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Internati
onal Conference on Dynamics of Constitution Making in Nepal in Postconflict Scenario January 15-17, 2010
Strategies of Preservation of National Interest
through a New Constitution: Institutional Capacity-building for Nepal
Jiunn-rong Yeh
Professor of Law, National Taiwan University,
HYPERLINK
"mailto:jryeh@ntu.edu.tw"
jryeh@ntu.edu.tw
A very rough draft, please do not cite without permission
Introduction
This is a great and yet challenging moment for Nepal and world
constitutionalism as well. Among issues surrounding constitutional
engineering, national interest has emerged as one of the most concerned
issue in the flux of transitional constitutional change in Nepal. Are we
in a position to tackle the national interest concern with broad and
multi-faced ramification? Observing current flux of social-economicpolitical context in Nepal, one can easily recognize the salient
importance of the concern. But, why not? We have to take national
interest into consideration when it comes to sighing a treaty,
immigration policy, or trade negotiations. However, it is a constitution
making engineering that we are talking about. To what extent and in what
way should we reflect national interest concern in the substance and
process of constitutional making is the present focus. .
For our present purpose, three questions are in order. First, how does
one define national interest? How to identify national interest for a
given nation/state, such as Nepal? What is the time frame of the
consideration? Secondly, to what extent and in what way the identified
national interest links to constitutional making? Thirdly, how to reflect
the national interest concerns in constitutional making? Are they goanna
to be written in the final text of the Constitution? Or, should they be
incorporated even in the process of constitutional making as well?
Nepal’s National Interest: Space, Time and Perspectives
The term “national interest” is multi-faceted. In the international
level, it usually refers to whether a nation-state can prevent
exploitation from other states or international community in the
safeguard of sovereignty and territorial dignity. The flip side of the
concern is the oneness of state diplomacy regardless how divided on
issues among political forces at home. In the domestic level, pursuit of
prosperity, social harmony and preservation of cultural heritage and
environment preservation are usually important national interests.
The identified national interest is not self-explaining, however. Even in
an abstract level, one wonders whether the national interest is too
remote to satisfy current need. Some argue for shallow national interest
that may just be like a chameleon changing with political realities.
Indeed, one needs to distinguish between lasting national interest and
short term political gains among political forces particularity in the
flux of political transition. In this regard, one may identify national
interest in three categories: sovereignty and territorial integrity,
people’s survival and basic level of social security, institutional
capacity-building for good governance.
For Nepal, as for other nation/states, national interests could be
identified in the three categories mentioned above. However, many
pressing concerns in the post-1990 polity have to be observed. National
interest as reflected in Nepal could mean very basic things about
survival. Nepal in democratic transition has to hold the nation from
falling apart on the one hand, and to maintain its safety and security
while sandwiched between super powers on the other.
Nepal is a country of highly diverse and rich geography, culture, and
religions. According to available literature, Nepal has at least 60
recorded castes and ethnic groups and 70 languages and dialects. Besides,
Nepal has extremely unequal distribution of population. On May 28, 2008,
lawmakers in Nepal legally abolished the monarchy and declared the
country a republic, ending 239 years of royal rule in this Himalayan
nation. During the transition toward democracy, the absence of the
monarchial control triggers vibrant social and political movement, but
also exaggerates social cleavages. People of different ethnicities,
religions, and geographies are forming distinct identity and asking for
different degree of autonomy and self-determination. Political tensions
and consequent power-sharing battles thus become a salient issue in
Nepal. The conflicts among different political powers have raised the
uncertainty of Nepalese Constitution and politics. Although Nepalese
generally accept the proposal of federalism, political parties in the
Constituent Assembly are still divided about the structure of centrallocal relationship. Some politicians are worrying the constitutional
proposal of federalism eventually lead to disintegration. Indeed, how to
maintain the integrity of Nepal is the first national interest for Nepal.
In addition to internal conflicts, as a small and new democracy
sandwiched between super powers, Nepalese national interests is easily to
be affected by foreign powers. Under the shadow of strong foreign
neighbors, Nepal sometimes is incapable to maintain its security and to
make political decisions autonomously. Nepali people are living in
insecurity as a result.
In the present moment, Nepal also has to be prepared for coming
challenges from changing global order. Globalization has triggered a wide
range of transformation. Global market and emerging legal order is
challenging the sovereignty of Nepal. The converging global order may
also endanger Nepali culture heritage, language, and social capital.
Climate change exaggerates natural disasters in Nepal at the same time
when international cooperation and transnational networks for various
purposes are developing.
In this connection, people begin to argue issues such as border control,
immigration policy, building defense force, diplomatic royalty, building
friendly relationship with India and China the like. These are all
critical and pressing issues that Nepal confronts today, but are theses
all connected to the new constitution?
National Interest and Constitution Making
To what extent and in what ways the identified national interest links to
constitutional making? It has to do with the function of
constitutionalism, particularly transitional one.
In the face of internal conflicts, external threat, and global
challenges, Nepal is undertaking the task of making a new constitution.
There have been concerns whether the new constitution apparatus would be
advanced at the sacrifice of vital national interest, but the way to do
that remains controversial and sensitive as well.
It should be pointed out that constitutional making itself bears
tremendous national interest, for it is one of the most fundamental and
profound basis of state building and governance. But that does not mean
that all the national interest as set forth above could be properly
served through the making a new constitution. Current border conflicts or
general distrust in the political process could not be “solved” through
constitutional means only. The vehicle of constitutional change,
nevertheless, could provide institutional betterment that in the end
could help solve the problems in a more desirable way.
With divergent views to digest and pressing issues waiting for swift
resolution, this constitutional moment may make Nepal’s national
interests even more vulnerable. However, the constitutional moment is
valuable as it provides opportunities for Nepal to examine herself and to
establish a comprehensive foundation for sustainable governance.
In this critical constitutional moment, Nepal’s national interest could
be addressed in three dimensions. First, despite complex foreign
relationship, Nepal has to remain the coming constitution made by and for
the Nepali on the one hand, and to borrow helps from international
community to design the new constitution on the other. Second, Nepal has
to build up long-term institutional capacity to resolving internal and
external conflicts. The resolution should not serve immediate needs, but
keep an eye on establishing institutional foundation for longer future.
Third, the constitution should also be forward-looking, establish its
capacity for even more complex and difficult global challenges as it is
going to be the most recent constitution making on the globe.
Constitutionalizing Nepal’s National Interest
How to reflect the national interest concern in constitutional making?
Should they be included in the final text of the Constitution? Or, one
should also try to honor this national interest in the process of
constitutional making?
National interest in the process of constitutional making
Transiting from past monarchy, Nepal people for the first time become the
sovereignty of the nation. However, democratic transition and social
consolidation has never been easy, especially when Nepal has insufficient
experience of democracy and divided identities.
The process of constitution-making provides valuable opportunity for
people have a chance to learn to exercise their sovereignty and rights
through making a credible new constitution. Moreover, the process may
also play the function of constructing a shared identity of “we the
people.” The constitution should reflect the social and constitutional
history of Nepal; it should also reflect the value, principle, and future
picture of Nepali society.
The process should be open and inclusive. People with different
ethnicities and religions are all entitled to play a role. In addition,
the process also provide appropriate channel for communication and
deliberation, so that different opinions can compromise and negotiate.
Regarding to this point, the 2007 interim constitution correctly
established the principle of inclusion. The representation of minorities
such as women and oppressed tribes is also emphasized. However,
commentators argue that, not all voices are heard and taken seriously. It
would be a waste of constitutional moment if the committee of constituent
assembly ignores suggestions and proposals of others. Besides, animosity
between conflicting political campaigns sometimes deters rational
communication and deliberation. Constitutional making by a committee can
be more effective; however, people lost the opportunity of building
democratic capacity and a shared identity. Efforts should be put on the
improvement of deliberation and communication in future constitutional
making process so that the Constitution is to be made by Nepal and for
Nepal.
The national interest associate with the process of constitution making
is vulnerable especially when current Nepal government needs supports
from other nations. For a new democracy, foreign experience can be
helpful in designing constitution. For example, in a rather too dramatic
way, it is believed that without the involvement of MacArthur, the
Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers, Japanese road to democratic
constitutional transition and consolidation after World War II could have
been much more difficult. Nevertheless, the risk of undermining
democratic legitimacy should not be underestimated. American’s
involvement in Iraqi constitutional making may be helpful in forming a
“good” constitution; however, whether it undermines the Iraqi people’s
identity on the constitution is debatable. Thus the crucial national
interest for Nepal here is to get support form international society and
remain its subjectivity. How to make a constitutional foundation that is
good for Nepal, instead of a product of political competition, is the
most important task at hand.
Incorporating long-term capacity building in the new Constitution
In the face of conflicts and danger, some may seek immediate solution
through constitutional making. For example, the establishment of a strong
central government and military and intelligence power consolidation
could effectively deter internal armed conflicts and external invasion.
Some also believe that federalism can better resolve the ethnic conflicts
and disparate development in Nepal. However, without a vision of longterm capacity building in the government structure and basic right
protection, the constitution for immediate problems will eventually
undermine the long-term sustainability of democratic Nepal. Both Nepali
government and the civil society need to build its capacity for
sustainable development through this constitution making.
At least three dimensions should be noticed. The constitution should
first provide mechanism for integration and inclusion. Second, more than
the establishment of institutions, the constitution should also provide
foundation to build up the capacity of constitutional institutions.
Third, the new constitutional should aim at empowering a stronger civil
society and an independent judiciary.
First is integration and inclusion. In addition to the process, the
content of constitution should also be capable of constructing shared
identity. Most fundamentally, the constitution must treat all citizens
equally, regardless their origins religions, and ethnicity.
Discrimination and exclusion will seriously damage the national
interests. All citizens should be entitled to full protection of
fundamental rights. The constitution should also emphasize the
sovereignty of the people and regulate the exercise of powers that
derives from it.
Furthermore, in the face of social cleavage, the constitution should have
a vision of future integration without managing existing difference.
Whether the constitution should reflect political needs at central
government, and how to design federalism to balance different needs are
all crucial for the Nepal’s national interest.
For this regard, accomodationists and integrationalists are still
debating the better way constitution may manage social divisions.
Accomodationists such as Lijphart argue for the need to recognize and
institutionalize differences. Integrationalists argue that such practice
may entrench and exacerbate the divisions they were designed to manage.
As an alternative, they propose a range of strategies that transcend and
blur or crosscut differences. The debate applies to both the
representation of parliament and the design of federalism. The answer,
however, is far from clear now. In light of the changing nature of
identity, the constitution should aim at future integration without
neglecting current division.
Secondly, it is the capacity of constitutional institutions. For
government to enrich their capacity to deal with national interests, a
document called “constitution” is never enough. A well-functioned
constitution relies on capable institutions. Institutional improvements
in the political system, economic policies and every social institution
are all foundations of sustainable development. The wisdom required in
the quest for the content of sustainable development lies in the
betterment of traditional human institutions, especially political and
economic systems, and shared human values, especially scientific truth,
market function, representation, information, participation, due process,
human dignity and the like. These may sound too basic in an established
industrial democracy, but they are of vital importance to countries in
transitions.
Constitution may incorporate various mechanisms for institutional
capacity building. First, the design of check and balance between
different governmental branches should be read to imply the
constitutional entrenchment of a procedural requirement for balancing
different institutional concerns, various sources of legitimacy and
diverse interests. Second, procedural rationality required by the
constitution should include transparency and public participation in
governmental decision-making processes to balance competing interests.
The result of the process may be good or bad, but public interests are
more likely to be known and reflected in the decision-making mechanism.
Third, all legal institutions should be required to fulfill rule of law.
Rule of law is not only a foundation for normal democratic government, it
is also a crucial mechanism to manage instable politics and prevent
violence during democratic transition.
One underestimated issue in Nepal is the capacity of the government to
fulfill fundamental rights. The preliminary draft of Committee for
Preserving the National interests suggests that fundamental rights should
include the right to protection of heritage, the right of education,
food, shelter, clothing, irrigation, developed seeds, fertilizer, and
food sovereignty. These rights might be attractive; however, whether they
can be fully realized is a question. These rights require active
government measures, involving complex issues of resources distribution.
It is beyond the capacity of any government to provide sufficient food or
shelter to all citizens in a short time. Once the fundamental rights
scheme fails to function as it promised, the constitution’s authority and
the institutional capacity will be distrusted.
Building sustainable institutional capacity is not easy for democratic
Nepal in its early transition. However, a constitution of separation of
powers, of reasonable procedures, and of rule of law is foundation for
further development. In early democracy, the constitution should devote
most effort on those must fundamental rights such as liberty and
equality, instead of empty promise of social rights.
The third concern along the line of constitutional capacity building is
the empowerment of civil society and independent judiciary. The long term
solution for sustainability eventually lies in the civil society. Whether
civil society could be empowered is believed to be the basis for a
successful democracy.
Civil society is composed of the totality of voluntary civic and social
organizations and institutions that form the basis of a functioning
society as opposed to the force-backed structures of a state and
commercial institutions of the market. An active civil society committed
to the rule of law and be able to trigger discussion on public issues can
mobilize and supervise government.
In current Nepal, civil society needs to be empowered. Too often, public
issues are divided by regions, ethnicities, religions, or castes. The
constitution has to facilitate the emerging civil society. The freedom of
speech, of association and publication should be highly protected as the
infrastructure for civil society. Furthermore, the constitution should
also actively promote education, non-governmental organizations, and
civil activities. With active associative life in civil society, people
begin to develop social trust, understand differences, and learn the
skill of argumentation and communication.
In addition, the independence of the judiciary is also worried.
Fundamental rights cannot fulfill by the provisions, an independent
judicial review is necessary. During the turbulent transition, some
people stopped to seek justice in the courts. The constitution must
establish independent judiciary and judicial review to implement
fundamental rights.
A Supreme Court which lacks independence, which has to be accountable to
a legislative committee, and which is always under the threat and duress
of a legislative majority cannot protect any fundamental rights
whatsoever. The new constitution must ensure the capacity and
independence of judicial review, so that the power of government can be
checked and restricted.
Responding to emerging global order
The emerging global order brings about all kinds of challenges and
opportunities. In the constitutional moment, Nepal has the chance other
nations lack to facilitate itself through constitutional making. Various
regional and international organizations have important roles in
decision-making. International decisions can seriously affect Nepali
policies and institutions. Constitution can respond to the global order
in various ways.
First, the constitution can incorporate provisions on foreign policy or
the exercise of treaty-making powers. Since foreign affairs are no longer
decision of the King, the constitution should establish reasonable
procedures and conflict-resolution mechanism in order to preserve
national interests in global interaction.
Second, the constitution can reflect the global legal order or values.
Recent development of constitutional law is to incorporate international
human rights law into constitution. Canadian Charter on Human Rights, for
example, introduces international human rights law in constitutional
system. Another example, the article Seven of Hungarian Constitution
requires the courts to refer international human rights law when
interpreting constitution.
Third, emergency power for global terrorism and large-scale natural
disaster should be considered. In the face of possible global terrorism
and natural disaster, the state must equip with emergency power. The
constitution should empower the state enough power to deal with large
scale problem effectively, but also equip with mechanism of check and
balance. It is the first chance for constitutionalism to consider
emerging global order and possible responses. The situation and scope of
emergency power should be clearly prescribed. In many other countries,
the exercise of emergency power requires the approval of legislature.
Periodical renewed approval is also a way to prevent the emergency power
to go unrestrained. In the light of global order, the constitution may
also take the chance to consider possible ways of international
cooperation.
Conclusion
In the last two decades, constitutionalism has been changed much, if not
entirely altered. The most important aspect of such transformation has
come from the democratic transitions that began in the late 1980s and
throughout the 1990s and took place in all over the world including many
parts of Asia such as Taiwan, South Korea, Mongolia, the Philippines,
Thailand, and Indonesia. During these profound political transitions,
constitutionalism has functioned quite differently. At the time of
social-political disintegration, a constitution may function as a primary
mechanism to forge new political agendas and helped form social
consensus. It is there to steering new agendas, reconstructing societies
and even empowering the next generation of leaders, certainly departing
from what we understand as limiting focus of traditional
constitutionalism.
What Nepal is facing is long-tern institutional capacity building in the
process of constitutional making. A long tern institutional betterment by
writing into the new constitution does not preclude the derived values
form the dynamics of the constitution making process. Public awareness,
sense of participation and collective responsibility for a credible new
constitutional may be one of the most critical national assets for Nepal
in search of good constitution.
This Paper was presented in three-day International Conference (Jan 1618, 2010) titled 'Dynamics of Constitution making in Nepal in post
conflict Scenario' organized by Nepal Constitution Foundation (NCF),
Faculty of Law, Tribhuvan University and Supreme Court Bar Association in
Nepal.
This Paper was presented in three day International Conference (Jan 1618, 2010) titled 'Dynamics of Constitution making in Nepal in post
conflict Scenario' organized by Nepal Constitution Foundation (NCF),
Faculty of Law, Tribhuvan University and Supreme Court Bar Association in
Nepal
PAGE
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Microsoft Office Word 97-2003 Document
MSWordDoc
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