahili was introduced. But then the reform stopped. A study commissioned by the National Kiswahili Council showed that secondary school students had great difficulties learning the subjects taught in school because the medium of instruction -English - represented a great barrier (Matteru, & Mlama, 1978). The study argued for the shift into Kiswahili both at secondary and tertiary levels of education. At the end of 1980 the then President of Tanzania, Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere, appointed a Presidential Commission on Education to review the entire education system. He 3 made Mr. J. Makweta the Chair of the Commission. The Makweta-Commission presented its report to the President in February 1982. The recommendations on the medium of instruction more than refueled the expectations by actually setting a date for a change from English to Kiswahili. In January 1985 the first year of secondary school i.e. Form I, was to start using Kiswahili and in 1991 the University was going to start teaching through the medium of Kiswahili. However, this recommendation was deleted from the official report published in 1984 (Rubagumya, 1991). In the years 1969 to 1983 Tanzanian educators were waiting and preparing for the shift to Kiswahili as the medium of instruction in secondary and later also university education. But in 1983 "the government quite unexpectedly sought to turn the tide" (Lwaitama, & Rugemalira, 1988: 2). In August 1983 the Minister for Education, Mr. J. Makweta was quoted in the press (UHURU, 1983) as saying that the expected change of medium was not going to take place. This must have been a statement that was difficult for Education Minister Makweta to make. He had himself chaired the commission, which had suggested the change of the medium of instruction in secondary and tertiary education from English to Kiswahili. When discussing the issue with him, he told me that he personally favored a switch to Kiswahili but it was a government decision to stop the further development of Kiswahili at higher levels in the educational system. The decision seems to have been taken by President Nyerere himself, partly with the support of the British Council, the cultural arm of the British government. When discussing the same issue with Makweta at the end of April 1992, he partly put the blame for a reversion of the decision to switch to Kiswahili on the university people, especially at the then Department of Education. "You intellectuals betrayed us", Makweta said to the Dean of the Faculty of Education. "We did not get the support from you we needed. How could we carry the decision through with so little support from the intellectual community?"2 During July/August 1984 Dr.Clive Criper, a linguist from Edinburgh University and Mr. Bill Dodd, an administrator with long experience from Tanzania, were carrying out the British 2 My translation from a conversation which went in Kiswahili between Makweta, at that time Minister of Education, later Minister of Communication, the Dean of the Faculty of Education, Prof. Mosha and myself on the 22nd of April 1992 at a dinner party in the Swedish Ambassador's residence. 4 government funded study on levels of English presently existing across the educational system. Their study confirmed earlier research showing that the levels of English were too low in most schools for effective learning to take place. Here are two of their findings: Only about l0% of Form IVs are at a level that one might expect English medium education to begin (p. 14). Less than 20% of the University sample tested were at a level where they would find it easy to read even the simpler books required for their academic studies (p. 43). Based on these findings Criper and Dodd reached the following astonishing conclusion: "The Ministry of Education should issue an unambiguous circular setting out the policy on English medium education" (Criper, & Dodd, 1984:73). To many of us this conclusion by the authors seems highly illogical. Building on the two research findings quoted above one would think that their conclusion would encompass an argument for a switch to a medium of instruction with which the students were familiar, namely Kiswahili. Lwaitama and Rugemalira (1988) claim that this last statement was no coincidence. The British government that had paid the consultancy also wanted to see the British language strengthened in Tanzania. Rubagumya (1991:76) also comments the paradox that although Criper and Dodd stated categorically, after having concluded their empirical research, that English had ceased to be a viable medium of education in Tanzania, their recommendation for the English Language Support Project (ELSP), which the British Government was to fund, was on the condition that English continues to be the medium of instruction! Rubagumya (1991) claims that the decision by the Government that English will continue to be the medium of instruction in secondary schools was not taken because Kiswahili is not ready to be used as a medium: In fact this has never been given as a reason by the Government to justify its decision. The reason given is that we need English as the language of technological development.(Rubagumya, 1991: 77) But in the report "Tanzania Education System for the 21st century" it is argued that Kiswahili is not ready to be used as a medium of instruction: As a matter of policy, Kiswahili should be a medium of instruction at the pre-primary and primary school levels. However, English should continue to be strengthened at primary level and used as a medium of instruction in post primary institutions until such a time when Kiswahili is ready to be the dominant medium of instruction." [italics added] (URT, 1993: 23) 5 The economic crises in Africa have made it easy for the old colonial powers to move in all over Africa. The strengthening of the ex-colonial languages is of no help to the masses of Africans but functions as a means of separating the African elites from the masses of Africans. In Tanzania the aid given by Britain has been in the form of an English Language Teaching Support Project, financed by the Ministry of Overseas Development as a "top priority of British aid to education in Tanzania" (Bgoya, 1992: 179). A British Council Annual Report admitted that although the British government no longer has the economic and military power to impose its will in other parts of the world, British influence endures through "the insatiable demand for the English language". The report maintained that English language is Britain's greatest asset, "greater than the North Sea Oil" and characterized English as an "invisible, God given asset" (British Council, 1983: 9). Newer studies e.g. by Zaline M.Roy-Campbell and Martha Qorro (1997) have shown that the language crisis in Tanzanian secondary schools is to-day even more severe than it was twenty years ago. Results of the university Screening Test (UDSM,1994), a test usually administered to all incoming students (from secondary schools) at the beginning of their university studies, indicate that despite the fact that these students have studied under the ELTSP (English Language Support Project financed by the British Council) their English language proficiency was not any better than that of students before the ELTSP was launched. In fact the level of English is still going down. The indecisiveness of the Tanzanian government on the language issue is, however, a problem that is difficult to understand and analyze. New language policies are being made and the debate goes on. Recent policy statements concerning the language of instruction in Tanzania The official language in education policy that is currently being followed in Tanzania is the one led down in Education and Training Policy (MoE,1995) which, inter alia, states: The medium of instruction in pre-primary schools shall be Kiswahili, and English shall be a compulsory subject (:35) The medium of instruction in primary schools shall be Kiswahili, and English shall be a compulsory subject (:39) 6 The medium of instruction for secondary education shall continue to be English, except for the teaching of other approved languages and Kiswahili shall be a compulsory subject up to ordinary level (:45) In August 1997, the Ministry of Education and Culture in Tanzania issued a policy document entitled: Sera ya Utamaduni (Cultural Policy). Chapter 3 of this document deals with language issues, including the language of education policy. The aim of this policy is to clarify the position of the Tanzanian Government when it comes to the place of the different languages of Tanzania in the formal education system. Section 3.4.1 of the document includes the following statement: Mpango maalum wa kuiwezesha elimu na mafunzo katika ngazi zote kutolewa katika lugha ya Kiswahili utaandaliwa na kutekelezwa (MEC, 1997:19) (Translated: A special programme to enable the use of Kiswahili as a medium of instruction in education and training at all levels shall be designed and implemented) The Ministry was, however, aware of the important role of English and also wanted the teaching of this language to be strengthened but then as a subject. The policy explicitly states: Kingereza kitakuwa ni somo la lazima katika elimu ya awali, msingi na sekondari na kitahimizwa katika elimu ya juu na ufundishaji wake utaboreshwa. (MEC,1997:18) (Translated: English will be a compulsory subject at pre-primary, primary and secondary levels and it shall be encouraged in higher educational. The teaching of English shall be strengthened). The question I have tried to find some answer to through my field-work in Tanzania this year is: How is the decision to implement Kiswahili medium instruction at all levels of the educational system being followed up? What has happened to the language question in secondary schools after the Sera ya Utamaduni was published in August 1997? I have been trying to gather recent documents on this issue and in the beginning of February of this year I conducted a series of interviews with government officials and university people. At the University of Dar es Salaam I came across the Report on the 1998 UDSM Academic Audit (UDSM,1999) published in March 1999. Point 4.4 ( UDSM,1999:71-73) of the report discusses “Language as a Medium of Teaching and Learning”. The authors of the report mention that from the talks and discussions they held with various groups of students and staff: it was evident that most students have problems with the language medium of instruction (i.e.English). Proficiency in the language is low and leaves much to be desired (UDSM,1999:71) 7 The members of the panel are very concerned about the fact that members of staff who have a good English proficiency are approaching retirement and no new recruitment of chronologically young staff has been authorized since the abolition of the tutorial assistantship. They also refer to research findings pointing to the low command of English in secondary school. They express their concern in the following words: One can only guess what will happen when the seniors begin to exit in numbers in the next four or five years and the University is forced to recruit from among the products of secondary school English language training of the 1980s and 1990s. Then the problem of English language communication among University teachers will be visible and painful…If nothing should have been done by that time, then it should be time for the University to decide going into the lingua franca (Kiswahili) – a language in which both teacher and student will be able to interact meaningfully and confidently (UDSM,1999:72). This is, however, a decision that is already the official policy of the Ministry of Education and Culture as it is laid down in Sera ya Utamaduni (MEC,1997). And the decision about what language to use as a language of instruction in Tanzania is a decision to be made by the Government and not the University. In their discussion on the language issue the panelists refer to Jean Jacques Rousseau who was very critical to the French education system and the teaching in Greek and Latin. He asked: ” If the master’s Greek and Latin is such poor stuff, how about the children?” The panelists ask: In similar vein, in the next five to ten years, the University of Dar es Salaam should be able to judge and, if appropriate, to query: If the master’s English is such poor stuff, how about the students? Stop it. Let us go Kiswahili. The University needs to take a decision and to act very soon in connection with the language problem. (MEC,1997: 73). Here again it looks like the panelists think that it is the University that takes the decision on the language of instruction, bypassing the Ministry of Education, the politicians and the Government. But the attitudes of university people of course count when a decision to change medium of instruction is to be taken. After having discussed the problems caused by the low proficiency of students in the medium of instruction at the university the authors of the Audit report conclude with the following illogical and astonishing statement: But judging from the current and projected global trends and the fact that English is fast becoming the ICT language globally, UDSM should continue to use English as a medium of instruction. (MEC,1997:73). 8 In reaching this conclusion the panelists have chosen to ignore that they themselves discovered that “most students have problems with the language medium of instruction (i.e. English).” They have also chosen to ignore the1997 policy of the Ministry of Education and Culture on the language of instruction issue. The fact that English is the most frequently used language on the internet is no reason to have English as a medium of instruction. It is an argument for a strengthening of the subject English, completely in line with the policy statement of the Ministry of Education and Culture in Sera na Utamanduni (MEC,1997). Politicians and academics are divided on the language issue In early February of this year I conducted a series of interviews – all in Kiswahili – with policy makers, government officials and academics in Dar es Salaam to come to grips with the question: Why is the policy outlined in Sera ya utamaduni not being followed up? In an interview I conducted with Martha Qorro, Head of Department of Foreign Languages and linguistics at the University of Dar es Salaam in her office on 2.2.2001 she said that both politicians and academics were divided on the language issue. There were those who supported the use of Kiswahili as the language of instruction in secondary school and the University and there were those who wanted to start with English as the language of instruction from first grade in primary school. Unfortunately the second group had the most strength because they were backed up by powerful donors like British Council, US-AID and the World Bank. They would say things like “English is the language of development, of modernization, of science and technology. The language of the global village – “ kijiji kimoja”. There was no-one from outside of Tanzania that supported the position that Kiswahili ought to be the language of instruction in secondary school and university. It is like a war between two camps. The problem is the Cabinet, she said. She told me that Che Mbonda, leader of one of the opposition parties, in 1992/93 said that if he became the president, he would see to it that children started learning in English from day one in grade one in primary school. Parents among the elites would frequently send their children to neighbouring countries where the language of instruction was English from grade one. Also some private, so-called “international” primary schools, had started popping up in Dar es Salaam for children of well to do parents. These schools would use English as language of instruction from grade one in primary school. 9 In the interview we also discussed the position of the former President Nyerere who was instrumental in making Kiswahili the language of Parliament and of basic and adult education but was reluctant to having it as a language of instruction in secondary school. In his later years he had several times said: I think I made a mistake when it came to the language of instruction We should have continued with Kiswahili. I later found an article on the question of medium of instruction by Rubanza (2000) where he mentions an article in Daily News where Julius Nyerere (1995) advocates the use of Kiswahili as a medium of instruction in secondary schools and other institutions of higher learning. In an interview I had with Prof.Ruth Besha, Head of Department of Kiswahili, UDSM in her office a couple of days later she said she had been fighting for the use of Kiswahili medium all her life. She blamed Nyerere for reverting the decision in 1985. It did not help so much that he said he had made a mistake at the end of his life. At that point he did not have power any more, “haina nguvu “ (no strength). She made me aware of the fact that at the very day I was leaving was the Day of Kiswahili. She wanted me to delay my departure to experience that day where they among other things would have demonstration teaching in secondary school of science subjects. All the vocabulary has been developed she said. On the 5th of February 2001 I conducted an interview with Casmir M. Rubagumya , also in the Department of Foreign Languages and Linguistics at the University of Dar es Salaam in his office. Senior Lecturer Casmir M.Rubagumya is one of the main researchers behind the 1998 consultancy report on language for learning and teaching (MEC,1998). This consultancy report was commissioned by the Ministry of Education and Culture after the 1997 Sera ya Utamaduni policy had been officially declared. The research for the report was done by Rubagumya in collaboration with colleagues from Lancaster university and financed, interestingly enough, by the British Council. The same day that I talked with Rubagumya I also conducted an interview with Professor, Dr.Rugatiri D.K.Mekacha, from the Department of Kiswahili UDSM (now in Osaka for two years to teach Kiswahili). He told me that language is not any more mentioned in the Constitution of Tanzania. In the Constitution of 1962 it was said that Kiswahili and English should be the national languages. Since then there have been changes in the Constitution 13 times (last 1999/2000) and the issue of language has disappeared. The conversation with him was also conducted in Kiswahili and took place in the tea-garden. He said that he had had a big quarrel with dr. Rubagumya about the first proposal for the consultancy: 10 You should have seen the first proposal they came with. It looked like the main aim was to strengthen English. They were talking about giving people an option. The second quarrel I had with Rubagumya was on the issue of bilingualism. Why bilingualism? They talked about something they called “systematic bilingualism”. Rugatiri Mekacha also referred me to a paper he had published (Mekacha,1997) in response to a paper written by Rubagumya (1997). He is in this paper very concerned about the fact that the Government needs advise as to how to implement the new language polcy and he feels that the first signals from the consultancy team seem to me to be attempts to react to the declaration with the implicit view of protecting the continued use of English as medium of instruction (italics original) at higher levels of education, even if it is for only some time to come (Mekacha, 1997:96) . Mekacha’s paper is written before the consultancy report was finalized and published. His suspicion that the consultancy report will not be an advise on how to implement the new language policy but rather be an argument against it is, as far as I see it, based on the following two factors: An understandable deja-vu feeling: One is reminded of the other British Council financed research conducted by Criper and Dodd, just after the publication of the report of the Makweta Commission, following which the English Language Support project was launched and implemented for ten years with little, if any, achievement (see Simmonds et.al.1991) (Mekacha,1997:96) A call by Rubagumya (1997) to let English and Kiswahili support each other in the form of a bilingual practice in what is termed additive rather than subtractive bilingualism. I suppose the call will be part of a range of policy options to be discussed and presented to the Ministry of Education and Culture as the mentioned research envisages, instead of advising the government of how best to implement the policy (Sera ya Utamaduni,1997) which is already in place. (Mekacha,1997:97) When one studies the draft report of the consultancy team there is, however, reason to claim that Mekachas fears have not come true. This is not a new Criper and Dodd report, undermining a government report and insisting on the continued use of English as the language of instruction. The consultancy is paid by the British Council which is the reason why one of the two full-time consultants is a UK citizen. One might have wished that since one consultant, Rubagumya, is from the Department of Foreign Languages, the other full-time consultant ought to have been from the Department of Kiswahili. This is not how donors work. But the British consultant, Kathryn Jones, is not a monolingual Brit but one who has Welsh as her mother tongue and is concerned with language discrimination. And the project 11 officer in the British Council office in Dar es Salaam was Roger Avenstrup who, although he is British, has a perfect command of Norwegian and a keen interest in African languages. 3If the British Council or part of the Tanzanian elites had wanted a report undermining the Sera ya utamaduni policy, this is not what they got. In order to advise the government the consultancy team conducted a study comprising three interconnected components. The first component entitled Language Use in Classroom Settings presented detailed and systematic insights into the language in four different settings in Tanzania (standard 1 classes), late primary education (standard 6 classes), the transition into secondary education (Form I classes), middle secondary (Form3 & 4 classes) and Teacher’ Colleges (Grade A Certificate and Diploma classes). A total of 94 lessons were observed and documented with written fieldnotes, audio recordings, video recordings, still photographs and examples of written text. The data was collected by a team of 8 researchers with a background in linguistics and teaching. The purpose of the Language issues in education in Tanzania component was to investigate the range of views expressed by different stakeholders with regard to the use of Kiswahili and/or English as the language for learning and teaching at secondary level and above in Tanzania. 571 audio recorded interviews with stakeholders in each of Tanzania’s seven educational zones were carried out by a team of 7 researchers. The third component, Language Planning and Policy Implementation draws upon the insights of the two empirical research components together with experience of language planning in a number of post-colonial settings. It further includes: an analysis of the Tanzanian socio-linguistic context, and corpus planning in Kiswahili to propose effective and realisable recommendations for implementing the language policy of Sera ya Utamaduni. (MEC,1998:xi) As part of this component two workshops were held in Dar es Salaam in the beginning and towards the end of the project for representatives of the key stakeholders identified by MEC. The purpose of the workshops was to discuss language planning and policy implementation strategies presented in the form of discussion papers by Professor Mwansoko from the Institute of Kiswahili Research, the project language planning consultant. A third workshop on the project research findings and draft language planning and policy implementation 3 Dr.Roger Avensrup has spent many years in Namibia working closely with the Minister of Education. He was a good discussion partner for me when I, on request from the National Institute of Education in Namibia, made a study of the African languages in Namibia after independence (Brock-Utne, 1995; 1997). Not long after the consultancy report on the language for learning in Tanzania came out Dr.Avenstrup unfortunately lost his job in 12 recommendations was held for Ministry of Education and Culture officials under the chairmanship of Dr.Ndagala, Commissioner for Culture. The classroom studies that were undertaken as part of the consultancy revealed that at primary level teachers and students are accomplishing the task of teaching and learning satisfactorily. But, to quote the report: At secondary level the data reveals that teachers and students fail to learn effectively through the sole medium of English. Kiswahili is used in class for teachers to express themselves effectively and for students to understand their teachers. Kiswahili is the de facto medium of instruction in many class-rooms. Those teachers who were seen using only English in class were often found to be misleading their students. Codeswitching is not the solution for a bilingual education system. It is therefore recommended that Kiswahili become the medium of education at secondary school. (MEC,1998;xiii) This recommendation has already been made in Sera ya utamaduni, the policy document that the consultants were to advise on the implementation of. One may wonder about the use of the concept “bilingual education system” in this report. When Kiswahili becomes the medium of education at secondary school, why should the education system be called “bilingual”? In Norway (with 4 Million inhabitants) Norwegian is the language of instruction in primary, secondary and higher education. English is learnt well as a foreign language but we would never call our education system “bilingual.” Even though there are concepts one may criticise in the report, the promising part of it is that it actually proposes a gradual changeover to the use of Kiswahili as the medium of instruction starting with Form 1 in the year 2001. The gradual introduction of Kiswahili as the medium of instruction allows for a gradual programme of pre-service and in-service teacher education to accompany the changeover. Kiswahili, as a medium in which both teachers and students are competent, opens up new opportunities for more meaningful learning across the curriculum. The main aim of the teacher education programme is to create awareness of teaching and learning methodology which takes advantage of these opportunities. The programme also provides a vehicle for dissemination of subject-specific Kiswahili terminology. (MEC,1998:xvi) Other proposals that are made in the consultancy report is the conduction of an information campaign on the advantages of using Kiswahili as the language of instruction. It is furthered British Council in Tanzania. I have often been struck by the fact that individual consultants in donor agencies can make a lot of difference. 13 proposed that model demonstration schools be attached both to the Faculty of Education at UDSM and to selected Diploma Colleges. My conversations with academics and policy-makers on the implementation of Sera ya utamaduni and the recommendations of the consultancy report took place in the beginning of 2001, the year in which, according to the report, the gradual change-over was recommended to take place. Yet there were no signs that this was happening. Neither had the Faculty of Education at the UDSM been equipped to stage a model demonstration school where secondary school subjects would be taught through the medium of Kiswahili.. Rubagumya said he was disappointed that the people in the Ministry did not follow up the consultancy report where he was one of the chief and full-time consultants (for six months) He said that the Ministry of Education and Culture has a culture division and an education unit . His feeling was that the people in the culture division agreed with the report and wanted the policy to be implemented while officers in the education unit did not want it implemented. I was given a lot of names of people in the cultural division and in the education division of the Ministry of Education to interview.4 On the 6.th of February 2001 I conducted an interview with Joseph Butiku , the Director of the Nyerere Foundation. He stressed that the primary aim of his organisation was to work for democracy in the country. In order to do this and reach the masses of people it was necessary to use a language that people use and understand well. This language for Tanzania was Kiswahili. Kiswahili promoted unity and democracy in the country. He told that the Catholic Church had at one point started to use Latin. They had to admit that people did not understand what was going on in Church so they changed the language of the Church to Kiswahili in order to reach the people. He stressed the importance of having children and youngsters in school understand what the teacher was trying to convey and therefore felt that instruction through the use of Kiswahili would be the best. 4 To arrange for and conduct these interviews within the time span of the nine days I spent in Dar es Salaam in the beginning of the year was no easy matter. I experienced the great difference between coming as a consultant on behalf of a donor and as an independent researcher with no promise of money. As a consultant I would have a nice hotel with all facilities, a car at my disposal, meetings all lined up and government officials (even the Minister in many cases) eager to see me. As a researcher I now lived in a guest flat at the University, having no car (being dependent on over-crowded dala-dalas) and was experiencing that government officials are not very eager to talk to researchers. My good connections in Tanzania and the fact that I speak Kiswahili and could conduct all my interviews in Kiswahili helped me. 14 Itabidi kubadilisha fikra za watu (It will be necessary to change the way people think) In my interview round of several Ministries and with officials in Tanzania Institute of Education, I several times heard that they personally were all in favour of changing the medium of instruction in secondary schools and higher education into Kiswahili but people were against it. Parents would want their children to be in English medium schools because they said English was the language of development, the language of science and technology, of information and communication technology. For instance when I interviewed Mr.Rugumyamheto , the PS of utamishi (labour)in his office in Wizara ya Utamishi (Ministry of Labour) he told me: Itabidi kubadilisha fikra za watu. Kwa maoni yangu nafikiri itakuwa bora kutumia Kiswahili lakini watu sasa wanakata. Wanasema Kingereza ni lugha ya maendeleo. (It will be necessary to change the way people think. On my own part I think it would be better to use Kiswahili (as language of instruction in secondary and higher education), but people nowadays refuse. They say that English is the language of development. I conducted an interview with Mr.Bugeke – the Director of adult education who was all for extended use of Kiswahili as language of instruction but pointed to the problems of funding for translating and partly writing new text-books as well as publishing them. This is an argument often heard by donors, especially by the World Bank. But when the costs for translating, writing and publishing text-books in Kiswahili are calculated, one should also calculate the costs of having vast numbers of children going to school without learning hardly anything because they do not understand what the teacher says. Understanding what the teacher says A prominent African educationist, Pai Obanya, for many years the Director of BREDA, the UNESCO office in Dakar, Senegal noted twenty years ago: It has always been felt by African educationists that the African child's major learning problem is linguistic. Instruction is given in a language that is not normally used in his immediate environment, a language which neither the learner nor the teacher understands and uses well enough (Obanya, l980:88). The same conclusion has also been drawn by the World Bank educationist David Klaus (2001) who has undertaken studies in Papua New Guinea . The opening statement of a paper he presented at the 2001 CIES conference contains the following and, what ought to be, rather obvious observation: “There appears to be general agreement that students learn better when they understand what the teacher is saying”. It is encouraging that a World Bank officer holds 15 this view. Unfortunately it is not, and has never been, the official policy of the institution in which he is working. One of my students Halima Mohammed Mwinsheikhe (2001) has recently concluded an empirical study in Tanzanian secondary schools where she looked at how well students understood the biology lessons taught. In her study she also recalls her own school days: I can recall from my school days about my Chemistry teacher who every ten minutes or so he would ask us: "Any question students?" Nobody answered and he would conclude: "If there are no questions, then you have understood everything!" We did not understand him at all, not only because he taught in English only, he spoke American English!- he was a Peace Corp. The issue was language, as it is in our contemporary schools. (Mwinsheikhe,2001) Having taught biology for almost sixteen years in both Ordinary and Advanced level classes in Tanzanian secondary schools, Mwinsheikhe already before she conducted her study tended to agree with Peacock (1995) that when it comes to the quality of instructional delivery the language of instruction is instrumental in determining the level of performance. In connection with her field studies Mwinsheikhe had the opportunity both of watching other teachers teach biology, conducting a survey on the opinions of secondary school students and teachers of biology, interview some of them and of conducting an experiment. On a very small scale she was carrying out one of the recommendations from the consultancy report (MEC,1998) where it was recommended that demonstrations in teaching in secondary school through the medium of Kiswahili should be made. Teaching biology through the medium of English and through the medium of Kiswahili We decided that it might be interesting to see how well students in secondary school in Tanzania would perform if they were taught some lessons through the medium of Kiswahili instead of through the official medium which is English. We chose to carry out an experiment in biology classes, partly because Halima used to be a biology teacher and partly because statistics from the National Examinations Council in Tanzania show that student do exceptionally badly in biology. This is especially the case for girls. According to George Malekela’s analysis (2000) of past Form IV national examinations (1991-1995) over 85% of the girls failed in Chemistry and Physics in this period while in Biology 95% failed. George Malekela comments:” Girls performance in the science is so poor that vacancies in Form V are left unfilled for lack of girls with the required qualifications” (Malekela, 2000: 69). We suspected that the medium of instruction had quite a bit to do with the failure. 16 Grades in Biology have been low for a number of years and there is a clear tendency that they are getting even lower. Performance for the GSEES school candidates, using GPA (Grade Point Average, based on the rating of A=1,B=2,C=3, D=4, E=5) gradually changed from 4.25 (1989), 4.48 (1991), 4.54 (1993), 4.56 (1997) and 4.63 (1998) ( Mwinsheikhe, 2001 with further reference to NECTA,1998). Halima Mwinsheikhe comments: The problem of the MOI seems to be getting worse albeit the various efforts (such as the Baseline English Course and the English Language Support Projects) undertaken to improve English proficiency. It is becoming more and more evident that the official MOI – English – is a barrier to learning in general and to conceptualize the intricate science concepts in particular. (Mwinsheikhe, 2001:1) Two earmarked classes (Form 0ne and Form Three) in schools CS1 (Co-Educational School 1) and SSS (Single Sex School), two streams were randomly selected from the total number of streams of the class in question. The two streams of each class were then randomly selected to treatment and control groups by coin flipping. The treatment group was taught the Biology lesson using Kiswahili medium while the control group was taught in English. For each form a pre-test was administered to both the treatment and the control groups at the same time. No help was given to students who asked for Kiswahili translation of some of the test items. For each form, that is form One and Form Three, the Kiswahili taught and English taught lessons for the treatment and control groups respectively, were conducted in the day after pretest administration. A total of four lessons taught in Kiswahili (two in Form One and two in Form Three) were taught. The same applied for lessons taught through the medium of English. The lessons were taught at different times so as to enable the researcher to make observations. The lessons were structured in such a way that there was opportunity for students to ask questions, answer teachers’questions, carry out a simple practical task, do group discussions and group report presentations. Each lesson was of eighty minutes duration. For each form the posttest was administered to the treatment group and the control group the same day that the lessons were conducted. Mwinsheikhe noticed the ease in which the teachers conducted the lessons in Kiswahili . She also noticed the great difficulties they had in conducting lessons entirely through he medium of English: Teachers had to abide to the rule of the study: to use one language only. However, one could easily see that teachers who taught by using English were exerting a great effort not to succumb to the temptation of code-switching. Mwinsheikhe,2001:57) Though the language of instruction in secondary schools in Tanzania is supposed to be English, Tanzanian teachers often use quite a bit of Kiswahili. They make use of code- 17 switching, a practice to which we shall return. In the small experiment carried out by Mwinsheikhe she noticed that students in the English taught class would immediately switch into Kiswahili in group discussions although they lowered their voices when the observer quietly approached the group. She observed that group discussions were by far the most lively activities during the lessons. The following are a couple of quotes of reasons students gave on a question of why they liked to discuss in groups: When you are discussing in the group you can not panic to use poor English (School CSS2 Form III student) Because for most of times the teacher is not here to say you that is not English(School SSS Form III student) (Mwinsheikhe,2001:64) In both Form I and III the scores for the pretests, which were in English, were rather low. The posttests showed a great improvement in the Form I class that was taught in Kiswahili while the one taught in English showed very little improvement. In Form III there was also more improvement in the posttest scores in the Kiswahili taught than in the English taught group but here the difference was not so big as there was some improvement in both groups. As part of her research Halima Mohammed Mwinsheikhe also administered and analyzed ninety- two teachers' questionnaires and 490 student questionnaires. We wanted to elicit the views of teachers and secondary school students on the medium of instruction in secondary school, how they felt that they coped and whether they wanted a change. The unstructured questions of the questionnaire were scrutinized in an attempt to compare the diverse ideas expressed by the respondents and in doing so establish a basis for their categorization. As far as fluency in Kiswahili and English was concerned, responses indicated that Kiswahili was the first language of the majority 358 (73%) of the students while English held second position with 119 (24%), 13 students did not indicate anything. This condition was a reversal of that found in teachers, in the majority of whom Kiswahili was second language. Kiswahili is increasingly being the first language of the younger generation most of whom are children of inter-tribal marriages and/or urban parents whereby vernaculars are no longer first languages. Teachers and students were asked whether they experienced a language problem in the teaching and learning of science. To this 74% (N=68) of the teachers and 89% (N=434) of the students acknowledged the existence of a problem because of the unfamilar medium of instruction being used in the teaching/learning of science. 18 The secondary school science teachers and their students were further asked whether they used Kiswahili unofficially during the science lessons. To this 89% (N=82) of the teachers as well as 89% (N=437) of the students admitted that they did. Alderson and Ladbury (1990) report after their many observations in Tanzanian secondary school classes: We have observed science lessons in which English was used throughout …..the teacher’s English was weak, he largely read aloud from prepared notes, the pupils were reluctant to respond and only did so inadequately, in monosyllables, and showed little evidence of having understood the teacher. (Alderson and Ladbury, 1990: 12) When the teachers often have problems expressing themselves and students have even more problems understanding the teachers how do teachers cope in the secondary class-rooms of Tanzania? One of their coping strategies is code-switching. Code-switching By code-switching we normally mean the use of two or more languages during a single utterance or a sequence of utterances between two or more speakers. In Tanzanian classrooms you can often hear teachers mixing Kiswahili words into their otherwise English sentences. Halima Mwinsheikhe tells from her many years of science teaching in secondary school in Tanzania: I personally was compelled to switch to Kiswahili by a sense of helplessness born of the inability to make students understand the subject matter by using English (Mwinsheikhe,2001:16) In the following passage the science teacher changes languages completely as he sees that his students do not understand. His own English is not easy to understand. He expresses himself much clearer and better in Kiswahili. For him the important thing is to get the subject matter across. He is teaching science, not English. T: When you go home put some water in a jar, leave it direct on sun rays and observe the decrease of the amount of water, have you understood? Ss: (silence) T: Nasema, chukua chombo, uweke maji na kiache kwenye jua, maji yatakuaje? (I say take a container with water and leave it out in the sun, what will happen to the water?) Ss: Yatapungua (it will decrease) T: Kwa nini? (Why?) Ss: Yatafyonzwa na mionzi ya jua (evaporated by the sun’s rays) (Rubagumya, Jones, Mwansoko,1999: 17) 19 The above discussion between a class of secondary school students and their teacher was observed by researchers working on the language issues consultancy for the education sector development programme (MEC,1998) and reported by some of the main researchers involved. The teacher is not able to get his question across in English while he has no trouble when he switches to Kiswahili. Observations that Osaki made in science teaching in secondary schools in Tanzania have made him reach a similar conclusion: . Students either talk very little in class and copy textual information from the chalkboard, or attempt discussion in a mixed language (i.e.English and Kiswahili) and then copy notes on the chalkboard in English…teachers who insist on using English only end up talking to themselves with very little student input. (Osaki, 1991) In a school setting language is used not only to impart knowledge but it is also used for classroom management. Language is further used to create a good atmosphere between students and teachers. Sitting for several years in the back of many secondary school class-rooms in Tanzania to observe my own students teach, I often noticed that even though they tried to use English throughout the lesson, they would, probably even without noticing, switch into Kiswahili when they felt the need to discipline a student, have him be quiet, stand up or fetch something. In his doctoral thesis Casmir Rubagumya (1993) shows how Kiswahili is frequently being used in class-rooms in secondary schools in Tanzania for classroom management: Teacher: Yes..good trial in English..-they took out raw materials..what else? Yes…Rehema unasinzia ?(Rehema are you falling asleep?) Rubagumya, 1993:193) My daughter, who in 1987/88 attended courses in development studies at the University of Dar es Salaam regretted that her knowledge of Kiswahili was not better. She observed that even though the professors would lecture in English, when they would crack a joke, they did that in Kiswahili and the whole audience laughed. Halima Mwinsheike (2001: 56) who was well familiar with the practice of code-switching in secondary class-rooms in Tanzania from her own time as a secondary school-teacher, interviewed teachers about this practice as part of her research. Here are some responses: I sometimes use Kiswahili to make students smile or laugh once in a while, which is good for learning. (School SSS teacher). If I insist to use English throughout it is like teaching dead stones and not students. (School CS2 teacher). 20 Both through observations and through questions asked Mwinsheikhe aimed at finding out the extent to which Kiswahili is "unofficially" used by both students and teachers and under what circumstances during science lessons. As mentioned the majority 68 (74%) of teachers acknowledged the existence of the language problem in the teaching/learning of science. Only a small proportion - 20 (22%) asserted that they faced no problem. It was not surprising therefore to find that most teachers 82 (89%) admitted to using Kiswahili during their teaching, while only 9 (10%) said they faced no language problem. It was interesting to note that some of the teachers who claimed to have no language problem indicated that they, in spite of official policy, used Kiswahili in their teaching. Responding to the question: what lesson activities prompt you to switch to Kiswahili, of the teachers who admitted that they used Kiswahili during lessons 70 (82%) of them said they used it to clarify difficult and or key concepts of the lessons. The next common reason mentioned was to give instructions for practical work and assignments 13 (15%). Reasons for code switching may be expressed differently but at the core of matters teachers show concern for the understanding capability of their students. Rubagumya (1997) explains that the studies he did in 1993 as part of his doctoral thesis revealed that secondary school students admitted that they followed lessons better if Kiswahili was used (Rubagumya ,1993). Since most teachers use Kiswahili during lessons, it is not surprising to find that a good proportion of them - 58 (63%) – say that they allow students to do the same. It would be natural for teachers who code-switched to allow students to code-switch without any qualm especially in lower forms. According to the majority of teachers students normally use Kiswahili when they are doing group work while a smaller proportion 26 (28%) make use of 'Kiswanglish.' Working in groups entails a much more relaxed atmosphere when students feel more free to code-switch. A small proportion of teachers 6 (7%) maintained that students conducted group work in English only. How this would be accomplished in Form I for example is a point for further speculation. A couple of Tanzanian students working on our project are now embarking on empirical studies where they will have Form I students describe pictures in a cartoon first in Kiswahili and a couple of weeks later in English to see how well students master the language of instruction. According to Osaki (1995) even at Form III level teachers had problems in conducting discussions in English only because student participation then is negligible. 21 The distinction between using language for learning and learning a language At present, much of the public debate concerning the choice between English or Kiswahili as the language of instruction in Tanzanian schools fails to take account of the distinction between using language for learning and learning a language (Rubagumya, Jones, Mwansoko,1999:11) .Students especially seem to think that because they would like to learn English well they should have the language as a language of instruction. However the link between learning a language and learning through that language is a fallacy. There is no evidence to show that using a language as a medium of instruction will necessarily lead to proficiency in that language. If the aim is to learn English, it is much better to have good instruction in that language by trained language teachers. Teachers trained in other subjects are not language teachers and are naturally more concerned about teaching the subject matter to students. They will often make use of code-switching in order for their students to understand. For example in the following excerpt from class-room observation in a Form I geography lesson: T: These are used for grinding materials. It looks like what? S: Kinu (pestle) T: Kinu and what? S: Mtwangio (mortar) T: It looks like kinu and mtwangio and it works like kinu and mtwangio (the teacher continues to describe other apparatus) (Rubagumya, Jones, Mwansoko,1999:18) In this example the teacher is satisfied with the answer from the student as the student has the right concepts. The fact that these concepts are expressed in Kiswahli does not seem to bother the subject matter teacher who does nothing to expand the vocabulary of the student within the English language. Had the teacher insisted on an answer in English, he would most likely have been met by silence. In interviews conducted as part of a larger study for the Ministry of Education and Culture in 1998 both students and teachers admit that the use of English as language of instruction in secondary school is problematic. Yet a slight majority of teachers (50.9%) and an overwhelming majority of students (82%) favoured a continued use of English as the medium of instruction. As one student put it: Sipendi Kiswahili kiwe lugha ya kufundishia katika shule za msingi mpaka Chuo Kikuu kwa sababu ni lugha ambayo naifahamu tayari (I don’t want Kiswahili as medium of instruction from primary school up to University level because it is a language I know already) (Rubagumya, Jones, Mwansoko,1999:22) 22 It is clear that this student wants English medium instruction because he wants to learn English and mistakingly thinks that is best done by having the language as the medium of instruction. He is committing one of the fallacies – the one called the maximum exposure fallacy - so well described by the socio-linguist Robert Phillipson (1992;1999 ). Phillipson claims that a central aspect of English linguistic imperialism is how the language is taught. In the TESOL (Teaching of English to Speakers of Other Languages) profession in its formative years a number of key tenets evolved: English is best taught monolingually, the ideal teacher of English is a native speaker, the earlier English is introduced, the better the results, the more English is taught, the better the results, if other languages are used much, standards of English will drop (Phillipson1999:208). Adhering to these tenets has had major consequences, structural and ideological, for the entire ESL (English as Second Language)"aid" operation in post-colonial education systems. Close scrutiny, in the light of the knowledge now available to us, indicates that the tenets are all false (see Phillipson 1992, chapter 7, for a detailed study of the genesis of the tenets and their validity). They can be more appropriately labelled as the monolingual fallacy, the native speaker fallacy, the early start fallacy, the maximum exposure fallacy, the subtractive fallacy. 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