TRADITIONAL INSTITUTIONS IN OMU-ARAN DURING
THE COLONIAL ERA
BY
AYINLA FAUSAT OMOLARA
07/15CA032
BEING A RESEARCH PROJECT IN PARTIAL FUFILMENT
FOR THE AWARD OF BACHELOR OF ARTS (B.A. HONS)
DEGREE IN HISTORY AND INTERNATIONAL STUDIES
SUBMITTED TO THE DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY AND
INTERNATIONAL STUDIES, FACULTY OF ARTS,
UNIVERSITY OF ILORIN, ILORIN, NIGERIA
JUNE 2011
CERTIFICATION
ii
This project was read and approved as meeting the requirements for the award of Bachelor
of Arts (Hons) degree in history and international studies of the University of Ilorin, Ilorin,
Nigeria.
___________________
DR. R.A. OLAOYE
___________________
DR. R.A. OLAOYE
______________________
_______________
_______________________
DATE
SIGNATURE
_______________
________________________
DATE
SIGNATURE
________________
EXTERNAL EXAMINER
DATE
________________________
SIGNATURE
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
All praise is due to Almighty Allah, the lord of the worlds, who saw me through all obstacles and
made this project work a reality.
I wish to extend my thanks to my supervisor, Dr. R.A. Olaoye, you are indeed a father and your
continuous patience with me throughout the period of writing this project is highly appreciated.
iii
I also appreciate all my lecturers, my H.O.D, Dr. S.O. Aghalino, Prof. B.M. Eyinla, Dr. S.A.
Adebola, Dr. K.D. Aiyedun, Dr. P.F. Adebayo, Dr. S.Y. Omoiya, Dr. I.A. Jawondo. Mr. Jide Ige,
Mrs. M.A.Y. Lewu, Mr. Odeh and to the non teaching staff of the department, you all have been
a channel of knowledge and am very grateful.
My immense gratitude goes to my parents and every member of my family; my brothers, sisters,
uncles, aunties, nieces and nephews, without your continuous support, my educational pursuit
would have been void.
I will be committing a heinous mistake if I fail to acknowledge my M.C fellows, both past and
present, starting from room one to B.Q. you all have been wonderful even though sometimes
frustrating and staying with you have been fun.
To my friends; Yemi, Osca, Hiphe, Ib, Alfy wise, the sister Khadijahs, my course mates and play
mates, your moral support and words of encouragement have been helpful.
I wish to appreciate my heartthrob; Ibrahim, Adeola, Phillip, Adenekan. Dearest, your kindness,
care, understanding and support really went a long way in putting me on the right path. To all
who contributed towards my education in one way or the other, I am very grateful and may Allah
reward you all abundantly. In short I say THANK YOU ALL.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
PRIMARY SOURCES: ORAL INFORMATION FROM FIELD WORK
S/N
1
2
NAMES OF
SEX
INFORMANT
CHIEF
M
ASANLU
CHIEF
M
EDEMON
AGE
PLACE
OCCUPATION DATE
70
OMUARAN
OMUARAN
DEPENDENT
19/12/2010
FARMER
9/1/2011
65
iv
3
CHIEF EESA
M
60
4
CHIEF
KAREEM
ADEYEYE
CHIEF
OJOMU
CHIEF PETU
M
60
M
80
M
60
CHIEF
USMAN
AYINLA
DR.
ADEPOJU
GANIYU
MRS.
ONIFADE
M
5
6
7
8
9
10
OMUARAN
LAGOS
FARMER
10/1/2011
BUSSINESS
MAN
9/12/2010
DEPENDENT
15/1/2011
FARMER
8/12/2010
60
OMUARAN
OMUARAN
LAGOS
BUSSINESS
MAN
9/12/2010
M
50
IBADAN
DOCTOR
16/11/2010
M
F
30
40
ORO
KADUNA
VULGANIZER 16/11/2010
TEACHER
9/2/2011
ARCHIVAL MATERIALS
NATIONAL ARCHIVE IBADAN
N.A.I. ILORIN PROVINCE ANNUAL REPORT, 1928, Vol.6 BY H.B. HERMAN-
HODGE.
NATIONAL ARCHIVE KADUNA
N.A.K. ILORPROF. MAC/9; Settlement at Omu
N.A.K. ILORPROF. FILE 2230A: Letters between government officials 1908-1918
N.A.K. ILORPROF. 2230 vol.1, Omu district general.
N.A.K. ILORPROF NAC/65- Omu-Aran village group council, 1957
PRINTED PRIMARY
Elphinstone, K.V. Gazetteer of Ilorin province, London, 1970
Herman-Hodge, H.B. Gazetteer of Ilorin province, London, 1929
v
Johnson Samuel, The history of the Yorubas, C.M.S bookshop, Lagos, 1921
SECONDARY SOURCES
Afolabi, F Igbominaland in the context of Yoruba history, Ikeja, 2006
Ajayi, J.F. and Smith, R.S. Yoruba warfare in the nineteenth century, Cambridge, 1964
Akinjobgin, I.A. War and Peace in Yorubaland, Heinemann Books, Ibadan, 1998
Akintoye, S.A. Revolution and Power Politics in Yorubaland: 1840-1893, Longman, 1971.
Asiwaju, A.I. Western Yorubaland under European rule 1889-1945, Longman, 1976
Atanda, J.A. Government in pre-colonial Africa, Tarikh, vol.4, 1978
Ayandele, Prof. The missionary impact on modern Nigeria, Longman, 1966
Biobaku, S.O. Sources of Yoruba history, Oxford, university press, 1980
Ekundare, R.O. An economic history of Nigeria: 1800-1960, London, 1973
Ogunremi, D and Adediran, B. Culture and society in Yorubaland, 2002
Omu-Aran social club. The chronicle of Omu-Aran, Oduduwa age to 2002, lagos, 2002
Whitaker, C.S. Politics of tradition: continuity and change in Northern Nigeria 1940-1966, New
Jersey, 1970
ARTICLES
Omu-Aran development association, the memorandum submitted to the Ekundayo chieftaincy review
and upgrading panel, 1978
UNPUBLISHED THESIS
Abiodun, M.O. Settlement and their evolution in Omu-Aran district from the earliest times
to 1968, B.A, dissertation, University of Ilorin, 1985
Adedeji, R.O. Origin of Omu-Aran before and after colonialism, N.C.E, dissertation, College of
education, Oro, 1984
vi
Afolayan, M.O. Evolution of Omu-Aran from the earliest times to 1930, B.A, dissertation,
University of Ilorin, 1980
Esorun, J.O. Historical and social aspects of change and continuity in Igbomina 1850-1950, B.A,
dissertation, university of Ilorin, 1981
DEDICATION
This work is specially dedicated to Almighty Allah (S.W.T) and to my
beloved family for believing in me
APPENDIX
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Title page
i
Certification
ii
Dedication
iii
Acknowledgement
iv
Table of contents
vi
CHAPTER ONE
1.1 Introduction
1
1.2 Aims and objectives
2
1.3 Scope of study
2
1.4 Significance of study
3
1.5 Research problems and methodology
3-4
1.6 Literature review
4-5
1.7 Chapterization
5-6
vii
1.8 Notes and references
6
CHAPTER TWO
2.1 geographical description of Omu-Aran
7-8
2.2 traditions of origin
9-15
2.3 political set-up
15-18
2.4 administrative organization
18-22
2.5 notes and references
23-24
CHAPTER THREE
3.1 Traditional institutions in Omu-Aran
25-27
3.2 traditional institutions during the pre-colonial era
28-33
3.3 traditional institutions during the colonial era
33-35
3.4 traditional institutions during the post-independence era
3.5 notes and references
35-37
37-38
CHAPTER FOUR
4.1 Impacts of traditional institutions on the traditional institutions in Omu-Aran
39-40
4.2 Socio-political impacts
40-42
4.3 economic impacts
43-44
4.4 Notes and references
45
viii
4.5 Conclusion
46-47
Bibliography
49-50
Appendix
CHAPTER ONE
1.1 INTRODUCTION:
Omu-Aran is the most populous and largest town in igbominaland of kwara state. The
town was originally called “Omu” but was later changed to Omu-Aran about 1400 when the
people moved finally to the present site.1
The name “Omu” was derived from Omutoto, the woman whose children established
the first settlement at Odo-Omu between the 13th and 14th century.2
Indeed, it was largely in recognition of Omu-Aran’s historic importance in
igbominaland that the town was chosen as the headquarters of the former igbomina-Ekiti
local government authority in 1968.
It also became the headquarters of Irepodun local government area when the former
Igbomina-Ekiti local government was split into two on the 24th of august 1976.3
The people speak Igbomina dialect or Yoruba language and their customs are in many
ways similar to those of the other Yorubas.
Their occupation was largely influenced by the vegetation of the area. Thus, they are
predominantly farmers, producing such crops as yam, maize, guinea corn, cassava, beans and
ix
vegetable for consumption. While kola nut, palm products, cocoa and coffee in very small
quantities are economic crops.4
Omu-Aran is famous in handicraft such as basket making, blacksmithing, carving,
dyeing, cloth weaving, wood carving and pottery.5
1.2 AIMS AND OBJECTIVES:
The aim of this research work is to discuss traditional institutions in Omu-Aran during
the colonial era.
Objectively, it seeks to examine the impact of colonial rule on the traditional institutions in
Omu-Aran.
The work intends to look at how traditional institutions were able to survive and co-exist
with the incursion of the Europeans and the advent of colonialism.
It explores the activities of traditional institutions prior to colonial rule and how British
administration interfered with these institutions. By this, making available to the public and
the academic world, an analytical research work on traditional institutions and their survival
in the face of foreign domination.
1.3
SCOPE OF STUDY:
The research work covers three eras i.e. pre-colonial, colonial and post independence. It
seeks to make one understand the distinct roles played by the various indigenous local
administration in the area laying emphasis on their evolution and hierarchical organization
and sphere of influence.
It is to be noted that Omu-Aran as a whole has generated interest from historians, scholars
x
and others but there have been some wrong notions and interpretations made as regard the
local administrative set-up of the area and this project seeks to correct such distortions.
1.4 SIGNIFICANCE OF STUDY:
Omu-Aran was chosen because of her historic importance in Igbominaland, much have
been written about Omu-Aran town and Igbominaland in general but researchers have paid
little or no attention to the place of traditional institutions and their role in bringing about
social and political development to their area.
Also there have been wrong notions expressed about leadership among the people of
Igbominaland and so I have decided to bell the cat and in doing this, I will take pains to
properly conceptualize and delineate my work.
The essence is to know the traditional institutions that existed, how they operated, and
their relationship with the people and also to try and know the problems the encountered in
dealing with external overlords.
That is to say that what happened when the traditional way of existence faced challenges
from foreign incursion.
1.5 RESEARCH PROBLEMS AND METHODOLOGY:
A research work of this nature naturally depends on both oral and written sources so the two
approaches were employed to enhance a credible and worthwhile endeavor in the form of this
work.
xi
In the course of this research, people of diverse origin and background were interviewed,
those whose antecedents are from the area under review. Those who are not from the area but
work there. Those who are witnesses or offspring of witnesses, who could narrate with
pleasing exactitude, the time of arrival of colonial masters and the effect that their coming
had on these institutions.
On written documents, there are no sufficient materials to lay hands on and so materials used
include library materials either private or public library, articles, thesis as well as existing
projects.
Meanwhile, the major problem faced in the course of this research is non-availability of
materials as not much had been written on the area.
Also, there was reluctance of the informants in giving out information and so they had to be
cajoled and in most cases interview had to be rescheduled.
1.6 LITERATURE REVIEW
Various written works were consulted in the course of this research although there are not
specific written works on traditional institutions in Omu-Aran during the colonial era but
there were some books either written on the whole of Omu-Aran, Yoruba land or
Igbominaland.
On the early history and traditions of origin of Omu-Aran, Afolabi Fatai’s book
“Igbominaland land in the context of Yoruba history” was consulted. Also consulted on the
early history of Omu-Aran was “the chronicle of Omu-Aran, Oduduwa age to 2002”.
xii
On the traditions of origin of Omu-Aran, “the history of the Yoruba” by rev. Samuel
Johnson; “Gazetteer of Ilorin province” by K.V. Elphinstone, Robert Smith’s, “kingdoms of
the Yoruba” were consulted.
On the activities of traditional institutions in Omu-Aran during the pre-colonial era, “OmuAran-Ilorin relations” by Afolayan J.A, “Yoruba warfare in the 19th century” by Ajayi and
Smith were consulted.
On the impact of colonial rule; N.A.K 324/1917, Northern and southern provincial boundary,
“power and diplomacy in Northern Nigeria 1804-1906” by Adeleye, R.A. were consulted.
However, as useful and important as the above works are, they still leave gaps that are
readily filled by learned journals, national dailies and news articles like Atoka Igbomina e.t.c.
Afolabi Fatai’s work “Igbominaland in the context of Yoruba history” proved useful on the
early history and traditions of origin of Omu-Aran. The work not only shed light on the
circumstances surrounding the founding of Omu-Aran but also talked about the settlement
they initially stayed before moving to their present site.
“The chronicle of Omu-Aran, Oduduwa age to 2002” also proved useful on the origin and
development of Omu-Aran before and after colonial rule.
“Yoruba warfare in the 19th century” by Ajayi and Smith as well as Afolayan, J.A’s “OmuAran-Ilorin relations” were useful to this work as they proved invaluable on the political
terrain in Yoruba land and Ilorin before the advent of the colonial masters.
1.7 CHAPTERIZATION
The work is categorized into four chapters;
xiii
Chapter one is mainly introductory. It contains subtitles such as aims and objectives, scope
of study, significance of study etc.
Chapter two goes deeper into the history of the area; it includes the geographical description
of Omu-Aran, traditions of origin, political set- up and administrative organization.
Chapter three deals with the evolution and various functions of the traditional institutions.
This will be analyzed under pre-colonial, colonial and post-independence eras laying emphasis
on their inter and intra relations within the context of the study.
Chapter four discusses the impact of colonial rule on traditional institutions and the chapter
concludes with a brief review of the points raised in the work.
1.8 NOTES AND REFERENCES
1. N.A.K-ILORPROF file 223oA: Letters between Government Officials 1908-1918, p.3
2. O.D.A Memorandum on the grading of Oba Olomu 1978, p.4
3. Afolabi, F. “Igbominaland in the context of Yoruba history” 2006, p.223
4. Afolayan, M.O. “evolution of Omu-Aran from the earliest time to 1930” B.A. history
dissertation, University of Ilorin, 1980, p.2
5. Interview with chief Asanlu, Omu-Aran, December 19, 2010
CHAPTER TWO
2.1 GEOGRAPHICAL DESCRIPTION OF OMU-ARAN
xiv
Omu-Aran is situated in the south-eastern direction of Ilorin i.e. some 88 kilometers south of
Ilorin which is the capital of Kwara state and 16 kilometers north-east of Otun-Ekiti in Ekiti
state.1
It is located on latitude 8.9 and longitude 50 61E and shares boundary with Illofa and Odo-Owa
in the east, Ipetu in the west, Oko and Isanlu-Isin in the north and north-west respectively.
This location confers advantage of centrality in the midst of Igbomina, Ekiti and Moba towns.
The town thus appears to have been favored by nature to be at the heartland of an ancient
confederacy which thrived through the ages, particularly in the 18th century.2
Omu-Aran as with most parts of Igbominaland is on the highland, beautifully nested in a girdle
of hills. It is located on a section of Elliu hill and is actually the highest point above sea level in
Kwara state.
The climate of the area is tropical maritime with a long wet season, the weather is moderate,
subject to modest variations of hot and cool as the season changes. Rain is typically heavy and
the season lasts for about eight months in a year so it lies within a zone that enjoys the highest
rainfall in Kwara state.3
Five major rivers drain the town and they are; river Oisa, Omupupa, Araeja, Omikuru and Roora,
flowing from various directions and providing not only potable and irrigation water but also
aquatic splendor and a mass of fertilizing matter deposited on the banks particularly during the
rainy season floods.4
xv
The town is blessed with a large expanse of rich soil and greenery typical of the guinea savanna
and from it grow such food crops as yam, maize, guinea-corn, cocoa yam, cassava, rice, locust
bean, Shea butter etc. and such cash crops as cocoa, kolanut and oil palm.
Also, thanks to her central location, Omu-Aran is the most thickly populated of all Igbomina
towns with a population of about 55,000 (2001 estimate).
Largely agrarian, the population is made up of a great percentage of the aged and adolescents
who are the main home settlers. A great percentage of the working age adults are settled outside
the confines of the town, thriving in all areas of life, particularly in Nigeria’s city centers
including Lagos, Kaduna, Abuja as well as outside the shores of the country.5
The Omu-Aran population is also a combination of indigenes and non-indigenes. Indigenes
speak the Igbomina dialect of the Yoruba language among themselves and speak general Yoruba
and the English language with non-indigenes.6
The non-indigenes consist of government employees both at the local and state levels, a
significant community of the Igbo as well as nationals from all parts of Nigeria and a few nonNigerians.
2.2 TRADITIONS OF ORIGIN
xvi
The ancestry of Omu-Aran traces back to the central source of the Yoruba race to Oduduwa
and Ile-Ife and this account shares similarities with the birth process of many of such old
settlements and belong to the dominant model in the emergence of the Yoruba kingdom.7
The issue of the foundation of Yoruba kingdoms and the legendary dispersal from Ile-Ife has
been an enigmatic one as Robin Law aptly put observes “traditions of origin seems commonly to
have political functions, seeking to legitimize the present political order by placing its origins in
remote antiquity”.8
There existed a consciousness of belonging to a single socio-political entity which
professor Akinjogbin christened “The ebi commonwealth” this consciousness was woven around
the belief that Ile-Ife was the first home where the Yorubas discovered their identity as an ethnic
group and the place where the idea of state formation diffused to other parts in the Yoruba
culture area.9
Nearly all the Yorubas believed that they originated from Ile-Ife, 10 the mythical cradle of
human civilization and spiritual seat of the Yoruba and in this regard, the people of Omu-Aran
were no exception. The founder of Omu-Aran was known as Olomu-Aperan who traces his
origin to Ile-Ife and this is why the oriki of the sons and daughters of Omu-Aran is “omo OlomuAperan” 11
Traditions of Omu-Aran traces the course of time back to a woman of Ilodo compound in Ile-Ife,
a heroine called Omutoto, one of the wives of Oduduwa, the olofinaiye of Ile-Ife.12 This woman
had no issue for her husband, the king. Nonetheless, she was large-hearted and refused to be
pressed down by her misfortune.
xvii
On account of this virtue and in the custom of the time, she did not lack children to call her
own, instead her home became a nursery of sorts as she adopted and nurtured to life a number of
infants belonging to her kiths and kin.
It was this circumstance that produced an infant named Olomu-Aperan whose biological
mother was a sister to Omutoto. The sister bore a son who was named Olomu which was
probably an extraction from Omutoto.13
Young Olomu grew into prominence in Ile-Ife as a man of valor, honor and respect. He
became known among the Ijesha and Ife people as Olomu-Aperun.14
As the legend further narrates, Olomu-Aperan was a distinguished warrior whose
military prowess and exploits earned him such praise names as Olomu-Aperin, Olomu-Aperun,
Olomu-Apeje and Olomu-Aperindinlogun (conqueror of a host).15
It was this rating that earned him the prestigious war title of the “Esinkin
Ologbomona”, a title which reverend Samuel Johnson says is much allied to that of the “Aareona-kakanfo” in the old Oyo Empire.16
The “Esinkin” was the chief of defense staff in old Ife kingdom and a member of the
kingdom’s highest ruling council and also the custodian of an artifact of state called “Ogbo”, an
antiquity of eminent significance in custom and government.
The traditions of the town recounts that the “Ogbo”, a cultic cutlass was one of the
historical relics which Oduduwa and his people inherited from the aborigines of Ife and the
Oduduwa age adopted this relic as a symbol of unity and truth, truth being the most cherished
virtue in the land. It became the staff of office of the highest ruling council in the land and hence
xviii
the council was known as “The council of Ologbomona” and the “Esinkin” who kept the “Ogbo”
was called “The Esinkin Ologbomona”.17
Olomu-Aperan departing Ile-Ife in the great commission of the time inherited the legendary
“Ogbo” among other paraphernalia of authority. On leaving Ile-Ife, he first settled at OmuIjaregbe otherwise called Oke-Omu. While at Ijaregbe, Olomu-Aperan relinquished the title and
responsibility of the “Esinkin” to one of his children and assumed the full office of Oba like
other founders.
In time however, a quarrel developed which subsequently burst into a battle between
Owari, the reigning Owa Obokun of Ijeshaland at that time and Olomu-Aperan.Owari was
assisted by the ogboni of Ijebu-Ijesha and the combined forces routed Olomu and his team.
The conflagration was implosive and resulted into Olomu departing Ijaregbe, an action
similarly undertaken by the eventual founders of kingdoms like Omuo in Ekiti state,Omu-Ijelu
near Itapa in Ekiti state and Olomu near Abeokuta. Olomu-Aperan and his train left Ijaregbe
about the 12th century and began a journey in adventure to a new settlement and they eventually
got to Odo –Omu near present day Ola in Isin local government area of kwara state where they
settled initially.
Details of their travel may be lost in time but oral account recollects that they encountered
strong resistance and hostilities particularly from the aborigines of the land, possibly the Nupe
settlers who were widely scattered across stretches of the south west of what later became
Nigeria.
It should be noted that the relationship of the Nupe race with Yorubaland at this time was one
of running battle marked by successes and failures on both sides at different times18 and Olomuxix
Aperan is recollected to have fought several battles with the Nupe settlers who had strongly
resisted him before eventually settling down.
Oral traditions further recollect that Olomu at a point received invitation from Alaafin
Oranmiyan of Oyo, an invitation which was extended to several other notable Yoruba leaders
and warriors of Oduduwa descent to ally with Oyo force to carry out an expedition to combat the
menace of the Nupe and Ibariba powers which had built up strongly against Oyo kingdom.
This military coalition and campaign in support of Oyo was confirmed by the Ila-Orangun
tradition which recollects that Orangun Fagbamila Ajagunla together with Olugbon, Aresa,
Onikoyi and Olomu-Aperan all teamed up in support of Oranmiyan to conquer the Ibariba and
Nupe.
It would appear that the immediate objective of the campaign was to beat back the Nupe to
the northern bank of river Niger but some scholars however claimed that the Nupe were really
not the central issue in this expenditure but that Oranmiyan’s ultimate target was the far East, to
avenge the death of Lamurudu, his grandfather, said to have been murdered somewhere in the
East on their way to Ile-Ife.
For some reasons difficult to pin down, the coalition soon broke up after some initial successes
and Olomu-Aperan subsequently returned home and eventually passed on to the great beyond at
Odo-Omu.
Omu-Aran moved to the present site from Odo-Omu about 400years ago as a result of water
scarcity, this site was founded upon ”odu-ose meji” and was variously known as Omu, OmuAperan, Omu Esinkin and finally Omu-Aran when the Aran group led by Alaran Orii joined
them during the reign of Olomu Efon.19
xx
After the menace to the Nupes have been stopped, The Olomu was able to bring the igbominas
including the Ekitis now in kwara state and part of Ekiti state together to form The Iyangba
Ologbomona confederacy which was a province within the Oyo Empire.
The province was made up of 141 towns and villages and the provincial capital was OmuAran with Olomu as chairman.20 Among the towns listed as members of the confederacy are
Ajase-Ipo, Ila, Ekan, Omupo, Igbaja,Iloffa, Osi, Otun, Ore, Isanlu and many others.
As a matter of historical and cultural facts, members of the Iyangba confederacy built the wall
and dug the trench round Omu-Aran as the seat of government and in acknowledgement of OmuAran’s supremacy and pre-eminence over other members of the confederacy and relics of these
historical monuments can still be found today.21
The former agreement between Oranyan and Olomu-Aperan to mobilize their forces against
the Nupes had since then been constructed by both sides to mean a military alliance between
Omu-Aran and Oyo and this alliance served as a further strengthening of their blood relationship,
this cordial relationship continued to exist until the end of the eighteenth century.
However, with the emergence of Oyo as the dominant power in Yoruba land, Omu-Aran like
many other towns became submerged in the Oyo Empire. This was likely to account for why
Omu-Aran was paying annual tribute to the Alaafin of Oyo during the “Bere festivals”. Though
the time when Omu-Aran was paying tribute to Oyo could not be remembered but the tribute was
of no economic importance whatsoever as it included one ram and a few cowries yearly.
The military alliance and the fact of fraternal bond made the relation with Oyo to be unique in
that no Oyo ajele was ever sent to Omu-Aran in their various settlements unlike the usualpractice
in other areas where Oyo hegemony was established.
xxi
Towards the end of the 18th century, Alaafin Abiodun was said to have constantly interfered
with Igbomina and Iyangba tradition and this displeased Olomu Ajibade, the Olomu at that time.
Under the influence of his generalissimo i.e. Esinkin Arapayagi, Olomu Ajibade staged a revolt
by declaring the independence of Omu-Aran, Igbomina and Iyangba confederacy which had
been formed under the suzerainty of Omu-Aran many years ago.22
The bone of contention that led to the revolt staged by Olomu Ajibade emanated from the
attempt made by Alaafin Abiodun in thanking Oyabi of Ajase who had helped him to subdue
Bashorun Gaa, the great usurper, kingmaker and king destroyer, because of the great help of
Oyabi, Alaafin Abiodun decided to honor him by giving his daughter Oyinwolain marriage but
on the way to Oyo, Oyabi died.
Much disappointed, Alaafin Abiodun still insisted on marrying his daughter to the Olupo of
Ajase, Igana. The Olupo was also honored with the right to anoint all new chiefs in Oyo
henceforth.
This new position and role of the Olupo directly posed a threat to the much cherished leadership
of the Olomu as the undisputed suzerain of both Igbomina and Iyangba.
To add to this fear was the request made by Alaafin Abiodun that as a mark of honor to his
daughter, he wished henceforth that the Igbomina-Iyangba delegation should be led by the
Olupo, this delegation was initially led by the Olomu of Omu-Aran and as such the Olomu felt
justified in staging a revolt so that by 1790s when Alaafin Abiodun died, Omu-Aran, Igbomina
and Iyangba ceased to be a part of Oyo Empire and also stopped paying tribute to Oyo.23
xxii
For security sake, Omu-Aran in future entered into a military alliance with the Fulani at Ilorin
during the Ibadan expansionist wars which was encouraged by Alaafin Atiba from the middle of
the 19th century.
After the break with Oyo, the Iyangba Ologbomona confederacy still continued to meet under
the Olomu and it also retained its independent existence starting from about 1776 until the
British colonial administration was introduced.
2.3 POLITICAL SET-UP
The political institutions in Omu-Aran where established to perform three main functions i.e.
legislative, executive and judiciary.
They where evolved when the people were still at Odo-Omu24 although they were later modified
to accommodate new developments.
The political set-up is as follows: at the helm of affairs was the Olomu or king of Omu-Aran,
there were about twenty five Olomus who reigned during the period under review in this study
and the first was Olomu-Aperan.
The system of primogeniture was never practiced in the succession to the throne and this was
because the Olomu was selected from many ruling families.
Among the various ruling families that used to vie for the stool were; Igangu, Okeki, Ile-Nla,
Ijoko, Lasankale, Oke-Esan and Afin. For some undisclosed reasons, the number of the ruling
houses was reduced to three at the beginning of 1900 and from 1908, the Olomu was chosen
from only two ruling houses, the third house Lasankale had not filled the post and this action was
xxiii
taken because the people were dissatisfied with Olomu Fakayo from Lasankale who was
disposed and banished in 1908.
There were two ways of selecting an Olomu, first was through an election conducted by the
kingmakers, after this the Ifa oracle was consulted.25 Anybody who wanted to become an Olomu
must be a direct descendant of a former one in the family but this did not necessarily mean from
father to son but of blood relationship.
Olomu was required to observe some strict rules after installation like eating the tongue of the
preceding Oba as it was believed that the eating of the tongue would make him to be very
powerful and obeyed by his subjects.
He was also not expected to see his mother after installation since all women were expected to
kneel before him and this his mother could not certainly do. In actual fact, he was only prevented
from seeing her in public and there was nothing preventing him from seeing her secretly.
The Olomu was also forbidden from looking inside his crown and neither should he see a new
born baby whose head was unshaved. These practices have been in force for so long a time that
the people could not remember what was responsible for them.
Next to the Olomu was the Ilu, comprising of the six leading chiefs. The chiefs were Asanlu,
Eesa, Petu, Edemon, Ojomu and Odofin-Aran. Only three of these titles i.e. Asanlu, Edemon and
Odofin-Aran were hereditary within the same family but not necessarily from father to son.
When asked why the remaining three i.e. Eesa, Petu and Ojomu were not hereditary, the usual
answer was “we met it like that”.26
xxiv
Among all of them, Asanlu was the head of the Ilu but for one reason or the other, Eesa
always took the next seat to the Olomu in the oba’s council.27
Next to the Ilu comes the Iharefa which was made up of the following members; Aromu from
Okore house, Asaba from Ile-Nla, Odofin-Omu from Imolekere, Ooye from Ijoko, Aroja of IleOja, Enija from Igangu and Elemo from Afin.28
Ranging next to the Iharefa is the group called Oloogun-ilu consisting of the able-bodied men
of the town who were army officers and members were believed to be in possession of charms
which they used to prevent evil spirits from entering the town.
Before a person could become a member of this group, he must have distinguished himself
while still a member of both the Ete-ilu and Eso-ilu.
Next in rank to the Oloogun-ilu were the Eso-ilu, those who formed the Eso were those who
had been members of the Ete which was the group immediately below the Eso for the past seven
years. This meant that the group was joined every seven years by new set from the Ete group.
At the bottom of the ladder was the Ete-ilu, every male boy from the age of about sixteen who
was also circumcised was a member. New members were initiated every seven years and at the
initiation of a new group, sacrifices were made to invoke the spirit of all the deities in the town to
preserve their life throughout the period of their membership.
It was considered a bad omen for the town for a member of the Ete to die without completing
his term and so at the death of an Ete, a huge sacrifice was made so that such might not happen
again. The dead body of an Ete was Oku-esan.
xxv
At the expiration of their term when a group of Ete was to be dispersed, the whole town was
always in a festive mood, the parent of each Ete provided animals such as goats, sheep and ram
to be killed for a big feast. Friends and relatives came from far and near to congratulate the Ete
and to partake in the feast.
The group to be dispersed would sing and dance round the town saying intermittently “a o tu ete
loni o” meaning “our term of Ete expires today”.
This arrangement can be termed as an aspect of the age grade system in that one preceded
up to the ladder according to his age. One became an Ete at the age of sixteen, left it at the age of
about thirty and then joined the Eso-ilu. One remained an Eso until he was forty when he became
a member of the Oloogun-ilu.
2.4 ADMINISTRATIVE ORGANIZATION
Just like most Yoruba towns and cities, the administration of Omu-Aran was from origin a
collective responsibility of the highest ruling council of the land known as the Olomu-in-council
headed by his royal highness the Olomu of Omu-Aran.29
Omu-Aran was a monarchical state in which the most dominant political institutions were the
office of its ruler, the Olomu of Omu-Aran.
As the supreme head of the town, he was also the spiritual and political leader and took part in
the legislative, executive and judicial arms of government.
He sanctions all laws and regulations and as the fountain of justice, every member of the
community looked upon him as the last resort against oppression and injustice as he was the
chairman of the highest court of appeal called Igbejo.30
xxvi
He was consulted before the date of the most important festivals in the town celebrated, these
festivals include; Orugbo, Egungun and new yam festivals. He also receives important visitors to
the town such as Obas from neighboring towns.
The Olomu however performed his functions with the assistance of his chiefs who were called
the Ilu comprising of the six leading chiefs. Members of the Ilu also serve as kingmakers.
As kingmakers, it was their duty to select a new Olomu whenever the post was vacant and it was
they who invited the next ruling house to present a candidate.
If only one candidate was presented to them then their task was made easy, in that case, the ifa
oracle was then consulted to ratify the appointment of the candidate.
On the other hand, if many candidates were presented to them as it was usually the case, they
then tried to choose the one that satisfied the laid down qualifications.
Favoritism by the kingmakers was eliminated as much as possible, the ifa priest were not
allowed to know which name was put forward to the oracle and they had to discharge their duty
in the presence of the kingmakers.
Apart from selecting an Olomu, the kingmakers were also responsible for selecting chiefs for
those families that had intra family chieftaincy disputes.
When the Olomu sat with the Ilu, the sitting was called Ireje i.e. king’s council and it was the
duty of the council to legislate for the town. The Olomu also discussed with these chiefs all
important matters affecting the town.31
xxvii
Before the advent of colonial rule, it was this council that passed laws and saw to their
implementation. The council also settled land disputes both within Omu-Aran and those
involving the people of Omu-Aran and their neighbors. They also dealt with divorce cases.
They joined the Olomu to receive important visitors and assisted him in fixing dates for
important festivals. Meetings of the council known as Ikanse was held every five days and
during these meetings, the Olomu provided food, drinks and kola for the members.
Assisting the Ireje to implement its decisions was the iharefa, the members of the iharefa went
round the town to listen to the view of the people on any issue and reports these to the ireje. They
also advised the council on how best to govern the town and generally acted as a “go-between”
the Ireje and the people.
The executive arm of government was under the various age groups. These groups included the
Ologun ilu, the Eso ilu and the Ete ilu. The Ologun ilu were seasoned warriors whose basic duty
was to defend the town, all of them had titles to which the names of their houses were attached.
This made it easy to distinguish a particular one among them since each house had a member
bearing each of the titles.
Among members of Ologun ilu were Olukose, Olukotun, Ajaponna, Eruku, Esinkin, Enigemo,
Oluponna, Agbakin, Arogun, Obala, Oluju and Agbon. These war titles holders served as war
captains during wars, Agbon was renowned as being very brave and ruthless and that was why
he was assigned the most notorious duty of cutting off head of every Olomu who died.
Apart from constituting the army, the Oloogun ilu also served as the police. They had the duty of
arresting culprits within the town and sending these to the king’s court. They were also
responsible for killing those thieves that had been condemned to death.
xxviii
Directly below the Oloogun ilu was the Eso ilu, during wars some of them served as soldiers,
others provided food and arms for the warriors and served as war messengers. They also trained
those who were newly recruited to the Ete and supervised the work done by them. They could
punish any member of the Ete who either failed to turn up for any community work or who
turned up but worked below expectation.
The last was the Ete ilu and their duties involve the building and repairing of olomu’s house and
the maintenance of his farm. They engaged in the construction of roads, bridges, digging of wells
at various locations, maintenance of sacred houses and provision of food during wars.
Lastly, they served as fire brigade for the town. The judicial organ of the government was
performed by the members of the Ireje including the Esinkin omu who was the army commander
of the town. They were the members of the highest court in which the Olomu was the chairman.
Apart from petty disputes that could be decided and settled by the compounds heads, serious
cases were the concern of this Supreme Court and the court sat in public to hear cases brought
before it. Such cases include murder, theft, arson, child stealing and rape. Witnesses were
allowed to testify in such cases and verdicts were given after much deliberation while the
judgements were pronounced in public.
Those sentenced to death were handled to Esinkin Omu who in turn executed the culprits in the
presence of the older members of the Ologun ilu while those sentenced to terms of imprisonment
were handled over to the Olookan who was in charge of the prison.
When a prisoner was sent to the Olookan, he was given two hundred cowries to maintain him
and the olookan was expected to supplement this amount with the prisoner’s labour on his farm.
The prisoners were also made to work on Olomu’s farm, mend roads and dig wells. The prison
xxix
yard did not serve Omu-Aran alone, it had in mates from the whole igbomina land, said my
informant.32
There were also the Agba-ilu; the aged men of the community though too old for active
participation in the day to day activities of the town, they nevertheless made their wealth of
knowledge available to all the organs of the government. They were mostly consulted on
religious matters and it was their duty to lead in offering sacrifices to all the deities in the town.
They were believed to be nearer to the dead who were still believed to be able to influence
activities of the living and as such their words were much valued. Apart from all these, the
activities and impact of the women could never be overlooked as it was their responsibilities to
make public places such as the market place clean and they also provided water for the building
of the olomu’s house and the sacred houses.
The witches among them, though notorious for evil doings contributed their own quota to the
smooth running of the town, this they do by preventing evil spirits and witches from
neighbouring towns from entering the town for evil purposes.
Conclusively, despite the fact that the government of the people was a monarchial one, it did not
lead to dictatorship as its democratic nature was depictable in all respect. By this, the views of
the populace were sought through the Iharefa group whose member cut across the whole town
and they served as a sort of liaison between the rulers and the ruled.
xxx
2.5 NOTES AND REFERENCES
1. Abiodun, M.O “settlements and their evolution in Omu-Aran district from the earliest
times to 1968” B.A dissertation, University of Ilorin, 1985, p.4
2. Omu-Aran social club “the chronicle of Omu-Aran: oduduwo age to2002 A.D” p.105
3. Ibid.
4. Ibid.
5. Ibid.
6. Interview with Mrs. Onifade, Omu-Aran, February 9, 2011
7. Omu-Aran social club, op.cit. p.1
8. Robin, l “ethnicities of enslaved Africans in the Diaspora ”, 2005, p.247
9. Akinjogbin. I.A. “milestones and social systems in Yoruba history and culture”, 2002,
p.27-28
10. Robert, Smith, “kingdoms of the Yorubas”, 1976, p.17
11. Afolayan, M.O, “evolution of Omu-Aran from earliest times to 1930” B.A, dissertation,
University of Ilorin, 1980, p.2
12. Biobaku, S.O, “origin of the Yoruba”, 1955, p.14-17
13. Ibid.
14. Ibid.
15. Ibid.
16. Ibid.
17. Omu-Aran social club, op.cit. p.7
18. Ibid.
xxxi
19. O.D.A; Omu-Aran day 2008, for the launching of one billion naira development fund,
p.28
20. Ibid.
21. Ibid.
22. O.D.A, op.cit. p.9
23. O.D.A, memorandum on the grading of Oba Olomu, 1978, p.7
24. Interview with Olomu, Oba Charles Ibitoye, Omu-Aran, January 12, 2011
25. Interview with Chief Ojomu, Omu-Aran, December 19,2010
26. Interview with Chief Usman Ayinla, Omu-Aran, December 19, 2010
27. Ibid.
28. Ibid.
29. Omu-Aran social club, op.cit. p.17
30. Afolayan, M.O, op.cit. p.14
31. Interview with Chief Kareem Adeyeye, Omu-Aran, July 29, 2010
32. Ibid.
CHAPTER THREE
3.1 TRADITIONAL INSTITUTIONS IN OMU-ARAN
As man gradually evolved as sophisticated beings engaged in socio-political organizations, it
was only natural that they developed distinct political cultures which one way or the other
influenced development in their locality.1
xxxii
As such, it takes a lot of political ingenuity and sophistication to balance all the contending
socio-political forces in their community and to maintain civil society in such a way that one
person’s freedom is only limited where it restricts the freedom of another person.2
One glaring characteristics of contemporary African states is the problem of instability of most
of their regimes and example of this can be gleaned from the political development and life in
Yoruba land.
Looking at the nature of the states and their political systems, some questions arose like the
definition of the rights of the citizens and the sanction for those rights, who made laws, how
were they enforced, could there arise any circumstances when the citizens could refuse to obey
certain laws?
Going by this, the people of old decided to device means of answering these questions hence the
development of traditional institutions with the sole aim of harmonizing various aspects of the
way of life of the people in order to bring about growth and advancement of their locality.3
Traditional institutions can be said to mean local indigenous institutions either established or
otherwise that exist in a community from time immemorial.4
These institutions were established for one reason or the other and were charged with various
functions all of which works hand in hand to bring about the smooth running of the activities of
the community.
With particular reference to Omu-Aran, traditional institutions evolved out of the need of the
people to have an organized way of life.
xxxiii
These institutions came into being at different point in time but it is pertinent to say that the first
institutions established evolved when the people where still at Odo-Omu but where later
modified to suit prevailing conditions.5
Traditional institution in Omu-Aran includes the Agba ilu or group of elders, the women groups,
the indigenous religions i.e. the oracles they consulted and their various cults, the youth wing
like the oloogun ilu, eso ilu and ete ilu, the family institution, the chiefs in council called the
ireje, the iharefa and all other like-minded bodies charged with either political, economic and
social organization of the community.6
These institutions through one way or the other engaged in activities aimed at sustaining
government, peace, progress and stability in their society.
From observation, traditional means something indigenous to the people and has come to be
accepted as the natural way of doing things.
Social and religious institutions among the people were strongly based on traditional norms,
belief system, folklores and taboos.7
By this, they were able to control social vices through their culture and the established rules and
regulations lay down by their ancestors.
There existed elements of moral consensus among the people as they had tribal and cultural
activity where the youth were taught roles and responsibilities to imbibe by in order to fit in and
be capable of helping themselves out in future problems.8
xxxiv
Socialization process of the children among the people was to a greater extent on imitation such
as learning the occupation of their parents like farming, fishing or even some skills like
swimming.9
These various institutions had some kind of influence on the ways of life of the people. They
dictated heir mode of dressing, the food they eat, the language they speak, the crafts they engage
in and all other major activities they dabble into.
As such, traditional institution graduated to become the culture of the people as it dictates how
they feel and distinct them from any other group around them although that is not to say that
there were no similarities with communities they had affinity with.
Traditional institutions thus became the medium from which traditional ideals were passed on to
the community. Some of these ideals include; respect for age, experience and authority,
ostracisation and stigmatization of evil doers and the indolent.10
They promoted extolling virtues and values which were not necessarily based on materialism but
on service to the community and the encouragement of excellence.
As such these ideals were picked upon, improved, developed and integrated into their sociopolitical way of life thus contributing to a disciplined, fair, just and humane society.11
3.2 TRADITIONAL INSTITUTIONS DURING THE PRE-COLONIAL ERA
xxxv
As earlier said, traditional institutions existed so as to harmonize the day to day activities of the
community and as such promote growth and development.
Here, efforts will be made to look at traditional institutions and their activities in the pre-colonial
era i.e. prior to colonial dominance and rule.
The traditional mode of conduct of the people of Omu-Aran was essentially a factor for
communal unity because it was the awareness possessed by a human community of its historical
evolution by reference to which they tend to assert continuity of their being and to ensure its
development.12
These they continued to do until the tail end of the eighteenth century and the early nineteenth
century, a period I choose to call the era of the overlords.
Traditional institutions have been able to survive all through the passage of time from the
peoples’ previous settlement till they got to the present site but when the town soon had to
experience her years of travails, a period of subjugation to the powers of external overlords.13 It
was only to be expected that it will affect established institutions and their mode of operation.
These were humiliating years, an era when many towns and kingdoms simply went into
extinction on account of irreparable damage inflicted by the invasion of external marauders.14
For Omu-Aran, Oyo empire was the first of the predators despite that on the face of it Oyo’s
relationship with Omu-Aran should not have fitted into the subjugatory relationship given the
origin of the tie but reality was that, while the relationship didn’t start on any note of
disadvantage to either party. It ended as a clear case of over lordship in favor of Oyo.
xxxvi
As such, towards the tail end of the 18th century and early 19th century, Omu-Aran seemed to
owe much allegiance to Old Oyo Empire which had political power over much of Yoruba land.15
This allegiance as expected had to change some aspect of the way of doing things of the people.
The internal affairs of vassal territories like Omu-Aran were left in the hands of the local Obas,
chiefs and council of elders as before but there was evident change in that the king no longer had
sovereign unquestionable power as before because he was now answerable to another although
Oyo’s ajeles were not sent to Omu-Aran as was the practice in other areas were there existed
Oyo hegemony.
The town paid tributes regularly to Oyo called isakole and helped ward off the marauding
activities of alien powers particularly the Nupe power in the Niger area that were a threat in the
north of the empire.
Omu-Aran delegates were among the entourage of obas and high chiefs that had to file to Oyo
during the bere festival and other important occasions.16
Despite the overlordship and vassal relationship between Oyo Empire and Omu-Aran, the
subjugal relationship held some mutual benefits to both of them. For Oyo, the rewards were in
the form of security, tributes, gifts, taxes and contingents to imperial war efforts coming from the
vassal state.
As for the benefits to Omu-Aran, there was peace and freedom from the attacks of other alien
powers as well as some measure of local autonomy.
This local autonomy was manifested in the establishment of the Iyangba Ologbomona
confederacy. This confederacy was the result of the coming together of some towns and villages
xxxvii
of Igbomina, Moba and Ekiti origin and has on its roster such Oba as the Olomu of Omu-Aran,
Oore of Otun, Olupo of Ajase-Ipo, Olusin of Isin, Elekan of Ekan meje, Olota of Odo-Owa
among others.17
They had the “Esinkin Olomu” as the military leader with his full title being the “Esinkin Olomu,
Oniyangba” K.V. Elphinstone confirms the truism of the confederacy even though his difficulty
with vernacular words made him to pronounce Iyangba as Niagba.18
This traditional confederacy formed a separate province within Oyo Empire with principal
objectives covering the need to preserve the unity of that bloc of faithful Oyo allies, pay tributes
smoothly and regularly to Oyo and play the role of royal satellite to Oyo.19
K.V. Elphinstone also listed out member towns and villages of the confederacy as Ajase-Ipo,
Ekan, Odo-Owa, Obbo, Alla, Ijara, Igbaja, Ila, Illofa, Isanlu-Isin, Osi, Otun and Oke-Aba with
Omu-Aran as the provincial capital.20
A memorandum deposed by the Omu-Aran development association in 1978 before the
Ekundayo chieftaincy review panel affirmed that the Olomu was the president of the Iyangba
confederacy Oba and that the palace was the venue of the Iyangba meetings in those days.21
The confederacy was a traditional institution and performed political, spiritual and economic
functions which served as the bedrock of unification and development of its members.
This imperial order remained intact until towards the tail end of the 18th century when evidence
of decay in the soil of the Empire began manifesting through internal chaos, constitutional crisis
and inability on the throne.
xxxviii
By the early 19th century when Oyo Empire finally collapsed and ceased to be a ruling power in
the western Sudan, it was to have far reaching consequences as it unleashed a floodgate of
Yoruba refugees, some of whom became warriors of fortune and leaders in emergent war camps
which also produced new power states.22
This destroyed the balance of power particularly in Yoruba land and threw up a number of new
splinter powers, among them were Ilorin, Ibadan, Ijaiye and Abeokuta.
Of the lot, Ibadan and Ilorin, both parallel powers that reigned about the same time had the most
fundamental and direct impact on not only Omu-Aran but Igbominaland as a whole.23
First was Ibadan who in the aftermath of the collapse of Oyo Empire emerged as an essential
military state whose chieftaincy title was based on military prowess, a state where any man
regardless of his place of origin or birth could become a chief if he showed the requisite military
capabilities and could rise to promotion to the leadership of Ibadan state as exemplified by
Oluyole, a warrior who was conferred the title of Bashorun and made to rule over Ibadan.24
Ibadan lived up to the billing and in fact stepped beyond it to become a raging phenomenon
which eventually snowballed into a conquering Armanda, determined to subjugate other Yoruba
towns and settlements.
Several Ibadan raids took place in Igbominaland between 1850 and 1870 and as their warriors
were advancing; they were disrupting indigenous institutions, lives and properties so the people
fled their homes to a war camp called Ajo.25
This fortress provided natural defense and security for both civilian and military population. At
Ajo, political power shifted from titled chiefs and kings to military commanders because the
xxxix
settlement was like a military camp ruled by succession of Esinkins and this was a distinct break
from their hitherto political organization.
While Omu sojourned at Ajo, the Ibadan rage did not subside in Igbomina as well as in other
parts of Yoruba land. Rather, Ibadan became so powerful that she refused to pay normal respect
to the Alaafin of Oyo and in places subdued, Ibadan appointed and posted representatives called
Ajeles.26
While the Ibadan fire was yet raging, another parallel power, Ilorin was on rampage, spreading
its own fire on a good portion of Yoruba land.
The rise of Ilorin to power, like Ibadan’s took place after the collapse of Oyo Empire which
made Ilorin a contemporary with Ibadan.27
Initially, the Omu-Aran community vacillated on which camp to join but the proximity and
growing military strength of Ilorin seems to have attracted the communities in Omu-Aran to
Ilorin.
Thus, Omu-Aran pledged allegiance to and established military alliance with Ilorin against
Ibadan and by so doing, Ilorin’s power and influence as an emerging power became felt
gradually in the area.
Omu-Aran’s participation on the side of Ilorin led to her loss of valiant men, warriors and ablebodied men within the society.
In this era of warfare, agriculture which was the mainstay of economy in the district was
neglected, institutions were disbanded and the war led to the depopulation of the area.28
xl
In this period of Ilorin over lordship, Ilorin stationed an Ajele and baba kekere in Omu-Aran and
their duties were to collect tributes in cash and kind for onward remittance to Ilorin.
These activities dictated the tune of development until the advent and introduction of formal
British colonial rule on the whole of Nigeria and so Omu-Aran entered another phase of over
lordship.
3.3 TRADITIONAL INSTITUTIONS DURING THE COLONIAL ERA
After the disintegration of Ajo, Omu-Aran became divided back into non-cohesive units of
villages and towns which helps Ilorin to further entrench her sphere of influence and control that
had been established from the pre-colonial era.
It also served as the impetus for the penetration of the Europeans into the area. By 1897 when
Ilorin was attacked and conquered, it led to the establishment of colonial rule on Ilorin.29
Since Ilorin was the sole power, the colonial masters decided to rule the Ilorin province of which
Omu-Aran was a member through Ilorin.
At the time when British administration arrived Nigeria, Igbominaland and parts of Ekiti were
allied to Ilorin and were therefore included within the boundaries of the Ilorin emirate.
With the British in place, Omu-Aran now had to pay an annual family tax to the authorities in
Ilorin instead of the former tributes to the Ilorin jihadist for protection from Ibadan attacks.
Between 1903 and 1905, the impact of the famous indirect rule had started to tell on the people,
Ilorin established Ajeles in the area and the activities of these Ajeles were atrocious.30
xli
Indeed, for most of the 19th century, Omu-Aran witnessed revolutionary years typified by
instability militarization. The period witnessed a great set-back in the market evolution as well as
the general economic development and a tilt in political organization.31
Thus, 19th century Omu-Aran was full of turmoil which on a grand scale was witnessed in many
part of Yoruba land then. Native authority was imposed and the typical northern chain of
authority was established32 throughout the empire starting from Emir to district heads, from
district heads to village heads and from village heads and hamlet heads to the people.
The Emir was supported by the government who insisted on the payment of tributes. Duties were
imposed on the district heads, the duty to maintain law and order in their districts, to supervise
the collection of tax, to consult the people through the medium of the village heads and to
account to the Emir for the peace and well being of the district.
In addition, license was imposed on hawkers, brewers, sellers of native liquor and hunters while
tolls were collected from the caravans.
In 1914 and 1916 respectively, the native authority court and revenue ordinances were enacted.
The 1916 revenue ordinance led to the introduction of direct taxation in 1920 and the collection
of taxes was carried out by the Baale of each compound who was supervised by a ward chief.
Many of the pre-colonial rulers were relegated to the background, the Ilorin resident
representative in the area called “Ajia” started dominating and dictating the nature of governance
of Omu-Aran. The Ajia’s political headquarters was based at Omu-Aran and so the political
authority of the local chiefs was undermined.33
xlii
The rulers more or less became the commissioner for revenue of the Ajia since the power of the
kings were eroded especially when one considered the pre-colonial judicial powers of the kings
as the last court of appeal from the judgment of the “Baale”34
As such, one can say that traditional institutions became revolutionalised due to the
establishment of colonial rule and existed on the whims of the colonial masters because
throughout the era of colonialism, they were relegated with little attention paid to them or their
place in the community prior to colonial rule.
3.4 TRADITIONAL INSTITUTIONS DURING THE POSTINDEPENDENCE ERA
As Nigeria was about to gain her independence in 1960, Omu-Aran was not left out of the
activities culminating in the independence.
Prior to the 1959 general election, massive campaigns were held and various parties emerged in
the area with the most prominent being the northern people’s congress (N.P.C) and the action
group (A.G).
The legacy of the former colonial masters was such that two distinct elites had emerged in OmuAran as other areas; they were the educated elites and the traditional elites.
Hitherto in Omu-Aran, traditional elites wielded the power as they were indigenous to the people
from time immemorial but with the coming of the Europeans and the introduction of
westernization, new elite emerged different from the traditional elites, this was as a result of the
introduction of western way of life, activities of missionaries and the establishment of western
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education. All of these produced the educated elites who were later to feature in the scheme of
things henceforth.
For the first time in the history of human development in Omu-Aran, the 1959 general election
ushered in participatory democracy although the election in the area due to rigging and thuggery
brought lots of disruption in the communities.
As such, enmity started to brew in these communities which had hitherto shared common sociocultural and political affinities.35
While the 1959 general election was a deviation from the established village democracy, it
however enabled the indigenes to participate in the government of their homeland although the
idea of selecting candidates for kingship post from the ruling houses never end up till today.
However, it became apparent that is not the king alone that can represent the interest of his
people in any of the communities.
New breeds of politicians emerged and they started championing the cause of their people,
seeking for political emancipation especially from Ilorin imperialist when of a fact, the yoke of
European colonialism had ended.
For with independence, Ilorin never articulated the new lease of life properly and they thought
they were still operating within the framework of indirect rule whereby the Emir’s resident
representative would go to the area to rule.
There was resentment of this and consequently, the system collapsed finally when the resident’s
house was finally destroyed around 1965 and this brought an abrupt end to Ilorin hegemony in
Omu-Aran.
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So Omu-Aran like other towns once again became a free town, at liberty to pursue its own socioeconomic and political development.
3.5 NOTES AND REFERENCES
1. Movel, E.D “Nigeria: its people and its problems”, 1968, p.91-103
2. Ibid.
3. Ogunremi, D and Adediran, b “culture and society in Yorubaland” , 2002, p.10
4. Oxford advanced learner’s dictionary, 6th edition.
5. Interview with chief Asanlu, Omu-Aran, December 25, 2010
6. Afolayan, M.O “evolution of Omu-Aran from the earliest times to 1930” , june 1980,
p.19
7. Eades, J.S “The Yoruba today” , Cambridge, 1980, p.4
8. Ibid.
9. Ibid.
10. Ekpo, Eyo. Dr “report of the seminar on Nigeria in transition: Nigeria’s traditional ideals:
culture as an instrument of national unity” p.21
11. Ibid.
12. Ibid.
13. Omu-Aran social club “chronicle of Omu-Aran, Oduduwa age to 2002 A.D” p.51
14. Ibid.
15. Abiodun, O.M “settlement and their evolution in Omu-Aran district from the earliest
times to 1968” , 1985, p.34
16. Afolabi, F “Igbominaland in the context of Yoruba history” p.268
17. Omu-Aran social club. Op.cit.p.44
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18. Elphinstone, K.V “gazetteer of Ilorin province” p.25
19. Ibid.
20. Ibid.
21. O.D.A memorandum on the grading of Oba Olomu, 1978, p.4
22. Omu-Aran social club op.cit.p.53
23. Afolabi, F. op.cit.p.271
24. Ibid.
25. Omu-Aran social club op.cit.p.55
26. Ibid.
27. Ibid.
28. Abiodun, O.M, op.cit.p.38
29. Herman-Hodge, H.B. “Gazetteer of Ilorin province” , London, 1929, p.7-12
30. Afolayan, M.O op.cit.p.53
31. Ibid.
32. Ibid.
33. Abiodun, O.M.op.cit.p.54
34. Ibid.
35. Ibid.
xlvi
CHAPTER FOUR
4.1 IMPACTS OF COLONIAL RULE ON THE TRADITIONAL
INSTITUTIONS IN OMU-ARAN
Colonialism was a domination of foreign rule over the indigenous administration and it was only
natural that its impact will be felt in all areas of the way of life of the people.
When British administration was established, they did not do away with the established or
existing local customs, beliefs and customary laws. Rather, these indigenous way of doing things
were only required to pass the test of repugnancy.1
Thus, it was a case of the indigenous people submitting to the rulership of the British and the
English legal system while the British in turn made provision for the continuance of these
indigenous laws and institutions to the permissive extent of English ideas and institutions.2
The British, realizing that before their coming, the people had their indigenous method of
governance and administration of justice established indigenous courts otherwise known as
native courts and these courts were allowed to operate in the administration of justice in their
area.3
With the amalgamation of the northern and southern protectorate of Nigeria in1914, the British
introduced the indirect rule system which gave credence to the recognition and application of
customary law and established indigenous institutions because they were of the belief that
institutions and methods, in order to command success and promote the happiness and welfare of
the people must be deep rooted in their tradition and prejudice.4
xlvii
Omu-Aran was joined with the Northern Province and so was to experience indirect rule system
and all its peculiarities.
4.2 SOCIO-POLITICAL IMPACTS
The coming of the Europeans to Omu-Aran brought on some changes to the established order of
doing things of the people. Looking at its socio-political implications, many changes can be
gleaned.
The traditional ruler henceforth became a stooge of the colonial administration and could not
continue his previous role of sovereign ruler. Colonial rule led to the separation of the people of
Omu-Aran from their kiths and kin in the south because they failed to put into consideration, the
natural phenomenon that people relate well to those with whom they speak the same language
and share common traditional ties.5
They disregarded origin, cultural affinities, aspiration and visions of these innocent people by
creating artificial boundaries separating them.
Despite all these negating opinions, the coming of the Europeans brought peace to the people
because at the time of their arrival, the Igbomina people were involved in series of wars which
caused wide scale deaths and destructions.6
The Europeans brought peace by bringing all opposite forces to order and so, the peace era of the
late 1890s created by the European made the people to go back to their old land after they
disbanded Ajo.7
Colonial rule saw the construction of a road to reach Omu-Aran and by august 17, 1920, a grade
c native court was established at Omu-Aran to cater for the judicial needs of the people.
xlviii
The native administration established by the colonial masters established a dispensary at OmuAran to cater for the health care of the people in 1930.
That same year, land grant was given out for the establishment of an elementary school to cater
for the educational needs of the people.
It is to be noted that the initial reason for the establishment of schools was to promote
Christianity and to educate indigenous people so they could be used as interpreters8 but the
ingenuity of the people was such that at the long run, they were able to see the benefits of
education and so decided to be well versed in order to be involved in the administration of their
people.
As such, the growth of education was able to pose a threat to the basis or existence of
colonialism and imperialism in Omu-Aran as it became the major stimulus for nationalism and
resentment to alien rule.
Hitherto, the people had their traditional cultural heritage and political orientation, they already
knew how they applied their belief and customs to their daily activities and it was indeed strange
to them when the colonial masters came and started condemning some of these practices.
The white man condemned their religion because it was different from their own perspective and
called it pagan worship.
The missionaries had a field day, trying to change the people’s orientation, all in an attempt to
gain new converts. According to them, pagan worship should be dropped and the people should
become Christians.9
xlix
Also, they condemned the people’s practice of polygamy, claiming that a man is only entitled to
one wife at a time. They proposed their own westernization as the ideal way of life and enjoined
the people to embrace it.
All of this was to invariably lead to a rapid decline in the people’s traditional religion and values.
Looking at their political impact, colonial rule discarded some political aspects of the people that
were unable to pass the repugnancy test. By this, those that could not conform to the British
ideals and laws even though the people were used to it.
Political institutions were subjugated and their powers limited, even if given was on the whims
of the colonial officers.10
Chiefs and traditional rulers, who were used to absolute power of the pre-colonial era, saw a
drastic reduction of their as it was now dictated by the colonial masters.
The Olomu was no longer the final court of appeal; the chiefs were no longer the sole producers
of candidate for the stool since the officials could only support candidates loyal to them.
Many of the rulers were relegated to the background since the local ruler’s political authority
was limited and undermined.
4.3 ECONOMIC IMPACTS
l
According to the afro-centric scholars; they were of the belief that the colonization of Nigeria
was economic oriented. By this, the British acquisition of colonies was for economic gains and
this was to become the bane of their activities in the region.
This invariably meant that all British policies were directed towards economic exploitation of the
human and natural resources of Nigeria.
Prior to European incursion, the people of Omu-Aran as well as others in the region that later
made up Nigeria were said to have thrived from trade. They had deiced market structures and
institution that culminated into economic development.11
It was little wonder that the British developed interest in the area and sought to capitalize on this
interest by setting up effective administration.
The indigenous people had their established institutions guiding market mechanism, had their
way of paying tributes and land was communally owned.
The coming of the British put a stop to that thus disrupting tradition which had existed from time
immemorial.
They imposed taxation and even for all the taxation, little development came to Omu-Aran. The
people complained that they paid tax but got nothing for it and for a fact, whatever Omu-Aran
got in terms of development like new roads, first aid clinics and schools were handed over
begrudgingly by the colonialist because Omu-Aran was regarded as the centre of the rebel area.12
Throughout the tenure of colonialism therefore, Omu-Aran was relegated with little attention
paid to the real needs of the people.
li
The colonial masters were concerned with shipping the raw materials of the people down to their
home country without giving them anything in return and the people still served as captive
market for European finished goods.
On the other hand, there were some minimal economic improvements as trade with the northern
part of the country improved.
Trade in the European manufactured goods started as goods began to find their way into the
market in the district gradually.
There was rapid change in the role of market from the socio-cultural functions of the 18th century
to mainly economic functions although a complete break of market functions from socio-cultural
to economic ones alone could not be actually affected.
The boost in the sales of the European manufactured woven goods through the G.B. Ollivant and
company based in Ilorin in 1924-1925 influenced the quick completion of the road from Ilorin to
Omu-Aran as the administrative headquarters of the area even though the discovery of tin by the
Boro tin company made the colonial office to desire the interior economic exploitation and
imperialism of the district.
From all these, it is clear that right from about 1920, Omu-Aran witnessed the evolution of the
British type of judicial system, the upsurge of Christianity and western education, the consequent
upsurge of nationalism and on the whole, a great socio-economic and political transformation
and developments which continued until the period of independence.
4.5 NOTES AND REFERENCES
lii
1. Boahen, Adu. A. “General history of Africa” , vol 5; Africa under colonial domination
1880-1935, California, unesco, p.20-25
2. Ibid.
3. Yakubu, J.A, Dr “colonialism, customary law and post colonial state in Africa; the case of
Nigeria” , Ibadan, 2002, p.4-9
4. Ibid.
5. Ibid.
6. Ajayi, J.F and Smith, R.S. “Yoruba warfare in the nineteenth century” , Cambridge, 1964,
p.16.
7. Ibid.
8. Ayandele, Prof. “The missionary impact on modern Nigeria” , Longman, 1966, p.26-30.
9. Ibid.
10. Interview with Mrs. Omotade, Omu-Aran, December 26, 2010.
11. Ibid.
12. Omu-Aran social club “the chronicle of Omu-Aran, oduduwa age to 2002 A.D” P.60.
4.4 CONCLUSION
A proper understanding of the impact and changes wrought by the colonial administration can
only be made after a thorough understanding of the people’s original position and that was why
liii
efforts was made to give a detailed information about the activities of the people of Omu-Aran
prior to colonial rule.
Before the colonial era, the people of Omu-Aran from their existence in their various settlements
till they got to their present site, had evolved their own administrative, economic and social
systems.
They had traditional institutions existing from time immemorial, charged with various duties and
functions, working hand in hand to promote growth and development in their locality.
With the coming of the Europeans to the area, they hardly had any awareness that the people
who they thought to colonize had their own views about existence, their own social arrangement,
political values and judgment, within the context of which their actions are taken and to the
development of which these actions contribute.
The totality of the European cultural impact on the indigenous population has been described
rather aptly as “a paradox”.
The period witnessed an ever increasing conflict between the incoming alien European culture
on one hand and on the other hand, the pre-existing cultural patterns of the indigenous subject
population.
The British colonial administration saw the immediate suppression of specific aspects of the
indigenous culture, creating new political and administrative boundaries.
The people’s political culture suffered irreparable damage with the loss of sovereignty to all
states which came in the wake of the establishment, by conquest or protectorate treaties, of
British rule.
liv
Although, the official adoption of pragmatic policy of indirect rule suggested a respect for the
people’s political institutions and related socio-economic traditions, several case studies have
pointed to the very important changes made by indirect rule in the political system and
institutions of the people.
To begin with, indirect rule operated on the basis, not of the independence of the traditional
rulers, but on their subordination to the British administration.
The British insisted that traditions and customs would be respected only if they did not run foul
of British perception of humanity and justice.
The obnoxious conversion of traditional rulers into the so called “sole native authorities” turned
them into tyrants that they were not able to be in pre-colonial times when customary checks and
balances subjected them to the over-all control of the traditional council of chiefs.
Coupled with all these was the role of Christian missionaries with their abolision of customs of
the people which they declared pagan.
It was little wonder that the legacy of the colonial masters could still be felt even after 50 years
of independence.
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