CHAPTER 6
Study Guide To Go
Learning Objectives
1.
Define the term interest group.
2.
Explain differences between an interest group and a political party.
3.
Explain why interest groups have grown in number and importance in Texas.
4.
Summarize significant details concerning the organizational patterns, membership, and
leadership in interest groups.
5.
Classify interest groups and give examples of each classification.
6.
Identify power groups and explain their influence on Texas politics.
7.
Identify political activities of interest groups.
8.
Describe techniques used by lobbyists to influence policymakers.
9.
Discuss the regulation of interest groups in Texas politics.
10. Identify factors that affect interest group power and influence in Texas politics.
11. Summarize the achievements of civil rights leader Alonso S. Perales.
12. Explain the role of “revolving-door lobbyists” in Texas government and politics.
The Politics of Interest Groups
I.
Interest Groups in the Political Process
A. What Is an Interest Group?
B. Political Parties and Interest Groups
C. Factors Fostering Interest Group Formation
1. Legal and Cultural Influences
2. Decentralized Structures of Governance
3. Decentralized Party System and Deemphasized Ideologies
II. Organization of Interest Groups
A. Organizational Patterns
B. Membership and Leadership
III. Classification of Interest Groups
A. Economic Groups
1. Business Groups
2. Labor Groups
B. Professional and Government Employee Groups
1. Professional Groups
2. Government Employee Groups
C. Social Groups
1. Racial and Ethnic Groups
2. Women’s Groups
3. Religious-Based Groups
D. Public Interest Groups
E. Texas Power Groups
IV. Interest Group Activities
V. Techniques of Interest Groups
A. Lobbying
B. Personal Communication
C. Favors and Gifts
D. Grassroots Activities
E. Electioneering
F. Campaign Financing by Political Action Committees
G. Bribery and Unethical Practices
VI. Regulation of Interest Group Politics
VII. Interest Group Power and Public Policy
VIII. Pinpointing Political Power
Overview of the Text (pp. 206-233)
Through group action, efforts are made to influence government officials who make and
implement public policy. History shows that political action by a group is more effective than that
of an individual.
Interest Groups in the Political Process (pp. 207-209). Interest groups, as well as political
parties, seek to influence the selection of government officials and the decisions that they make.
Sometimes called a pressure group, a lobby, or a special-interest group, an interest group is
organized to make public officials take policy actions preferred by group members. The
Independent Colleges and Universities of Texas (ICUT), for example, pressures the Texas
Legislature against reduction of funding for Tuition Equalization Grants that benefit students in
private institutions of higher education. Political parties focus on gaining control of government
in order to achieve party goals. In contrast, interest groups seek to influence the policy decisions
of whomever is elected to public office. Interest groups provide representation for economic and
social elements that are not represented directly in government. Such organizations can provide
functional representation that supplements the geographic representation provided by elected
officials.
The ability of interest groups to wield influence is enhanced by decentralized structures of
government in a federal system that features national, state, and local levels. Also of importance
is the fact that governing power is divided among legislative, executive, and judicial branches. In
addition, decentralized political parties, wherein cohesion often is lacking, enhance the strength
of interest groups.
Organization of Interest Groups (pp. 209-210). In Texas, as elsewhere in the United States,
interest groups exhibit a wide variety of organizational patterns. Some are highly centralized, but
others are decentralized. Prosperous, well-educated people tend to be more active in interest
groups than persons with less wealth and education. Group leaders are likely to be people who
make large financial contributions, can spend time on organizational work, and have greater
leadership ability and motivation than others.
Classification of Interest Groups (pp. 210-219). There are different types of interest groups:
economic (business organizations, labor unions), professional (dentists, lawyers), government
employee (city attorneys, workers in the state bureaucracy), racial and ethnic (African Americans
and Latinos), women’s, religious-based (church denominations and other faith-based
organizations), and public interest (campaign finance reform, environmental).
Political power of interest groups varies greatly, but Texas legislators have identified the
following as being among the most powerful: trade associations of oil and gas, insurance, and
chemical companies; professional associations of physicians, lawyers, and teachers; labor unions;
and organizations representing realtors, truckers, brewers, automobile dealers, and bankers.
Interest-Group Activities (p. 220). In Texas political life, interest groups engage in various
activities, some of which overlap those of political parties. They are involved in recruiting
candidates for public office, defining conflict and shaping consensus on issues, and providing
outlets for citizens who desire to influence the policymaking process.
Techniques of Interest Groups (pp. 220-228). Much of any interest group’s political work is
done by lobbyists. Some lobbyists are former legislators or have held other public offices. A
lobbyist’s objective is to persuade policymakers to act as an interest group wants. When
approaching a policymaker, a lobbyist identifies the group he or she represents, defines the
interest, makes clear what action is desired and why, answers questions, and provides information
needed for making a decision. Additional lobbying practices include providing entertainment and
other personal favors, as well as persuading a decision maker that the group’s goals have broadbased public support.
In addition to lobbying, techniques employed for exercising group power include electioneering,
campaign financing, and even bribery and unethical practices. Electioneering efforts involve
publicizing the political records of incumbent candidates, providing candidates with group
membership information and mailing lists, and encouraging voter turnout to support a group’s
preferred candidates. Political action committees (PACs) have come to play a very important role
in raising and contributing campaign money that helps favored candidates win nominations and
elections. Bribery is the crudest interest-group technique, and it is prohibited by law.
Regulation of Interest Group Politics (pp. 229-231). Established in 1991, the Texas Ethics
Commission registers lobbyists and enforces state laws regulating lobbyists’ activities and
requiring periodic financial reports. Nevertheless, the relationship between campaign
contributions by interest groups and policy decisions by elected officials persists.
Interest-Group Power and Public Policy (pp. 231-232). In analyzing group influence, many
scholars have explained that it is determined by size of membership, degree of membership unity,
amount of financial resources, and quality of leadership. Others emphasize that group influence
tends to vary inversely with the strength of a state’s political parties. Research indicates that
strong parties are found in densely populated, highly industrialized states with high levels of per
capita wealth and formal education. Some scholars have noted that interest-group effectiveness is
related to harmony between group aims and community beliefs, representation of groups within
the structure of government, and the power of government officials.
Although Texas is wealthy, heavily urbanized, and highly industrialized, its one-party tradition
and its weak, uncoordinated governmental institutions have encouraged interest-group influence.
Furthermore, Texas interest groups have identified with important elements of the state’s culture:
free enterprise and self-reliance. Consequently, some Texans are more likely to trust lobbyists
than to trust government officials.
Pinpointing Political Power (p. 232). Determining which interest groups, political leaders, or
individuals have the most power is difficult. Likewise, magnitudes of political influence vary,
depending on the issue involved. Experience indicates, however, that unorganized citizens are ill
prepared to oppose organized interest groups.
Looking Ahead (p. 233). Interest groups influence policy decisions at all levels of government,
within the three departments (legislative, executive, and judicial), and among members of the
state’s bureaucracy.
Overview of the Selected Readings
“Unsung Hero of Civil Rights: ‘Father of LULAC a Fading Memory” by Hector
Saldana (pp. 238-240)
Alonso S. Perales founded the League of United Latin American Citizens (LULAC) in the late
1920s to push for the rights of persons in the United States with Mexican heritage. Despite the
impact of his work and the activities of the organization that he established, Perales has faded
from popular memory since his death in 1960. But a move to restore him to his proper place in
history is ongoing. Members of Perales’ family are working to organize his papers, which
ultimately may be housed by the University of Texas’s Mexican American Library Program. This
could help to stimulate remembrance of Perales as one who rose from poverty and overcame
hardship through education and his own efforts in order to ensure a political voice, dignity, and
rights for all Mexican Americans in the United States.
“Texas Capitol’s Lobby Has a Revolving Door” by Lisa Sandberg (pp. 240-242)
Texas law requires disclosure of lobbyists’ gifts worth more than $50 per day and meals or travel
valued at more than $76.80 per day. However, this regulation does not address the “revolving
door.” It is a cycle in which some legislators leave the Texas Legislature but return immediately
to the Capitol to lobby their former colleagues as so-called hired guns for special interests.
Although Governor Perry’s former senior staffers are barred from lobbying his office for a year
and a legislative session after leaving, they are not prevented from lobbying the legislature.
Such lobbying is an important issue for persons concerned about clean government, because
Texas has nearly double the number of lobbyists (8) per legislator as the national average (5).
Furthermore, the total value of lobbying contracts in Texas is second highest among the 50 states.
But some legislators, the governor, and lobbyists argue, that constituent interests are not harmed
and that lobbyists provide necessary information that helps move the lawmaking process forward.
As lobbying scandals, such as the one centering on Jack Abramoff, make news nationally, calls
for further lobby reform in Texas are likely.