MODULE 1 - THEORIES OF INTELLIGENCE TO THEORIES OF LEARNING
ALFRED BINET AND THE FIRST IQ TEST
During the early 1900s, the French government asked psychologist Alfred Binet to
help decide which students were mostly likely to experience difficulty in schools. The
government had passed laws requiring that all French children attend school, so it
was important to find a way to identify children who would need specialized
assistance.
Faced with this task, Binet and his colleague Theodore Simon began developing a
number of questions that focused on things that had not been taught in school such
as attention, memory and problem-solving skills. Using these questions, Binet
determined which ones served as the best predictors of school success. He quickly
realized that some children were able to answer more advanced questions that older
children were generally able to answer, while other children of the same age were
only able to answer questions that younger children could typically answer. Based on
this observation, Binet suggested the concept of a mental age, or a measure of
intelligence based on the average abilities of children of a certain age group.
This first intelligence test, referred to today as the Binet-Simon Scale, became the
basis for the intelligence tests still in use today. However, Binet himself did not
believe that his psychometric instruments could be used to measure a single,
permanent and inborn level of intelligence (Kamin, 1995). Binet stressed the
limitations of the test, suggesting that intelligence is far too broad a concept to
quantify with a single number. He insisted that intelligence is influenced by a
number of factors, changes over time and can only be compared among children
with similar backgrounds (Siegler, 1992).
THE STANFORD-BINET INTELLIGENCE TEST
After the development of the Binet-Simon Scale, the test was soon brought to the
United States where it generated considerable interest. Stanford University
psychologist Lewis Terman took Binet's original test and standardized it using a
sample of American participants. This adapted test, first published in 1916, was
called the Stanford-Binet Intelligence Scale and soon became the standard
intelligence test used in the U.S.
The Stanford-Binet intelligence test used a single number, known as the intelligence
quotient (or IQ), to represent an individual's score on the test. This score was
calculated by dividing the test taker's mental age by their chronological age, and
then multiplying this number by 100. For example, a child with a mental age of 12
and a chronological age of 10 would have an IQ of 120 (12 /10 x 100).
The Stanford-Binet remains a popular assessment tool today, despite going through
a number of revisions over the years since its inception.
INTELLIGENCE TESTING IN THE EARLY 20TH CENTURY
At the outset of World War I, U.S. Army officials were faced with the monumental
task of screening an enormous number of army recruits. In 1917, as president of the
APA and chair of the Committee on the Psychological Examination of Recruits,
psychologist Robert Yerkes developed two tests known as the Army Alpha and Beta
tests. The Army Alpha was designed as a written test, while the Army Beta was
administered orally in cases where recruits were unable to read. The tests were
administered to over two million soldiers in an effort to help the army determine
which men were well suited to specific positions and leadership roles (McGuire,
1994).
At the end of WWI, the tests remained in use in a wide variety of situations outside
of the military with individuals of all ages, backgrounds and nationalities. For
example, IQ tests were used to screen new immigrants as they entered the United
States at Ellis Island. The results of these mental tests were inappropriately used to
make sweeping and inaccurate generalizations about entire populations, which led
some intelligence "experts" to exhort Congress to enact immigration restrictions
(Kamin, 1995).
THE WECHSLER INTELLIGENCE SCALES
The next development in the history of intelligence testing was the creation of a new
measurement instrument by American psychologist David Wechsler. Much like
Binet, Wechsler believed that intelligence involved a number of different mental
abilities, describing intelligence as, ‘the global capacity of a person to act
purposefully, to think rationally, and to deal effectively with his environment’ (1939).
Dissatisfied with the limitations of the Stanford-Binet, he published his new
intelligence test known as the Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale (WAIS) in 1955.
Wechsler also developed two different tests specifically for use with children: the
Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children (WISC) and the Wechsler Preschool and
Primary Scale of Intelligence (WPPSI). The adult version of the test has been revised
since its original publication and is now known as the WAIS-IV.
The WAIS-IV contains 10 subtests along with 5 supplemental tests. The test provides
scores in four major areas of intelligence: a Verbal Comprehension Index, a
Perceptual Reasoning Index, a Working Memory Index, and a Processing Speed
Index. The test also provides two broad scores that can be used as a summary of
overall intelligence: a Full Scale IQ score that combines performance on all four index
scores and a General Ability Index based on six subtest scores.
Subtest scores on the WAIS-IV can be useful in identifying learning disabilities, such
as cases where a low score on some areas combined with a high score in other areas
may indicate that the individual has a specific learning difficulty (Kaufman, 1990).
Rather than score the test based on chronological age and mental age, as was the
case with the original Stanford-Binet, the WAIS is scored by comparing the test
taker's score to the scores of others in the same age group. The average score is
fixed at 100, with two-thirds of scores lying in the normal range between 85 and 115.
This scoring method has become the standard technique in intelligence testing and is
also used in the modern revision of the Stanford-Binet test.
TRIARCHIC THEORY OF INTELLIGENCE: ROBERT STERNBERG
The Triarchic Theory of Intelligence was formulated by Robert J. Sternberg (19785), a
prominent figure in the research of human intelligence. The theory by itself was
groundbreaking in that it was among the first to go against the psychometric
approach to intelligence and take a more cognitive approach.
Sternberg’s definition of human intelligence is ‘(a) mental activity directed toward
purposive adaptation to, selection and shaping of, real-world environments relevant
to one’s life’ (Sternberg, 1985, p. 45), which means that intelligence is how well an
individual deals with environmental changes throughout their lifespan. Sternberg’s
theory comprises three parts: componential, experiential, and practical.
Sternberg associated the workings of the mind with a series of components. These
components he labeled the metacomponents, performance components, and
knowledge-acquisition components (Sternberg, 1985).
The metacomponents are executive processes used in problem solving and decision
making that involve the majority of managing our mind. They tell the mind how to
act. Metacomponents are also sometimes referred to as a homunculus. A
homunculus is a fictitious or metaphorical "person" inside our head that controls our
actions, and which is often seen to invite an infinite regress of homunculi controlling
each other (Sternberg, 1985).
Sternberg’s next set of components, performance components, are the processes
that actually carry out the actions the metacomponents dictate. These are the basic
processes that allow us to do tasks, such as perceiving problems in our long-term
memory, perceiving relations between objects, and applying relations to another set
of terms (Sternberg, 1997).
The last set of components, knowledge-acquisition components, are used in
obtaining new information. These components complete tasks that involve
selectively choosing information from irrelevant information. These components can
also be used to selectively combine the various pieces of information they have
gathered. Gifted individuals are proficient in using these components because they
are able to learn new information at a greater rate (Sternberg, 1997).
Whereas Sternberg explains that the basic information processing components
underlying the three parts of his triarchic theory are the same, different contexts and
different tasks require different kind of intelligence (Sternberg, 2001).
COMPONENTIAL / ANALYTICAL SUBTHEORY
Sternberg associated the componential subtheory with analytical giftedness. This is
one of three types of giftedness that Sternberg recognizes. Analytical giftedness is
influential in being able to take apart problems and being able to see solutions not
often seen. Unfortunately, individuals with only this type are not as adept at creating
unique ideas of their own. This form of giftedness is the type that is tested most
often (Sternberg, 1997).
EXPERIENTIAL / CREATIVE SUBTHEORY
Sternberg’s 2nd stage of his theory is his experiential subtheory. This stage deals
mainly with how well a task is performed with regard to how familiar it is. Sternberg
splits the role of experience into two parts: novelty and automation.
A novel situation is one that you have never experienced before. People that are
adept at managing a novel situation can take the task and find new ways of solving it
that the majority of people would not notice (Sternberg, 1997).
A process that has been automated has been performed multiple times and can now
be done with little or no extra thought. Once a process is automatized, it can be run
in parallel with the same or other processes. The problem with novelty and
automation is that being skilled in one component does not ensure that you are
skilled in the other (Sternberg, 1997).
The experiential subtheory also correlates with another one of Sternberg’s proposed
types of giftedness. Synthetic giftedness is seen in creativity, intuition, and a study of
the arts. People with synthetic giftedness are not often seen with the highest IQ’s
because there are not currently any tests that can sufficiently measure these
attributes, but synthetic giftedness is especially useful in creating new ideas to
create and solve new problems. Sternberg also associated another one of his
students, “Barbara”, to the synthetic giftedness. Barbara did not perform as well as
Alice on the tests taken to get into school, but was recommended to Yale University
based on her exceptional creative and intuitive skills. Barbara was later very valuable
in creating new ideas for research (Sternberg, 1997).
PRACTICAL / CONTEXTUAL SUBTHEORY
Sternberg’s third subtheory of intelligence, called practical or contextual, “deals with
the mental activity involved in attaining fit to context” (Sternberg, 1985, p. 45).
Through the three processes of adaptation, shaping, and selection, individuals create
an ideal fit between themselves and their environment. This type of intelligence is
often referred to as "street smarts."
Adaptation occurs when one makes a change within oneself in order to better adjust
to one’s surroundings (Sternberg, 1985). For example, when the weather changes
and temperatures drop, people adapt by wearing extra layers of clothing to remain
warm.
Shaping occurs when one changes their environment to better suit one’s needs
(Sternberg, 1985). A teacher may invoke the new rule of raising hands to speak to
ensure that the lesson is taught with least possible disruption.
The process of selection is undertaken when a completely new alternate
environment is found to replace the previous, unsatisfying environment to meet the
individual’s goals (Sternberg, 1985). For instance, immigrants leave their lives in their
homeland countries where they endure economical and social hardships and go to
other countries in search of a better and less strained life.
The effectiveness with which an individual fits to his or her environment and
contends with daily situations reflects degree of intelligence. Sternberg’s third type
of giftedness, called practical giftedness, involves the ability to apply synthetic and
analytic skills to everyday situations. Practically gifted people are superb in their
ability to succeed in any setting (Sternberg, 1997). An example of this type of
giftedness is "Celia". Celia did not have outstanding analytical or synthetic abilities,
but she “was highly successful in figuring out what she needed to do in order to
succeed in an academic environment. She knew what kind of research was valued,
how to get articles into journals, how to impress people at job interviews, and the
like” (Sternberg, 1997, p. 44). Celia’s contextual intelligence allowed her to use these
skills to her best advantage.
Sternberg also acknowledges that an individual is not restricted to having excellence
in only one of these three intelligences. Many people may possess an integration of
all three and have high levels of all three intelligences.
Practical Intelligence is also a topic covered by Malcolm Gladwell in his book
"Outliers: The story of success" [1]
CHALLENGES
Psychologist Linda Gottfredson (Gottfredson, 2003) criticises the unempirical nature
of triarchic theory and argues that it is absurd to assert that traditional Intelligence
tests are not measuring practical intelligence when they show a moderate
correlation with income, especially at middle age when individuals have had a
chance to reach their maximum career potential, an even higher correlation with
occupational prestige, and that IQ tests even predict the ability to stay out of jail and
stay alive (all of which qualifies as practical intelligence or "street smarts").[2][3]
Gottfredson claims that what Sternberg calls practical intelligence is not a broad
aspect of cognition at all but simply a specific set of skills people learn to cope with a
specific environment (task specific knowledge).
There is evidence to suggest that certain aspects of creativity (i.e. Divergent thinking)
are separable from analytical intelligence, and are better accounted for by the
cognitive process of executive functioning.[4] More specifically, task-switching and
interference management are suggested to play an important role in divergent
thinking. A more recent meta-Analysis found only small correlations between IQ and
creativity (Kim, 2005).
RECOMMENDED READING
Malcolm Gladwell. Outliers: The story of success.
Gottfredson, L.S. (2003). "Dissecting practical intelligence theory: Its claims and
evidence". Intelligence 31 (4): 343–397. doi:10.1016/S0160-2896(02)00085-5.
Gottfredson, L.S. (2003). "On Sternberg's 'Reply to Gottfredson'". Intelligence 31 (4):
415–424. doi:10.1016/S0160-2896(03)00024-2.
Are intelligence and creativity really so different?: Fluid intelligence, executive
processes, and strategy use in divergent thinking
Gottfredson, L. (2003). Dissecting practical intelligence theory: Its claims and its
evidence. Intelligence, 31, 343-397.
Sternberg, R. J. (1985). Beyond IQ: A Triarchic Theory of Intelligence. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.
Sternberg, R. J. (1997). A Triarchic View of Giftedness: Theory and Practice. In N.
Coleangelo & G. A. Davis (Eds.), Handbook of Gifted Education (pp. 43–53). Boston,
MA: Allyn and Bacon.
Sternberg, R.J., Nokes, C., Geissler, W., Prince, P., Okatcha, F., Bundy, D.A.,
Grigorenke, E.L. (2001). The relationship between academic and practical
intelligence: a case study in Kenya. Intelligence, 29, 401-418.
Kim, K. H. (2005). "Can Only Intelligent People Be Creative? A Meta-Analysis". The
Journal of Secondary Gifted Education. doi:10.4219/jsge-2005-473.
Fancher, R. E. (1985). The intelligence men: Makers of the IQ controversy. New York:
W. W. Norton & Company.
Kamin, L. J. (1995). The pioneers of IQ testing. In Ressell Jacoby & Naomi
Glauberman (Eds.), The Bell Curve Debate: History, Documents, Opinions. New York:
Times Books.
McGuire, F. (1994). Army alpha and beta tests of intelligence. In R. J. Sternberg (Ed.),
Encyclopedia of intelligence. New York: Macmillan.
Siegler, R. S. (1992). The other Alfred Binet. Developmental Psychology, 28, 179-190.