Working beyond 65: a qualitative study of perceived hazards and discomforts at work.
Authors: Frances Reynolds, PhD (corresponding author), Alexandra Farrow, PhD, and
Alison Blank, PhD.
Affiliation: School of Health Sciences and Social Care, Brunel University
Address: Mary Seacole Building, Kingston Lane, Uxbridge, Middlesex, UB8 3PH, UK.
E-mail (corresponding author) frances.reynolds@brunel.ac.uk
Tel: (corresponding author) 0044 (0)1895 268826.
Abstract
This qualitative study explored self-reports of hazards and discomforts in the workplace and
coping strategies among those choosing to work beyond the age of 65 years. Semi-structured
interviews were conducted with 30 people aged 66-91 years. Most worked part-time in
professional or administrative roles. Participants described some hazards and discomforts in
their current work, but no recent accidents. The main age-related discomfort was tiredness.
Other hazards that recurred in participants’ accounts were physical demands of the job,
driving, and interpersonal difficulties such as client or customer complaints, and in very rare
cases, bullying. Most work-related hazards (e.g. prolonged sitting at computers, lifting heavy
items and driving) were thought likely to affect any worker regardless of age. Coping
strategies included making adaptations to age-related changes (such as decreased stamina) by
keeping fit and being open about difficulties to colleagues, reducing hours of work, altering
roles at work, limiting driving, applying expertise derived from previous work experiences,
being assertive, using authority and status, and (among the minority employed in larger
organisations) making use of supportive company/organisational policies and practices.
Overall, the sample took individual responsibility for managing hazards at work and
perceived little or no elevation of risk linked to age.
Keywords: older people; safety at work; safety practices.
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Introduction
With the abolition of the default retirement age in the UK in October 2011, and the raising of
the age at which State pensions are to be paid, there will be increasing numbers of people
working beyond 65 years [8]. In the US, more than 50% of workers expect to work past 70
years [15]. These profound changes will directly affect the work of occupational therapists,
vocational specialists, and health and safety personnel who will need to support the
increasing participation of older people in the workplace.
There is evidence that people who opt to work into their 60s and 70s tend to have good
physical and mental health, both as a prerequisite for continued working and as a
consequence of staying involved in productive, satisfying occupations [1, 7, 26, 28].
However, there are typical age-related changes which potentially compromise safety and
well-being at work. These include increasing difficulties in tasks requiring divided attention,
slower information processing speeds, and physical losses such as poor visual acuity in low
light, hearing loss, back pain, and reduced strength, flexibility, and standing tolerance [9, 18].
Up to the age of 61, these limitations seem to be associated with greater risk of injury [31]. It
remains uncertain whether those who opt to work beyond the age of 65 share these functional
limitations or whether they are a healthier group than those who opt for retirement.
Furthermore, it is unclear whether people working beyond 65 make self-managed
occupational adaptations to cope with any hazards or challenges that they encounter in the
workplace.
In terms of safety, limited research with people working into their 60s and beyond has found
that as a group they have fewer accidents, but that accidents (when they do occur) tend to
have more severe consequences [2, 16, 19, 27]. Workers over 65 years seem to have a greater
risk of falls, leading to fractures and dislocations [20]. Nevertheless, these studies largely
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draw upon rather dated evidence which does not take account of cultural and technological
changes in the nature of older people’s work and lifestyle choices, have tended to focus upon
older manual workers in dangerous industries such as mining, and have almost exclusively
focused upon workers under statutory pension age. For example, only about 1% of the
sample of workers in the LaFlamme et al study [19] was aged 55-65. Among the over-65s,
perceptions of challenges and hazards in the workplace and reported preventative or coping
strategies have been largely neglected.
Objective accident data, behavioural observations and other accepted methodologies are
considered important for monitoring and increasing workplace safety [24], but qualitative
enquiry into perceptions and self-management of risk is also valuable. This is because the
process of occupational adaptation in response to ageing is complex and influenced by a rich
interplay of personal, social and contextual factors [22]. Qualitative accounts can lead to
nuanced understandings of people’s experiences of identifying and managing occupational
challenges at work, with implications for occupational therapists, ergonomists and other
professionals who seek to promote and protect the work ability of older people. This study
focused on the experiences of people who were working beyond age 65, exploring their
perceptions of the hazards and discomforts that they encountered within the workplace, and
their ways of managing such hazards. The researchers’ backgrounds in health psychology,
occupational health and safety, and occupational therapy have combined helpfully to inform
and conduct this enquiry.
Method:
Design: A qualitative interview study was conducted based on single interviews with people
working beyond 65 years.
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Ethics: Prior to data collection, the project was approved by the ethics committee of the host
university. Participants making enquiries about the project received full information,
including the interview topic guide, and signed consent forms prior to interview. In line with
ethics committee requirements, no incentives were given for participation, all data have been
anonymised (in terms of personal, place and company names), and participants’ personal
details are held securely.
Recruitment: Participants were recruited through three routes, namely local advertising
through a university science fair held in the nearby shopping centre in Uxbridge, Middlesex
(UK), a letter publicising the project in a UK national magazine written for an older
readership, and a very limited amount of ‘snowballing’ as some partners and friends of
participants expressed interest in joining the project.
Sample: Thirty participants were recruited, aged 66-91 years (median age 71). In the sample,
10 were women (age 66-76; median age 71) and 20 were men (67-91; median age 72), all
currently in paid employment or self-employment. Fourteen described themselves as working
full-time (2 of whom were women); 16 were part-time (ranging from a few hours per week to
three days per week). Full-timers tended to be males working in their own businesses or
females employed in less well paid retail positions. Thus there were gender differences in the
patterns of working. In terms of employment sector, 2 were working (part-time) in baking
and preserve-making (a husband and wife partnership); 6 in retail (including employed in call
centres, and self-employed in mail order and retail outlets); 5 in healthcare or therapy; 8 in
education, and 9 in ‘Other’ (this included HGV/PSV driving, insurance, recruitment, estate
agency, communications, market research and public relations). Several participants (both
men and women) were running their own businesses, some having started their business upon
retiring from their main career jobs. Salary was not asked for, nor past education. However,
given that most were professionals, or engaged in skilled business or administrative activities,
it was inferred that most participants were well educated and of higher socioeconomic status.
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Procedure: Semi-structured interviews were conducted either in person or by telephone, by
the first author (who has a health psychology and counselling background). Telephone
interviews were offered to participants who lived outside London and its suburbs. This
enabled the researchers to include people who lived in many parts of the UK. All interviews
were audio-recorded and transcribed verbatim. Interviews ranged from about 30 minutes in
length to an hour and a half. The telephone interviews were similar in length and richness of
detail as the face-to-face interviews. The following topics were presented to participants, with
additional questions and probes added as needed to help participants elaborate their accounts.
The topics were chosen on the basis of past qualitative research into post-retirement age
working [1], previous health and safety research [e.g. 18], and the approved objectives of the
funded project.
1.
A brief overview of past and current work
2.
Reasons for working past the usual retirement age
3.
Perceptions of any adverse factors / risks at work (or hazards and
discomforts) which affect health/well-being and whether these had changed
over time
4.
Experiences of any safety/near-miss incidents at work
5.
Reflections on strategies for coping with/ preventing hazards at work
Prior to the main study, three pilot interviews were conducted, with people currently in work
aged 60-65 (one female and two males), who did not form part of the sample presented here.
In the pilot interviews, special care was taken to ask participants about their views regarding
the topic guide, and to monitor whether the planned questions helped participants to elaborate
upon their experiences in a rich, productive way. These pilot interviews indicated that the
topic of health and safety at work needed to be broached rather more carefully with the main
sample (see Findings section).
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Data analysis: This report is based on a thematic analysis [3] of the data which yielded a
number of key emergent themes, grouped in terms of perceived hazards and discomforts at
work, and coping strategies for managing these adverse circumstances at work.
Findings
Only three participants reported any accidents or near-miss incidents in recent years, both ?all
involving strain after heavy lifting. One was a heavy goods vehicle (HGV) driver, one was a
nurse, and the other worked in retail.
Perceived hazards and discomforts at work
In the pilot interviews, when participants were asked about safety and risks in connection
with their work, some queried why safety should be an issue at all. They questioned whether
there might be ‘ageist’ assumptions underpinning the research study, which implied that older
people could not manage the physical or technical aspects of their work. This created
potential for interpersonal difficulties. After some thought, as well as trial and error in the
pilot interviews, it was found acceptable to ask participants to consider the ‘hazards and
discomforts of working’, rather than ‘health and safety’ aspects, and that this approach
generated rich interview material.
Physical demands of work:
Several participants expressed awareness of the physical challenges associated with
prolonged sitting (at computers, especially), bending, and lifting heavy items, but most
considered that they affected people working in different jobs, and that they were not
personally vulnerable. In contrast, a participant who had experienced a workplace injury a
few years previously, described how his work had changed in recent years to involve much
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less lifting, through factors such as better technology, his decision to work fewer hours, and
taking more personal care:
“The amount of drops [deliveries] I see on jobs [now], they’re nothing. I mean you’re
talking about 10 to 15 drops a day. I was doing 60 to 90 drops a day. From the end
of a half ton lorry!” (Sam, 67, part-time HGV driver).
A nurse expressed awareness of the moving and handling demands of her work, although she
described herself as having sufficient knowledge and resources to manage these safely, both
through lengthy work experience and a personal incident many years previously that had
resulted in injury:
“As far as lifting and things like that handling people, moving people about, I
wouldn’t put myself now in danger, you know. Some people say “Oh let’s just ...”,
but I say “No, no, we’ll use the hoist ...” It’s the same with carrying, like the trays are
very heavy. And I wouldn’t ... carry two of those upstairs. I’m far more careful
because you know it’s easy to hurt yourself. You know in the past I have hurt
myself” (Sarah, 66, part-time ‘bank’ nurse).
Another part-time hospital worker also identified a range of hazards in the workplace, but
again emphasised his capacity to cope, through keeping fit as well as using safety strategies
learned during his previous experience in the army:
“We lift quite heavy weights, trays of instruments can go … I think it’s 20lbs, 25lbs,
the heavy metal ones... And yes, it’s a way of keeping the body toned, because it’s all
upper arm strength and waist muscles and stomach muscles if you’re lifting things...
There’ll be sharp instrument injuries because we have very fine probes that if you’re
not careful, you can pop yourself, and burns … The main things might be there’s a
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certain amount of heavy lifting but I’m short and stocky and I was used to working
with Bailey bridges and things, fortunately, touch wood, I’ve got no problems with
backs and anything like that, I usually do my fair share of lifting. So I feel that I’m
putting my five eggs in and keeping up with things and trying to, I know it sounds a
bit trite, but trying to give older people a good image if they want to employ more”
(Christopher, 70).
This participant portrayed his reputation for being safety-conscious at work as not only
important for maintaining his own employability but as helping to promote the employability
of other older workers. Few of the participants described encountering such physical hazards.
Most worked in office environments (whether employed or self-employed) and considered
that these posed few physical challenges:
“I can’t really think of anything that really affects me at all, I mean sitting about too
long [at a computer] is not a good thing. But I am not by any means overweight … I
keep myself fit, I’ve just come in from the gym as it happens half an hour ago. No,
the safety issue is never a consideration” (Joseph, running his own recruitment
business full-time, 78).
Driving:
Driving long distances, either commuting or for business reasons, was identified by a few
participants as somewhat hazardous and uncomfortable. In this context, some attributed their
increased reluctance to drive long distances to their advancing years, although others pointed
out that worsening traffic conditions were unpleasant for everyone regardless of age.
“There are some physical demands like keeping alert when driving out to a distant
place or something, but they’re the same things that would apply to anybody. I don’t
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feel they’re particularly more difficult for me than other people… I suppose I am
more careful about stopping if I’m feeling tired and I suppose I’m more aware of
places where one can stop to empty one’s bladder or something (laughs) than I
might have been as a younger man, this sort of thing, but otherwise, no [i.e. no other
hazards]” (Ben, part-time locum GP, 76).
Interpersonal hazards:
Most commonly mentioned were the interpersonal hazards of lone working, and clients’
impatience, aggression, accusations or complaints (especially in the therapy, health and social
care, and education sectors).
“I get very cross with emails and all this nonsense... I sometimes think that people
expect too much, you know, they send you an email at half past 10 in the morning
and 11 o’clock they’re ringing up and saying ‘Did you get it? Where’s the reply?’
(Geoff, 70, full-time self-employed financial services).
Increasing pressure from managers to make sales was described by some of those working in
retail. A few found management styles unacceptably aggressive:
“There was a certain amount of bullying that was going on and the management
seemed to think that was acceptable. I’m afraid I don’t agree with them and I think
the health service doesn’t allow it either, it’s in their doctrine that they don’t allow
bullying, but it’s very difficult to prove sometimes in a big pathology department”
(Christopher, 70, part-time hospital worker).
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The participants who recounted problems with aggression and unfounded complaints from
clients or customers, mostly thought that everyone, regardless of age, was being exposed to
an increase in these workplace hazards. The locum vet who was interviewed even thought
that these behavioural problems were increasing in pets, as well as pet owners:
“I think that as compared with the pets that we handled then and that we handle
now, that we’ve always got muzzles now… nobody thinks for a second about putting
a muzzle onto a dog or even onto a cat for that matter … because there is so much
more aggression in pets these days” (Graham, part-time locum vet, 68).
Tiredness:
Some participants, more particularly those aged 70 or more, described increased physical
tiredness as the main discomfort associated with working beyond 65. However, they did not
believe that their mental capacity was affected:
“I say to people I’m a tinny old car which don’t work properly. Y=ou find your eyes
are getting a little bit weaker and your legs and so on don’t work … they get tired
quite easily, you find that … well, perhaps every bit of your body I think is not
working as well as it should do. But I have a highly active brain, I’m always thinking of
some scheme and so on ... I’m mentally pretty active, I always have something to
think about, I always have some project on the go” (Eric, 80, owner of horticulture
business, works full-time).
Tiredness, for some, was attributed to work, whereas for others, it was attributed to a general
age-related slowing down within the body:
“I now find that if I do an eight to ten hour day, when you get home you do feel a bit
tired, have a good night’s sleep. But if you do two days on the trot then you tend to
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be a bit longer in the morning to get going... obviously the older you get the longer it
takes you to get going in the morning. But, um, but I mean I do a bit of gardening, a
bit of computing, we go out occasionally, usual lifestyle, and it keeps your mind
active” (Sam, 67, part-time HGV driver).
Whilst some, like Eric (above), attributed his physical fatigue to advancing years, others saw
it as a normal response to hard work:
“Sometimes, at the end of the day, I’m getting a bit mentally tired, I can feel myself
making a few silly errors because I think ‘Oh well, you’re getting to the end of the
day now’ but I think it happens to everybody, doesn’t it?” (Christopher, 70, part-time
hospital worker).
Strategies for managing hazards and discomforts at work
Adapting to age-related changes in functioning:
As described above, tiredness and some loss of stamina was the most prevalent reported
discomfort at work, and some felt that these problems might be worsening with age. As in the
wider population of older people, several of the participants were living with arthritis and
other health problems. Personal coping strategies such as ‘power naps’ (described by a few of
the older male participants only), keeping fit, and changing work roles helped to ameliorate
these problems.
“I work a highly irregular seven-day week and I’m about to try and import a small
sofa into my office in [X University] ...in order to be able to cat-nap. So I think catnapping for the elderly is very important. It’s a quick restore of the batteries, yes”.
(Paul, 70, full-time university researcher)
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However, a few were concerned that taking naps might lead to further age-related decline:
“A great friend of ours who lived next door is increasingly too tired to do this and
that, and must have a lie down after lunch and this sort of thing. And my view is that
... they have no focus to go on” (James, 79, self-employed, fulltime mail order
business)
Some additional coping strategies were described for age-related changes in cognitive and
physical functioning, included seeking help and being open about temporary difficulties:
“The hazards really come out of somebody saying to you ‘Have you sent that email
off?’ or … ‘Have you got a so-and-so?’ ... and you’ve got no idea about it, it’s
completely gone from your memory. That and, as well, names, you’ve got a picture
in your mind of somebody and you just can’t remember the name… But either you
busk round it and don’t ever mention a name at all, or you come straight out and say
‘Your face is very familiar, but I’m damned if I can remember it!’” (Eric, 80, runs his
own horticultural business full-time).
A locum vet who was affected by arthritis in the hands was unusual in explicitly
acknowledging the support of colleagues to make adaptations to his work. This enabled him
to limit the type of work he did at their practices, in particular surgery:
“I can still stitch up a dog fight or a road accident thing, but I would much rather not
because even with painkillers, I find difficulty in my hands [because of arthritis]. And
it is a given [in all the veterinary practices attended] that Graham doesn’t operate.
Only perhaps on a Saturday, if I’m the most experienced vet in that particular
practice when we’re running a bit shorthanded … well then I might well do it. And I’ll
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do it quickly and I’ll do it well, but there’s always the worry that my hands are going
to seize up” (Graham, part-time locum vet, 68).
Reducing hours and driving commitments:
The most common means of avoiding or reducing work-related hazards and discomforts was
by moving to part-time or portfolio jobs after retirement age. This allowed participants to
achieve a better work-life balance through limiting onerous responsibilities and tiredness:
“If you’ve had a long day and then you’re then confronted with a particularly, um,
uncooperative couple it can deplete the energy, so generally I work on Fridays and I
can come home on a Friday a bit crashed out, heading for the G and T [gin and
tonic]! I probably could do another day a week, but I choose not to because I’ve got
other things I want to do” (Doug, 73, part-time family mediator).
Some had reduced their exposure to driving hazards by restricting their choice of work
locations (even if this reduced their income), to minimize stress and possible harm. For
example, Laura ran a business (part-time) with a colleague providing ‘Moving and Handling’
courses to therapists all over the UK. She explained her increasing reluctance to travel to
more distant venues, even at the expense of turning down work opportunities:
“You know, you don’t realise then [when younger] just how much of an effort that is,
all that amount of travelling. Because to be honest, I don’t think I could do that now.
I don’t think I’d want to... Don’t forget, I’ve seen a tremendous change in the volume
of traffic over the years that I’ve been working, from it being very pleasant to
absolutely horrendous. My business partner lives in X [a town further South]. She’s
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got more travelling to get to venues nowadays – but that’s no problem for her, she’s
just a young thing” (Laura, 73).
Applying expertise derived from lengthy experience of work :
Lengthy experience at work (not only gained in the current job, but from previous jobs, and
life experience more generally) was considered to enhance current awareness of safety issues.
Christopher (71), for example, described drawing upon his early experiences of working with
explosives in the army as a young man, and then his later years of experience as a heating
engineer, to enhance his safety when sterilizing medical equipment (a part-time hospital job
that he took up after retirement age). He reckoned that he was more safety conscious than his
managers. Several participants thought they had become more cautious in later years, linked
both to age and work experience. For example, after being asked about whether his
awareness of safety was changing, Sam, an HGV driver said firmly:
“It’s sharpened, even though I mean I’m getting older... The older you get, the more
space you leave in front of you, between you and the vehicle in front … I think you
slow down as you get older in life to take into account what you’re doing. You realise
you’ve got to slow down. It’s no use being a boy racer when you’re 65 or 70,
because you’ll come a cropper. But the driving as a result is, you know, kind of more
appropriate ... more cautious” (Sam, 67, part-time HGV driver).
Three participants reported experience of back/shoulder strains from their work prior to
retirement from their main career, and believed that they had learned how to work more
safely as a consequence. For example, Nathan had worked in retail all his life and had bought
his own shop after retiring from his career job (fulfilling a life-long ambition):
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“But I’ve learnt from experience I never try and lift anything. I’d rather unpack a
parcel on the floor and lift the goods up one by one... I did suffer from a bad back at
one time. But now, no. I’ve been very careful not to do anything that will make it
bad” (Nathan, 71, full-time shop owner).
Being assertive:
Increased assertiveness was attributed to both age and previous work experience, and was
seen as a powerful tool for managing potential hazards. Some felt that their younger coworkers looked to them to be assertive:
“I mean, I give my frank opinion because I’ve got the confidence nowadays to do
that, whereas before I might have curbed what I wanted to say” (Marilyn, 69, parttime administrator, children’s nursery).
With many years of experience in the workplace, often at senior levels. many felt able to
make their own decisions about whether or not to carry out a task that might prove hazardous
(such as lifting heavy items, or lone working in potentially dangerous circumstances). They
were not afraid to speak up about such issues:
“I was a soldier for nine years and I underwent certain training, things like I cross
swords with people and survive if I have to. I prefer not to, but on the other hand, I
don’t see why I, or anybody else, should be pushed around. We’re all part of a
workforce, it can only be efficient if we cooperate with each other” (Christopher, 70,
part-time hospital worker).
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“With my rail passenger count… I feel a little bit nervous when I’m sitting there [at an
isolated station] at 10 o’clock at night. Waiting for the next train and you don’t know
whether a drunk is going to get off it. Or whether you’re going to be attacked,
because you’re the only one there. So I made representations to the, um - again it’s
my insurance background that sort of helped me with this - I made representations
to the people who control how many trains you stay for [to count passengers], and
we now don’t stay beyond 7 o’clock at night in the winter for these little stations,
because of the hazard” (Adrian, part-time traffic/ rail passenger enumerator, 72).
Some participants believed that their assertiveness had increased, not simply because of their
lengthy work experience, but also because they were not particularly worried about losing
their part-time jobs. As they had pensions to fall back on, they did not feel wholly reliant on
their work income. Indeed, they regarded their situation as fortunate, believing that younger
people in the same organisation might be nervous about commenting on safety practices for
fear of management reprisals.
“I always feel it’s part of my job actually [to advocate safe practices]. Hospitals are
highly pressurised now, you can get people who … let’s put it this way, overstate
their authority if you like. And if you’ve got young people onboard, they will accept
it as normal and I know it isn’t normal and I will not let them suffer under that
regime” (Christopher, part-time hospital worker, 70).
Using one’s authority and status:
Many participants were self-employed or employed in senior positions in their companies,
thereby having considerable control over delegating tasks.
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“It’s the fact that as you get older, you find it more difficult to do heavy physical jobs.
I haven’t got the same energy … the same strength that I used to have, and now if
it’s just a case of heaving something about which is quite heavy, I let somebody else
do it… It’s the advantage of being the boss!” (Eric, 80, owner of a horticultural
business, works full-time).
Self-employment either in a single business or via a portfolio of different teaching, coaching
or therapy jobs enhanced choice and control, which could be translated into strategies to limit
hazards and discomforts of work. Several of the women, in particular, who had this
‘portfolio’ pattern of part-time working, described choosing to travel less to limit stress, even
though this meant that they turned down certain job opportunities.
A minority of the participants experienced relatively little autonomy or power in the
workplace, including those who were currently employed in less senior positions than they
had occupied prior to retirement (e.g. a few who were shop assistants or call centre workers).
This group generally pointed to personal skills such as knowledge and assertiveness in
helping them to address any perceived laxities or hazards in the workplace (as illustrated by
the quotation from Christopher in the previous section, who used his previous work
experiences in explosives and engineering to support his ‘stand’ for safe working practices in
a hospital where he worked sterilising medical equipment).
Supportive company / organizational policies and practices:
The relatively few participants who were employed by large organizations thought that
potential workplace hazards (e.g. transport of heavy items, office seating arrangements) were
sufficiently managed by the company to ensure their comfort and safety. No aspect of their
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work was seen as posing special risks to workers aged beyond 65, compared with any other
age group.
“If you’re sitting ... in one position for a long time, you’ve got to make sure you’re in
a comfortable seat. And the company does make an effort to provide people with
comfortable seating if they have back problems. You know they’re pretty good on
that and it complies with all the HSC directives ...[so] no problem really” (Aileen, 67,
full-time call centre worker with a mail order company).
Employers were generally thought to offer adequate protective resources:
“Certainly with the estate agency, you are issued with a yellow jacket to wear if
you’re on a site where yellow jackets are the norm. You’re also issued with a rape
alarm, which you know every member of staff has … I think it was the Lamplugh
[murder] case that sort of brought it to the attention of employers”, (Adrian, 72,
part-time estate agency worker).
Some described allocating younger staff the more physically demanding tasks such as lifting
or working on ladders. The participant who ran a plant nursery asked his customers to lift the
heavy items:
“When someone buys a bag of compost, I say can you put it in the car yourself? And
they say yes I can do that, and I say well you look stronger than me, a bit younger
than me!” (Eric, 80, owner of a horticultural business, works full-time).
Discussion
In this Discussion, we seek to interpret the themes that we inferred from participants’
accounts, through linking these with relevant literature. We also comment on the insights
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offered by the qualitative methodology, as well as its limitations. This qualitative study was
designed to elicit older workers’ perceptions and understandings relating to hazards in the
workplace, rather than objective evidence or ‘facts’. In a qualitative study, it is not possible to
presume that the accounts of a small volunteer sample will necessarily generalise to the wider
population. Rather its value is in providing insights, especially about under-researched
experiences, and opening up questions for further research.
Participants were asked about harmful incidents at work, in light of previous evidence that
indicate that older people have fewer but more severe injuries than younger people in the
workplace [2,16,19,27]. No recent harmful incidents at work were reported, which suggested
that these participants did not perceive themselves as more vulnerable to safety risks by virtue
of their age. The few incidents that were discussed in interviews all related to work prior to
reaching statutory pension age. Hence it remains an issue for further research whether the
wider population of people working beyond 65 are rarely found in arduous or risky manual
work, through opting out of such settings before, or when they reach, pensionable age.
The participants in this study portrayed themselves as a highly engaged, experienced
workforce, largely unencumbered by the frailties traditionally associated with ageing. In this
respect, they resembled participants in a previous qualitative study of workers continuing
beyond pension age, who typically regarded their good health as enabling them to continue in
work [1]. Participants seemed to be well motivated, with positive mental health, although
some reported increased levels of tiredness, a pattern noted among other workers aged over60 [17].
Very few workers were recruited to this study from the manufacturing sector, a gap noted in
previous relevant UK research [1, 28]. This issue is returned to later in the critical evaluation
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section. Unlike workers aged over 60 in a recent Australian study [11], physical demands of
the job were not widely considered as problematic. Given the sample’s limited engagement in
manual work, perhaps not surprisingly, relatively little concern was expressed about heavy
lifting, bending, stretching or working at height. Instead, the challenges of technical
equipment, lone working, interpersonal difficulties such as complaints, impatience,
aggression and accusations (from clients or students/pupils), and traffic congestion, were the
hazards that received much more attention. Interpersonal difficulties have been described by
other older workers [23] but relating to colleagues rather than clients, customers and students.
These various difficulties that participants identified were not thought to have any
disproportionate effect on people working beyond 65 years. Rather, these particular hazards
were seen as increasing in frequency or severity in recent years, and likely to affect everyone
in the participants’ work sector regardless of age. Although there is some previous research
into older workers’ perceptions of the benefits and difficulties of using computer technology
[e.g. 6, 14], these other issues appear to be under-explored in existing research literature.
Participants described a range of coping strategies. Some perceived hazards and discomforts
were avoided or managed through opting for part-time work or new work roles. The trend
for people working after statutory pension age to take up part-time work, self-employment
and transitional ‘bridge’ jobs has been portrayed in some previous literature as promoting a
range of benefits such as financial security, choice, identity, feelings of competence, a better
work-life balance and social well-being [10, 30]. The accounts gathered in this study
furthermore indicate that recourse to part-time working is also regarded as a strategy for
maintaining safety and reducing discomforts at work, such as tiredness and the stressful
demands of others.
20
Fatigue was managed not only through part-time working but by keeping fit. A few of the
older men described taking day-time naps, but this strategy was thought by others to be risky
and likely to herald further age-related deterioration, a suspicion that is borne out by some
research evidence [12]. Research indicates that day-time naps are associated with night-time
insomnia among older people, which is in turn linked to inactivity and life dissatisfaction
[25]. However, the small numbers of participants making limited use of ‘power naps’ did not
manifest any evidence of dissatisfaction with their lifestyle but described using this strategy
as a positive means of relieving tiredness to enable further participation in work and leisure
activities.
The move to part-time employment, or to full- or part-time self-employment after retirement
age was associated with a considerable degree of autonomy among this sample. This was
translated into participants believing they had substantial control over hazards and
discomforts at work. Many participants also felt confident that their length of work
experience, and increased preparedness to be assertive were helpful for managing potential
hazards at work. Some recognised that they enjoyed sufficiently high status/authority to
delegate certain physical tasks, and to control their work environment (including, in one case,
introducing a sofa into an office to enable ‘power naps’). These largely individualistic
attitudes towards the management of risk might reflect the specific work contexts of a
substantial group who were self-employed, or working in a freelance or consultative role,
hence being necessarily self-reliant. However, this individualistic emphasis has also been
noted among temporary workers, compared with full-time permanent workers who place
more emphasis on organisational responsibilities for safety [21]. It remains open to further
research to determine whether these individualistic perceptions of safety were linked with the
liminal status of some of the participants in this study. A liminal context is transitional and
transformative. It seems to apply well to the experience of those who saw themselves as
21
occupying a bridge between full-time work and full retirement, often in highly satisfying new
roles and settings that had changed since retirement age, or who were working in a locum
arrangement across a variety of teams and locations.
Critical evaluation: Participants’ limited safety concerns may have genuinely reflected
positive knowledge and awareness derived from their considerable work (and life)
experiences. These experiences were thought by participants to increase confidence for
speaking up about such issues if they arose. Yet we acknowledge that the types of work
represented in this sample (mostly in professional, administrative or self-employed businessrelated fields) may present very limited physical hazards. The accounts cannot be assumed to
generalize to others of post-retirement age who work in manual jobs or harsher work
environments. Nevertheless, participants did identify some hazards and discomforts,
particularly in relation to interpersonal difficulties in the workplace, although they judged
these to be stressful for all workers regardless of age.
None of the participants reported any need for special adaptations at work or job re-design to
promote safe working. But it should be noted that participants typically enjoyed considerable
control over their working hours and tasks, and some had explicitly developed their
businesses or portfolios of employment since retirement age to suit their needs and interests.
Many were able to influence their working environments, especially those working from
offices at home or from private therapy/ consulting rooms, who described designing their
workspaces to suit their needs for light, comfort, organization of materials, and so on. Very
few people described working in manual jobs with little autonomy. As noted above, these less
powerful workers thought that they had sufficient personal coping skills for safeguarding
themselves (such as assertiveness, derived from previous work experiences and also their
preparedness to leave work and live on a pension should work become overly stressful).
22
No simple generalizations are possible from qualitative studies as samples are relatively
small, and inevitably self-selected. Participants tend, by virtue of their interest in being
interviewed, to be reflective and better educated. As in previous research into this segment of
workers [1, 28], manual employment was under-represented in the sample. This may reflect
either the disproportionate loss of older people working in this sector in the UK [as noted by
13], and/ or a failure within this study to reach less educated, manual workers through the
routes used for recruitment. It remains possible that the participants’ optimistic accounts of
health and safety in the workplace reflected their wish to present a competent self-image and/
or to combat ageist attitudes during the interview. However, such suspicions are partly
allayed both by participants’ richly nuanced accounts of managing and excluding discomforts
and hazards, and also by their openness about past work (and other life) difficulties at certain
points during the interviews.
Positively, the sample was larger, and older, than recruited in previous UK and Australian
qualitative research into the experiences of people working beyond statutory pension age [1,
11], and uniquely focused upon perceptions relating to safety rather than broader motivations
for working. Co-analysis and saturation in the themes helps to support the credibility of the
findings.
Conclusions
This study was based on the accounts of 30 people working beyond 65, with a median age of
71 years. The sample was fairly evenly split into full-time and part-time working patterns; a
small minority worked in manual or low status occupations. Participants believed that they
encountered very few hazards and discomforts in their current work. The main discomfort
that they attributed to the ageing process was tiredness, which was largely managed through
23
keeping fit, working part-time hours, and in few cases, day-time naps. Although participants
mentioned hazards such as prolonged sitting at computers, lifting heavy items and driving,
more emphasis was given to interpersonal difficulties such as complaints and aggression from
clients. Participants perceived most hazards to affect all workers similarly regardless of age.
A range of strategies was identified for managing hazards and discomforts, including making
adaptations to age-related change (such as loss of stamina, arthritis and minor memory
difficulties), reducing hours of work and taking up preferred work roles, applying expertise
derived from their lengthy past experience of work, being assertive, using their authority and
status (as most had a high degree of control over their work roles), and making use of
supportive company/ organizational policies and practices (among the minority who were
employed by larger companies).
The relatively high degree of autonomy enjoyed by this sample may reflect their relatively
advantaged socioeconomic status, but may also reflect the choice process that led participants
to maintain their employment or to return to employment after a period of retirement.
Some workers have optimistic beliefs regarding their safety in the workplace [5, 29],
although this previous research has not included post-retirement age workers. In the present
study, it cannot be determined whether participants described facing limited hazards at work
through being motivated to project a competent self-image to the interviewer, or even through
lacking knowledge about workplace safety. However, the accounts seemed to provide rich,
authentic details about participants’ working lives, and suggested that people who work
beyond 65 years in professional, therapy, business and education fields regard themselves as
sufficiently safety-conscious, and able to cope with hazards at work, including those of an
interpersonal nature. There was also some indication that those who bring a wealth of past
work experiences, confidence and assertiveness, to their current roles might even enhance
safety practices within the workplace, and that management might offer more consultation
24
about safety issues with the older workforce. This study did not support the view of Brun and
Milczarek [4] that people who work beyond retirement age increase safety risks in the
workplace.
Some of the participants were living with health problems such as arthritis, or had returned to
work after periods of illness. Occupational therapists and vocational specialists who advise
and support people who are working beyond 65 may encourage them to anticipate the hazards
noted in this study and reflect on the coping strategies reported. Part-time working may offer
a helpful strategy for maintaining safe working as well as a more satisfying work-life
balance. Older workers may draw confidence from recognising that they bring expertise
regarding safety and hazards to the workplace.
The research has been valuable for challenging negative stereotypes of the ‘older worker’,
and for emphasizing that post-retirement age workers can bring enormous experience and
commitment to their work, potentially enhancing the safety culture. Lengthy experience may
help to increase awareness of certain hazards and safe practices at work, and the assertiveness
that is built on such experience may also help to manage any hazard as it arises, but we are
mindful that the accounts reflect a particular range of largely white collar jobs and work
environments, including self-employment.
Acknowledgements
This study was funded by a grant from IOSH (Institution of Occupational Safety and Health),
UK.
25
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