Ruto-Korir, R. (2006) ‘The faint Voice in academia. Including the excluded: An analysis of
the Psychology of Nandi Proverbs and its place in Critical Psychology’, Annual Review of
Critical Psychology, 5, pp. 328-341 www.discourseunit.com/arcp/5
Rose Ruto-Korir1
The faint Voice in academia. Including the excluded: An analysis of the Psychology of
Nandi Proverbs and its place in Critical Psychology
INTRODUCTION
I will present this paper within my own lens of perceiving Critical Psychology as a subject
that revolves around the definition and systems of the mainstream Schools of Psychology. A
mention of Psychology brings to the mind of the non-professional, an expert ability of one to
read the mind, while academics quickly think about the numerous theories, all advanced in the
West, as forming the benchmarks of the definition. Fox (2000) concurs that there are still
unresolved issues of definition of what exactly constitutes or defines critical psychology and
emphasizes focus areas that critical psychologists ought to bring into the field. According to
him, these different voices of emphasis should be the critical psychologists’ meeting as well
as their points of departure in their quest to pursue shared goals using different routes
(http://www.dennisfox.net). Consequent to Fox’s argument, I bring into the subject matter of
Critical psychology a different focus and the often question claim as to the origin of
psychological knowledge.
Most theories of Psychology stemmed from laborious laboratory research which was later
documented as the underpinnings of Psychological thought. Moreover, these theories and
psychological thought are imports, mainly from the West. The result has been a consumeroriented Psychology consumed whole and reproduced completely. In addition, there has been
a tendency by most scholars to base their arguments thereof on these same principles and
underpinnings.
Consequently, what is crucially evident in the current realms of psychology is the
overgeneralization that human behaviour stems from similar thought patterns expected to
elicit same behaviour patterns. On the contrary, the Nandi Psyche was more pro-active than
retroactive, expressed through proverbs punctuating communication. The Nandi seemed to
have had a unique identity or at least wanted to be identified so. For example, much of their
expressive language as discerned through interviews emphasizes this identity. With reference
to this perceived unique identity are innumerable phrases “we the Nandi” that punctuated the
participants’ conversation. Westen (1996: 3) seems to acknowledge the universality and yet
culturally unique complexity of human nature when he concedes that “to understand
psychology requires a constant movement between the micro-level of biology and the microlevel of culture” and that to understand Psychology is to intersect Biology with culture.
Therefore, my contention critically differs from the Western definitions, limited content and
alleged source of our knowledge which current realm Psychology claims to advance.
Consequently, I advance an African realm of Psychology, which dates further back than the
1
Contact: korircr@yahoo.com
328
current History of Psychology cares to include. Consequently, I argue for an inclusive rather
than the exclusive knowledge base in Psychology as currently advanced. In this regard, I
concur with Mkhize (2004: 25) who argues for indigenous theoretical frameworks that remain
marginalized. This exclusion, he argues may have fundamentally originated from the rigor
requirements in academia for published references, largely lacking in the African-specific
contexts and the fact that the academia still perceives as inadequate any orally derived
knowledge as Professor Mkhize strongly put across during his Keynote presentation during
the Durban International Critical Psychology Conference.
In this paper, I argue that the Nandi had its own Social Psychology, dating back to the
beginning of the community. Subsequently, one cannot for sure delineate the beginning of
Psychology and the beginning of man. Unfortunately, as we embrace Psychological concepts,
we in the African continent have all along excluded our knowledge base in our teaching. I for
example have consistently taught Psychology as if it were not part of us, with human beings
living in a knowledge-enriched background that only requires tapping and dissemination in
our lectures. If this were recognized and implemented as part of the art of teaching as well as
building our psychological heritage, we, in the African continent could tap on this culturally
diverse rich heritage.
Consequently, using the example of the Nandi proverbs, I argue for one of the most elaborate
indigenous frameworks in the thought-speech action connection through proverbs. Although
the use of proverbs may be characteristic of many languages, I draw from the unique example
of the Nandi cache of proverbs and sayings as one of the unifying and uniquely identifying
psychological system of thought among the tribe members. As a member of the Nandi, a
community living in the highland region of Kenya (Hollis, 1909: 1: Oboler, 1985: 18), I wish
to advance the theory that, through their way of a highly organized predictable social life as
controlled by proverbs and sayings, the Nandi portray a life full of psychology. To situate this
framework of a traditional system of thought in the development of Psychology in general and
psychology in Kenya is significant. Consequently, I attempt a brief look at the history of
Psychology in Kenya.
The History of Psychology as an academic subject in Kenya
The example elucidated by Painter and Terre Blanche in their article, Critical Psychology in
South Africa: Looking back and looking forwards (http://www.critcalmethods.org)
somewhat resonates with the Kenyan experience when they situate the initial genesis of
psychology in South Africa. However, unlike a progressive development of an adapted
Psychology in South Africa, Psychology in Kenya remains largely imported, specifically
lacking in originality or even adaptation to local needs and relevance.
My search for the history of psychology in Kenya regrettably turned out that there virtually
exists no written account of the history of Psychology as a subject or academic discipline nor
is there one on critical Psychology. This, however, paradoxically reinforces the idea of
consumer-oriented literature. Nevertheless, a starting point towards a cursory glimpse of the
subject as an academic discipline begins with a look at University education in Kenya as a
springboard to provide an understanding of the missing history. The first University in Kenya,
the present University of Nairobi, started as the Royal Technical College in 1956, in preindependent Kenya, as a constituent college of the University of London. On the 25th of June
1961, the first of its graduates were conferred University of London degrees in Arts, Science
and Engineering. Soon after Kenya got independence from the British in 1963, the then Royal
329
technical college changed its name in 1964 to the university of East Africa conferring its first
degrees on 20th, May 1961(http://www.uonbi.ac.ke). Other universities have emerged since
then to stand at seventeen, largely emerging on a propagatory-like circle where a lower level
college is annexed to an existing university to offer degrees of the existing university before it
finally gains independence. This system of development in university education emphasizes a
dependent rather than an independent organization of the curriculum.
A brief look at any course outline (available from university websites (e.g.
http://.www.mu.ac.ke; www.ku.ac.ke; www.usiu.ac.ke; www.daystar.ac.ke) of some of the
universities in Kenya depict a limited range of courses offered in the general realm of
psychology or Educational Psychology for that matter. Entirely lacking is a course on Critical
Psychology in all the universities. Consequently, the subject matter of critical psychology
calls for a foundation and certainly development in the Kenyan context. A lack of critical
psychology or of a focus in the fields of psychology on areas of culturally relevant subject
matter could be a result of the historical development of the country’s education system and
the county’s history in general as a colony of the British until the12th of December 1963
(Sifuna, 1990). The political and economical factors are largely responsible for the vacuums
in subject matter emphasis in psychology.
Although a political and historical development of Education in Kenya is beyond the scope of
this paper, a brief historical analysis suffices to place a deficient field of Psychology in
context. Prior to the British entry to colonize Kenya in 1914, the Europeans, through the
famous Berlin conference of 1884, met to assign themselves African colonies. Earlier, this
conference had been preceded by a scramble and partition of Africa by the British who later
colonized the Union of South Africa, Basutoland, Swaziland, Bachuanaland, Northern and
Southern Rhodesia, and Nyasaland. In East Africa of which Kenya is part, it seized Uganda,
and Zanzibar, while in the West part of Africa, the British colonized Gambia, Sierra Leone
and Gold Coast. The French on their part colonized Algeria, Tunisia, much of the Sahara
region, Equatorial Africa and Madagascar. The Belgians possessed Belgian Congo, Burundi
and Rwanda. The Germans grabbed for themselves Togo, Cameroon, South-West Africa and
Tanganyika. Spain owned Spanish Sahara and Spanish Guinea while Italy seized Somaliland,
Eritrea and Libya (Sifuna, 1990).
Prior to colonial establishment in Kenya, the African indigenous system of education existing
then emphasized practical experiences, social experiences, spiritual experiences, knowledge,
responsibility and useful skills and values, later perceived and demeaned by the Europeans as
savage modes of education, who saw the need to civilize the savage African man (Sifuna,
1980). Consequently, the Colonial governments ridiculed this type of education, instead
imposing a foreign culture through Christianity and Education (Sifuna, 1990). Ensuing from
such an attitude, the colonial legacy continued to predispose the African as savage and
perhaps led Africans to perceive themselves as so. Because of this, there has been
preponderance over the years to equate education to classroom instruction that leads to
mastery of skills which are later regurgitated in formal examinations (Shiundu and Omulando,
1992). Regrettably, this attitude inherited from the British colonialists emphasizing material
and technical skills as ends in education, limits the scope of educational objectives to material
gains.
Consequently, some mainstream courses offered at some of the Universities in Kenya serve a
propagative rather than a generative purpose, perhaps largely because some lecturers received
Western oriented degrees (mainly American degrees), hence lacking a critical homegrown
330
approach to the subject. The example of the American airlifts of students to study in America
by pre-independent political agitators Tom Mboya, Julius Kiano and Oginga Odinga soon
after their election to the legislative council in 1957 (Sifuna, 1990), may serve to enlighten the
historical genesis of the deficiency. Even those lecturers and professors who had local degrees
were still disciples of foreign-educated professors. For example, a locally published
Educational Psychology book, “Introduction to Educational Psychology” by Ingule, Rono
and Ndambuki has the following profile of its subject-matter content: The nature of
Educational Psychology, Human Growth and Development, Personality Dynamics, The
Exceptional Child, Learning, Motivation, Psychological and Educational Measurement and
Evaluation. Regrettably, many of the references and the content in this text are foreign, with
only a few examples of locally resonating content included. Curiously, the authors argue, “the
history of educational psychology is as old as the process of education on earth. Large
numbers of eminent scholars and scientists have contributed to the development of
educational psychology over time (Ingule, Rono & Ndambuki: 9). Their reference to ‘eminent
scholars and scientists’ may clearly limit these authors perception of educational psychology
in scope and content to modern systems of thought. On the contrary, were there no traditional
systems of education or consequent traditional theories of learning? A detailed argument as to
the why this state of “content- exclusion” continues to exist is beyond the scope of this paper.
Yet, even before the advent of western thought and civilization, many traditional African
societies had their way of “thought-behaviour systems” as predominating interactions. Mbiti
(1975) points out that proverbs formed part of the very existence of the African people. This
heritage served a very important role in the socialization of the younger members. Proverbs
served various purposes. While some proverbs record actual historical events, others were
used to entertain, warn, to teach morals, to stimulate the listeners thinking and as a
commentary on people’s life in a particular period (Mbiti, 1975). Indeed as we explore the
Nandi proverbs as one such system, we see a pro-active rather than a retroactive system.
Of special concern to this paper and indeed many African indigenous Psychological systems
is the central role played by language in the propagation of thought-action relationships. Most
proverbs of the Nandi are derived and contextualized within what was familiar to all, then.
Without such a context, proverbs are bound to become extinct especially since they are
linguistically entrenched. Since language is a generative process and a dynamic system of
symbols that changes from one environment to another, a shift is bound to arise in
interpretation and meaning of proverbs from one context to the next. In fact, the process of
urbanization has expedited the shift towards extinction because these proverbs were
entrenched in the rural culturally rich environment that is curiously missing in the urban setup. Whether urban generations will generate their proverbs remains a historical anticipation.
However, for the time being, the preservation of the environment in its totality of flora and
fauna becomes extremely necessary if generations have to benefit from indigenous knowledge
already established by the wise old. Nothing can be truer than the life exemplified by Nandi
proverbs. Through my own interaction with the elderly, they have persuaded and coaxed my
thinking to reflect on the way of life of these people.
The significant encounter
Proverbs, ordinarily used to punctuate and to make language interesting, is given a
psychological framework in this paper, as forming the basis of thought-language- action
connection and as precursors of a shared meaningful action. No doubt therefore, the encounter
I had thirteen years ago with my children’s great-grandmother (korge-our name for her means
331
mother), who is now well over 90 years old, conceived this persuasion, although it has taken
so long to birth it! I am grateful to the International Critical Psychology Conference which
facilitated the birth process.
In a thought-provoking encounter with a neophyte mother, this great psychologist who never
had formal education set my mind to ponder about indigenous psychology. She cautioned me
thus “whenever you lay your child to sleep, literally drop him and walk away even if he lets
out a cry. Do not ever sleep side-side to lull him to sleep, even if briefly, because if you do, as
soon as you leave, he will quickly stretch out his leg to find out whether you are still around.
If you are gone, he will let out a yell that returns you back to cuddle him to sleep a process
that would tether you to his cot”. Additionally, she cautioned me against rocking the baby to
sleep, unless of course I was going to buy him a rocking baby-cot (an item that has not yet
arrived to the developing world)! According to my understanding, this old grandmother was
warning me against conditioning the child to certain things in life that we cannot afford to do
sometimes. Indeed the invaluable psychological knowledge that I freely gave to my friends
really works! Why would it not, if it is human nature and part of the psychology of
conditioning?
Consequently, I thought of exploring the Nandi system of thought through their cache of
proverbs designed to motivate, caution, direct or even deter, although others retrogressively
acted on their psyche to the detriment of their individual development.
The study
Although Nandi proverbs have been previously documented (Hollis, 1909:125- 1130) and
used as part of enriching language, no psychological interpretation has been attempted before.
Moreover, these proverbs have not been adequately elaborated upon nor has the domain of
proverbs extensively covered. Due to the previous inadequacies of documented proverbs, I
undertook a focus group discussion (FGD) to explore the domain more fully. In the months of
April and July 2005, two focus group discussions (FGDs) with four elderly men and women
each were conducted. Initially, using the area chief of Mutwot sub-location, Mutwot location,
Nandi district in Rift Valley Province, I identified two elders probably between 65 and 90
years old, whom I then asked to identify their peers in a snowballing sequence. After
identifying eight elders who participated in the study, two FGDs consisting of four members
each were composed. In an effort to improve the validity of the results of the study, these
focus groups were repeated after the conference in a bid to make the results of the
interpretations more conclusive.
My main objective initially was to elaborate on the proverbs and to establish the actual
meaning of the words because most of these proverbs have a meaning beyond their literal
interpretation. Additionally, I wanted to give these proverbs a psychological interpretation.
Finally, I attempted to group these proverbs into various facets of life.
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
The Psychology of community life and interdependence
The Psychology of being humane/tolerant/sympathetic.
The Psychology of Self-extension
The Psychology of Humility
The Psychology of Destiny
The Nandi psyche and indeed the African Psyche were predominantly communal. This
characteristic exemplified by the community’s traditional organisation into counties
332
(emotinuek), divisions (pororiosiek) and parishes ( siritaiik), and genealogically into clans
and families (oret or ortinuek), provides evidence of the extend of communality and identity
(Hollis, 1909: 4; Oboler, 1985: 31-44). Philip Mbiti (1975:102) in his book “African Religion
and Philosophy” further underscores this fact when he writes, “I am because we are, and
since we are therefore I am.” In the African psyche, no success or failure was attributed to
individuals and indeed, no structures existed for such. For example, the Nandi emphasize this
fact by saying “chiito ko biik”(a person is people). Consequently, I present proverbs that
emphasized communal dependence rather than individual independence. I see this as
deviating from current systems of psychological thought emphasizing individual thought as
largely the source of behaviour. On the contrary, emphasis on the communal psyche
dominated the Nandi thought-action pattern.
The Psychology of community life and interdependence
The Nandi strongly believed in the family unit and extended relations such that it was
common to arrange marriage for individuals who became of age perhaps as part of making the
person complete as well as choosing clans desired for future relations. Even if a rat is
bad/stinks, it belongs to a home (Ngo samis muria kobo kot ne bo). The assurance of
belonging to a group surpassed the undesirable qualities of an individual. Even if the rest of
society perceived an individual negatively, such a person is assured of belonging among his
/her relatives so “even if a rat is bad/stinks, it belongs to a home (Ngo samis muria kobo kot
ne bo”. This proverb encouraged the development of a sense of belonging among family
members because they assumed that acceptance from family members came unconditionally.
The Nandi have used this proverb successfully in the event of looming danger from a
perceived enemy, or where numbers are an advantage to compete successfully even when the
competitor had undesirable qualities. For example in Kenyan politics and voting that are
largely tribally driven, this proverb served to perpetuate tribal inclinations rather than a
candidate’s competence in leadership. This proverb resonates with Maslow’s third level of the
need to belong (Zastrow & Kirst-Ashman, 2001:433).
By belonging to a particular clan or group, a person was expected to contribute in part to the
existence of the community. Consequently, the level of optimism arising from such unions
was emphasized by the proverb “Many hands can uproot a mountain (Eun che chang’
kokelenyi tulwo)”.
Of course, to uproot a mountain in the literal sense is an impossible task, yet the Nandi used
this proverb to emphasize the strong optimistic spirit vested in completing even the seemingly
impossible tasks accomplished with the help of others. Like the English saying, that many
hands make light work, when people put their efforts together, they accomplish tasks easily.
As earlier noted, the Nandi life was rooted in communal existence, with many such activities
as hunting and all farm activities deeply entrenched as social processes. Consequently, this
proverb emphasized the importance of teamwork and discouraged complete independence
from others. For example, the proverb “No work can be accomplished without a shepherd and
a child-minder (Matoretoksei boisio ngomami mestowo ak cheplakwa)” encouraged
delegation of responsibility. In such arrangements, even the seemingly less significant people
in a task are important to the completion of a task and should not be underrated. While the
main task performers are reminded of the necessity of employing the services of such people,
it also underscores the division of labour and delegation of certain responsibilities. Overall,
among the Nandi, delegation of responsibility to neighbours to child-mind or cattle rear was a
norm rather than an exception. For example, it was common for a mother to play multiple
333
gender-roles because of the possibility of such temporary delegation arrangement. That such
arrangement was readily welcome, emphasized the need to relate to and help each other.
For example, slaughtering among the Nandi was a communal affair that required the effort of
more than one person. Consequently, as the slaughtering ended, the host did not just dismiss
those who helped without giving some meat to taste because “one cannot touch blood of an ox
without eating the meat (Makinamei beny birir ei buch” implying that people who help in a
situation should benefit from the results, one-way or the other. Although the sharing process
encouraged generosity, the fact that one expects a reward after helping may lead to reluctance
where reward may not be forthcoming or where resources are getting scarce. Besides, the
expectation could lead to acts of bribery or corruption.
Yet, total self-reliance did not exist among the Nandi as depicted by the proverb “a person
cannot shave his own hair (Menemugei chi met)”. For the same reasons, no person can ever
be so self- reliant as to neglect the help and the co-operation of others. In fact, this was one
way of weaving interdependence into the fabric of social relationships. In its literal meaning,
anybody who shaved himself was considered very abnormal with a term for such “sogoran”
meaning somewhat a wayward person. Because “all people have teeth but not all have
property (Yamee bich kelaat, amayomei chi tugun), wealth acquisition and dependence on
others is a relative process. Each person has teeth by virtue of existence while those who have
wealth do so because they have worked hard in life under different environmental conditions.
Consequently, one can only feel satisfied with what God has bestowed rather than worldly
acquisitions. This proverb underscores the importance of satisfaction in life with the much
wealth one had and the realisation that one can never have enough wealth. At the same time, it
warned against being mean with sharing the available resources by an individual as she/he
waits to acquire enough wealth. This proverb situates the amount of wealth relative to one’s
needs, that no matter how much wealth one has, there can never be a level of it being enough
like teeth. However, the community expected those who received help to make an effort
towards self-reliance as expressed in the proverb when the cow’s hind legs held a cow, it
should support itself to stand by the front legs (Ta ng’enam tany chotin kongeet met). This
proverb was used to encourage those who have been assisted, by virtue of their social or
economic inabilities to some level, to put more additional effort to survive without expecting
total sustenance on the support. The words in this proverb encouraged the psychology of
independence and that no matter how helpless a situation is, a person is not so inadequate that
he/she cannot afford even the least of effort.
In a totally desperate situations, the society expected those who lacked certain needs to
express their want in that “one can live of the mouth (Kisobe’ kuut). This proverb emphasised
the psychology of communicating one’s needs. If an individual fails to communicate their
problems, it is not easy to get help because others are not able to predict one’s mind. It invited
people with problems to verbalise them with the hope of getting help. Moreover, indeed, help
was forthcoming and anyone in need was rarely turned away. This proverb yet emphasizes the
significance of communication in problem –solving and the need for others to respond
appropriately.
Moreover, after receiving help, a level of appreciation was expected. Accordingly, “do not
wipe your mouth on the ground like chicken (Makibuche kut ing’ony kou ing’ok” is a proverb
which encouraged expressed gratitude. For this reason, one should not be so unappreciative
like a chicken that eats and wipes its mouth immediately, perhaps to remove any traces of the
feed (or is it just as a habit of keeping clean?) This was to discourage some greedy people
334
from belittling or even denying the support or help given by others and encouraging people to
show some gratitude for any favour received no matter how little. This proverb was used as a
motivation to encourage reciprocal gratitude.
In the process of relating to one another, there is bound to be strife and problems and they are
not to be underrated. For this reason, there were proverbs to encourage amicable problem solving in case of conflict. For example “the door may hit you but you still enter through it”.
(Rusin kurget akoteimondoe)”. This proverb refers to the unavoidable relationship between an
individual and his kinsfolk or circumstances from which one cannot run away because the
process intricately links to the objective. Even if one quarrels or fights with his/her kin
resulting in conflict, the bond between them will always make them continue to relate to each
other and not entertain a breakdown of the relationships in family or people related one way
or the other. In a way, this proverb aimed at moderating between the emotions encountered in
the processes of doing the needful and the sanity required to complete certain mandatory
tasks. Such conflict could result between parents and children in the process of relating.
Worth noting is that the process of upbringing children using the cane was part of the
disciplining process because it was believed that parents would cane cautiously. Reminding
observers of the unfounded fear of such a process is the proverb “a cow's horn does not kill its
calf (Mabarei kuinet ab teta moitanyi)”. This proverb emphasizes the bond that should exist
between a mother and her child and the nurturance thereof. The community invoked this
proverb in situations when people may have complained about seemingly harsh punishment
meted out by a mother/parent to a child, that such punishment could only be corrective and
not punitive, and therefore necessary.
Despite of this heavy dependence on others in the community, each individual still had room
to be an individual and to define their contribution in the paradoxical nature of the
“independent- dependence” of the Nandi psyche. This paradox is summated by the proverb “a
bird knows its nest (Ingen tarit kon’yii).
It is worth noting that birds make their nests as comfortable as possible for the comfort of
their offspring too. In the evening, all birds get home regardless of the day’s activities. In
situations that are unpleasant, birds take responsibility to ensure that their nests are
comfortable. Similarly, everybody has to go to some home after his or her daily activities.
This proverb was also been used to warn that when people go out, they might engage in
activities, some of which may not be beneficial to them in the end, but when one gets home,
the reality sets in. Consequently, it served to encourage and to warn individuals to strive to be
productive without waiting to rectify the problem when it may be too late, perhaps in the
psychology of diffusion of responsibility.
The Psychology of being humane/Tolerant/Sympathetic
The Nandi are a very humane group of people who believed that being humane (rirge) was a
virtue to behold by all in the community (instilled among young members of the social
system). Such behaviour was demonstrated through feeding strangers and animals like cats,
sparing the life of death witnesses at war, having a forgiving attitude, letting someone escape
etc.( Hollis, 1909: 74).
The Nandi strongly believed in the dignity of human beings and indeed perceived life as
sacred from their God (asis- the sun). Any act that violated this perception was regarded as a
335
threat to the very existence of the society. Consequently, the following proverbs emphasize
this position.
Forgiveness and a reconciliatory attitude were entrenched in the Nandi psyche of socialisation
and relationships. For example, the Nandi believed that a messenger was not responsible,
even when delivering bad news. The proverb “we do not kill a messenger (Makibarei
kiyogin)” was very important in the process of relaying information, so that no matter how
bad the news was, it had to be relayed. The source of the information was held more
responsible than the reporter. A person who delivers bad news therefore should never be
killed because he may not have created the circumstances for which he is reporting.
Such forgiveness was emphasized, not only for family members, but also for others in the
system as well. For example, before castigating others, members were reminded that “a cow
falls despite of its four legs” (Chasei tany akobo kelyen ang'wan).Since a cow has four legs it
is expected to be very balanced; yet even with such stability; it is possible for a cow to slip
and fall. If this can happen to such a stable creature, how mush more for a two-legged animal?
Consequently, society cannot expect human beings to be faultless. Even the best of human
beings, who feel they have all the virtues, would still make mistakes. For this reason, human
beings should be accommodative of others’ faults, always ready to forgive, no matter the
fault. In any case, such faults were not just exclusive to outsiders but also family members
because “a lion may give birth to a jackal” (iyei ng'etuny lel), warning against pride and
conceit and helping to protect the ego of persons whose children became wayward.
Consequently, it provided solace for successful persons in society whose children/ relatives
turned out to be misfits. For this reason, community members were encouraged to be
accommodative others’ faults. This is also a warning that dormant negative traits in younger
members of a family could still resurface in later generations. This proverb implied that
parenting for desirable attributes could not be a much-guaranteed process, where family
members ought to expect and tolerate undesirable attributes from their kin, and indeed others.
In any case, “the firewood in the attic cannot laugh at the one in the fire.(Mororejin kwendet
nemi tabut nemi maat).” This proverb reminds of the necessity of being empathetic to
someone going through pain or misfortune, emphasizing the fact that problems are natural and
that each one’s turn is bound to come sooner or later. By this realization, each spectator
should be available to help in times of need. This proverb advises people not to rejoice at
others' misfortunes.
In relating to their children, parents are also reminded to be tolerant of the behaviour of
children especially because “Children are like cattle (Kergei lagoi ak kiyak). This proverb
acknowledges the limitation of children even when they seem wrong, that any wrongdoing
they display may not be willful. The analogy of cows lies in the fact that just like cows cannot
be held responsible for destruction of a neighbours pasture or any other property, children
cannot also be punished so severely for wrong-doing but can only be understood and cared for
as anyone would cows, redirecting their actions to the right path. This proverb emphasizes the
role of responsible parenting/child care, while at the same time acknowledging the need for
children to be cared for while having their behaviour monitored. Additionally, “if a child cries
for a knife, he/she should be given a stick (Ngoriir lakwa komach rotwo kikochin ke)”. In a
situation where one wants to engage in dangerous behaviour, it is better to dissuade by giving
alternatives that are less harmful. This proverb taught people to be responsible and vigilant
about the behaviour of others especially those who cannot be held responsible for destructive
behaviour like children.
336
Extending such humane behaviour to strangers, even enemies is conveyed through the
proverb “we spare the life of a death witness (Kituchi mwaimrar). Mwaimrar or death witness
is the term used for the sole survivor of a battle troop. During inter-ethnic wars, it was
customary for the Nandi to spare the life of one individual from the enemy camp, for further
interrogation or to be able to relay information back home about the fate of fellow warriors.
This was more of a humane act, to prepare the families of the death victims to face the reality
of the loss without necessarily waiting in vain for the return of their dead kin, than a sign of
power and victory. In addition, could it have been an act of might, to relay victory to the
defeated community? The latter speculated theory seemed not to be the allusion in discussion.
Moreover, in case an enemy/ wrongdoer escaped, the person’s liberty was assured because the
Nandi believed that “a person who has escaped should not be pursued (Makisubi chi ne
kakomwei)”. This proverb was used in reference to anybody, an enemy or even one’s own
child who might do something wrong and while being punished, manages to escape. Such a
person sets himself/herself free through escape and indeed ought to be let free to safety.
Consequently, when pursuing an enemy, one does so with great anger that may only make
matters worse if the culprit is caught. Alternatively, the wisdom in this proverb lay in the fact
that one who has escaped can prove to be more dangerous if he/she fights back in retaliation.
This was a peace-enhancing proverb.
Overall, the proverb “do not kill me with the sword in the hand but use the one in the sheath.
(Ameparena rotwet nemi eut, barena nemi choget )” further emphasized the need to delay
action if one is angry. In such circumstances, one should not be in haste to mete out
punishment by using the immediately available means that may be more dangerous. Instead,
angry as one may be, he/she should look for alternative means of meting out the punishment.
This proverb had implications for emotional control. In the process of looking for alternative
ways of punishment, rage subsides and eventually less harm is done to the victim. I interpret
this proverb as one of the benchmarks of emotional resilience, a trait highly valued by the
Nandi. Even in fits of anger, one should discern between the wrongdoer and their relations so
that “one does not burn lizards (makibelei cheringis)”. By not being discerning, one can burn
even the lizards that live in household despite their innocence in the matter. Consequently,
punishment should be meted out sparingly to avoid jeopardizing the lives of innocent people
who may have some relationship with the offender. This proverb also protected innocent
people against revenge and safeguarded from extended revenge. If one had a grudge against
the parents, it did not extend to the children or relatives. In fact, as a way of reducing
animosity and the desire to revenge, every effort was made to ensure that reconciliation was
made in the earliest time possible. For this urgency, the Nandi believed that “the herd grazing
on a cliff should be driven away first (Kiweku kiyak chemi ole toror),” so that a dangerous
situation requires a sense of urgency in attending to it. Consequently, no time was wasted in
problem solving especially in urgent situations. Instead, there was need to attend to urgent
matters related to the situation first, before asking questions about issues surrounding the
problem. In addition, this proverb highlights the importance of having priorities in place, no
matter the situation.
The ultimate humane attitude among the Nandi is exposed by the proverb “we blindfold a cow
when obtaining blood from it (Kieli tany kong’ si kicharei).” Blood of cattle is a very
nutritious contribution to the traditional diet of the Nandi. In the process of obtaining blood
from a cow, the animal’s head is turned away from the bow that shoots the cow for blood, to
prevent it from seeing its own blood oozing out lest it get frightened by the whole experience.
By so doing, the cow does not see danger coming as cruel as the process is. In the same way,
the proverb advises, if one has to relate to someone in a hurting manner, the pain should so
337
apparent to the victim. Consequently, even if one knows of certain impending pain, it should
be relayed cautiously. For a similar reason, the Nandi are very high in self-monitoring and do
not obviously discourage anyone in an endeavour even if the probability of success is low.
For example, a stranger looking for direction was welcomed at any home, made comfortable,
rested, fed and given a place to sleep and made to believe that he/she had arrived at the
desired destination, before being given direction the following day to a destination five days
away. Although this proverb presents itself positively, it may indicate the possibility to be less
forthright even in circumstances that require this positive trait. It seems to portray the image
that it is fine to delay the truth, so long as the other party is not immediately hurt.
The Psychology of Destiny
The Nandi believed that an individual’s luck can not be snatched from him/her by another,
expressed in the proverb “one cannot take somebody else’s mushroom (Moibei chi bobatab
chi)”. This proverb emphasized the importance of an individual’s luck and destiny, hence
cushioning one’s ego from guilt and regret for missed opportunities. It may have also worked
to the detriment of individual progress and struggle to attain success. For the Nandi, believed
that one person could not take another’s luck. Consequently, one finds that the Nandi often do
not involve themselves in situations that revolve around struggle and strife aimed at winning
favour. This state of the mind may have worked negatively for their progress, especially
where a little effort/ persistence may be required to surpass the situation. In another proverb
encouraging individuals to work and take charge of their lives, the proverb “no one can die
for another person (Mo mee chi nebo chitaage)”, implied that even if two people are brothers
or twins, one could not die for the other. This Proverb emphasizes the importance of selfstruggle to achieve success without relying on the success of family members or individuals
with whom one closely relates. Although the Nandi psyche was communal, emphasizing
interdependence, there was need for self-reliance as part of being an active contributor to the
functional communal system.
Such active contribution was emphasized in an individual’s early life because “an individual
only grows once (Kiner agenge”). Youth is a time of many opportunities and one is full of
energy to undertake activity hence each member was reminded to utilise their youth to be
productive lest there be regret later in life. On a similar breadth, “the one who goes out to look
for good fortune is like the one who remains behind (Kergei kipset ak kiptep)”. Although this
proverb sounds contradictory, those who were willing to take risks invoked it. In risk-taking,
certain undesirable consequences are inevitable, sometimes even leading to death. The
paradox lay in the similarity of physical death for those who went out or psychological death
for those who remained at home. If one does not die of the enemy’s sword in cattle raiding,
they would eventually die of starvation. Therefore, whichever the option, death was inevitable
for those who sit at home or those who go to out to take risks. The Nandi used this proverb to
invoke courage among the cowards in that whether one went out to take risks or not, death
could eventually strike anywhere. According to the psychology of Erik Erickson’s personality
theory, there comes a time when one regrets as a result of wasted youth or feels that time in
life was well utilised. However, by invoking the importance of maximum use of one’s energy
especially during youth this proverb encouraged generative thoughts while one’s energy was
still at its peak. For similar reasons of taking advantage of opportunities, people in the
community were encouraged to postpone gratification in the process of acquiring wealth and
to save resources for the future because “It is better to experience a life of poverty in one’s
early life and riches later.(Kaigai kondoenen nyalil koletunen sobon)”. There was a belief
that one develops coping skills when introduced to hardship early in life; otherwise, it
338
becomes unbearable if introduced later in life. This proverb controlled peoples’ thinking in
the extent of consumption of what is earned today, while being encouraged to postponed their
gratification for the sake of enjoying life later. This proverb resonates with Scott Peck’s
principles of savouring the pain before pleasure in any worthwhile endeavour highlighted in
his phenomenal book “The road less travelled” where he argues for postponed gratification as
one of the pillars of a disciplined life.
The Psychology of humility
Humbling experiences such as letting others praise an individual’s achievement punctuated
the Nandi humility psyche through such proverbs as “do not praise yourself before you are
praised by the community (Motiilosuge yomoilasun kokwet). This is a warning against
arrogance and self-centredness. Even if one is successful, he/she should not show off because
others can see and appreciate success without one having to boast about it. In any case, an
individual could be taking pride in small achievements compared to others in society since we
have noted that the Nandi attitude towards wealth was relative. In any case, therefore, such
wealth may be so meagre that, “a locust’s head is nothing to take pride in (Makimene metip
talamwa”. This proverb encouraged people to acquire more before they can boast, and yet as
one critically ponders what defines “more”, it is relative and elusive to define. In essence it
totally discouraged pride because one never knew how far above one stood above the level of
a locust’s head.
After benefiting from circumstances, people or objects should not be discarded only because
the present need has been met. So the Nandi emphasized that “we can not shelter under the
‘banana-like’ plant, and cut it down soon after the rain (Makiumee sasur ye moen kebet)”.
Consequently, a preservation-like mind should prevail in utilising resources. It warns people
against discarding what they think are not useful, lest they be in need when the ‘rain’ comes.
A proverb resonating with preservation present opportunities for the future is this, “do not
annoy a midwife while you are still bearing children (Mo kisasei korgopsigisio
yotakesikisie)” as a warning against misusing relationships in which we still depend.
Relationships are important in someone’s life. According to the psychology of human
interaction, human beings have to interact to have their basic needs met. Such interactions are
on-going processes that require nurturance even after the needs are met. In addition, the next
time you want to burn two sticks at the same time, just remember this, “one should not burn
two sticks at one go (Makibeljindos korogon aeng)”.One will burn out completely, thus
bringing great loss. This proverb cautioned against doing two important things at the same
time because one of them is bound to suffer the consequences of inattention or general focus.
While it is true that sometimes doing two things simultaneously can be detrimental, it is
important to appreciate the psychology of opportunity.
Conclusion
Bees cannot get finished from a beehive (Mewong'uncgei sekcm bog).
Although one can strive to achieve perfection in completing a task, there would always be
need to want to do more and even better. Sometimes one looks at a task that should have
come to an end and feels that it could have been better. In all endeavours which require effort,
this proverb encouraged people to appreciate what has already been done and to realize that
the same activity/task can still be undertaken at a different date in a better way!
339
Moreover, “we can never finish knowledge (Makitorei Ng’omnon)”. This proverb emphasizes
the importance of being open to receive and to give knowledge freely. This has implications
for the psychology of life-long learning, with the idea that one should not be possessive of
knowledge as a giver nor have the feeling that one is fully knowledgeable as not to receive
more. Consequently, as we make advances in defining critical psychology, there is need to
embrace divergent views and definitions and cultural contexts as possible sources of
knowledge.
Subsequently, in attempting to analyse traditional African psychology, within my own
limitation as reminded by the proverb, “an elephant is big but it never gives birth to twins (Oo
belio amoyie saram”. Individual limitations are expected even if she/he may be rich and
mighty (although I do not make such a claim!), that sometimes the person may require the
support of others, their ability notwithstanding. This in turn discourages the belief that one
can be totally in control.
Such limitations notwithstanding, I have used proverbs to highlight the significant role played
by these systems of thought in the life and interaction of the Nandi people. By so doing, I
have demonstrated an excluded system of psychological thought that critical psychology
ought to embrace as it advances alternative focus areas as a way of developing a place for
traditional systems of thought and how research and academic thought can be used to enhance
it. In my view, I propose a critical psychology that includes the subject matter of the oral
tradition of the African people. While in reality, so rich in cultural diversity and knowledge
the African people are, they seem culturally impoverished because of academia’s emphasis on
publications and the continued Western definitions of what focal areas should form the
benchmarks of knowledge in the discipline of critical psychology.
“Mewong’unee gei sekem bog” (bees can never get finished from a beehive).
Bibliography
Fox, D. (2000). The Critical Psychology project: transforming society and transforming
psychology. In Tod Sloan (Ed.). Critical Psychology: Voices for change. (Available:
www.dennisfox.net- retrieved on 29th August, 2006.
Hollis, A.C.(1909). The Nandi: Their language and Folklore. Oxford. Clarendon Press.
Huntingford, G. W. B.( 1950). Nandi Work and Culture. London. Routlege and Kegan Paul.
Ingule, F. O., Rono, R. C.& Ndambuki, P. W. (1996). Nairobi. East African Educational
Publishers.
Kenyatta University website. http://.www.ku.ac.ke (retrieved on 29th August, 2006).
Mbiti, S.(1975). Introduction to African Religion. London. Heinemann Educational
Publishers.
Mkhize, N. (2004). Psychology: An African Perspective. In D Hook., N. Mkhize., P.
.Kiguwa., A. Collins., Burman, E., & I. Parker. Critical Psychology. Cape Town. Cape
Town Press.
Moi University website. http://.www.mu.ac.ke (retrieved on 29th August, 2006).
Oboler, R.S. (1985). Women, Power and Economic Change. The Nandi of Kenya. Stanford.
California. Stanford University Press.
Peck S.M. (1978). The Road Less Traveled: A New Psychology of love, traditional values and
spiritual growth.
Shiundu , J. S and Omulando, S. J.(1992). Curriculum: Theory and Practice. Nairobi. Oxford
University Press.
340
Sifuna, D.N. (1980). Short Essays on Education in Kenya. Nairobi. Kenya Literature Bureau.
Sifuna, D.N. (1990). Development of education in Africa: The Kenyan experience. Nairobi.
Initiatives Publishers.
Painter, D. and Terre Blanche M. (2004). Critical Psychology in South Africa: Looking back
and looking forwards. (Available: www.criticalmethods.org/collab/critpsy.htmretrieved 29th August 2006).
University of Nairobi website. Available: www.uonbi.ac.ke- (retrieved on 29th August, 2006).
United States International University -Africa. Available: www.usiu-africa. ac. ke.- retrieved
on 29th August, 2006).
Walter, B.J. (1970). Territorial Expansion of the Nandi of Kenya 1500-1905. Papers in
International studies Africa series No. 9. Ohio University, Centre for International
Studies. African Program, 1970. Athens. Ohio.
Westen, D. (1996). Psychology: Mind Brain and Culture. New York, Chichester, Toronto.
John Wiley & Sons.
Zastrow, C.& Kirst-Ashman, (2001). Understanding Human Behaviour and the social
environment. (5th Ed.) Australia. Canada. Mexico. Brooks and Cole.
Oral Psychology Sources
Kimaru arap Kogo (75 years)
Kobot Chepkering (95 years)
Kobot Barno Moindi (76 years)
Kobot Marsellla (60 years)
Kwombo Musa (77 years)
Arap Sanga (69 years)
Kwombo David (80 years)
Kobot Ursula (71 years)
341