Buddha museum coming up in India
by Ayesha Arvind, TNN, Jun 2, 2011
GREATER NOIDA, India -- The life and teachings of Lord Buddha will soon be immortalized in a
museum-cum-research centre solely dedicated to the seer and founder of Buddhism in Greater
Noida. In its board meeting earlier last month, the Authority approved the construction of a state-ofthe-art Buddhist Museum and Research Centre spread over 25 acres of land within the Gautam
Budh University campus.
Estimated to cost Rs 84 crore, the museum, the first of its kind in the country, will house art galleries,
research and development centre, exhibition centre, classrooms, sculpture sections and several
cultural workshops. The museum will also have a cafe, multimedia rooms and expansive gardens.
According to the Authority officials, the aim of the project is to introduce the origin and history of
Buddhism, as well as various cultural assets associated with the world renowned religion and above
all provide at the same time, for those "students and researchers studying about Buddhism, provide
an avenue and resources for better understanding of Buddhism," said an Authority official.
Being designed and conceptualized by architecture firm CP Kukreja and Associates, the ambitious
project will boast of novel design concepts that will integrate modernity with the vintage Buddhist
architecture. "Even though it will be an integral part of the university, it will be open to the public. The
overall structure will blend with the existing landscape and yet have the character of a public space,"
says Dikshu Kukreja of the firm. Kukreja had also designed and conceptualized the Gautam Budh
University.
While it will draw the obvious inspiration from Buddhist temples, museums and Nalanda University,
the idea is to infuse modern elements like glass and concrete with the traditional features prevalent
in Buddhist architecture, stressing on tranquility and natural lighting and sustainability. "The main
building will be of three-storeyed, however, it will be designed such that it will appear like a single,
seamless structure, blending with the surrounding landscape," says Kukreja. Use of glass instead of
pillars
will
give
it
an
open
feel
and
provide
ample
natural
lighting.
The concept and the design of the magnificent structure is ready, work on the same will begin in
about
two
months
and
will
be
completed
within
18
months.
The Museum will also exhibit precious antiques statues and sculptures and architectural remains
related to the life and teachings of Buddha and his followers. Currently, the architects are working
out collaborations with various indigenous and foreign museums and universities to source and
collect specimens. They are also aiming at coordinating with other cultural and educational
organizations for disseminating Indian and particularly Buddhist philosophy and culture.
"We are finalizing one such collaboration with Ryokuku University in Japan that already houses a
Buddhist Museum. We are also working out several such collaborations," Dikshu Kukreja says.
Dalits embrace Buddhism as part of 2600th birth anniversary of Lord
Buddha
By Dr. Eugene DSouza, Bellevision Media Network, May 24, 2011
Udupi, India -- As a part of the 2600th birth anniversary of Lord Gautama Buddha, a large number
of Dalits from different parts of the Karnataka State embraced Buddhism (Dhamma Dheekshe) in the
forenoon of Tuesday, May 24, 2011 at a function held at Shri Narayanaguru Sabha Bhavan,
Bannanje, Udupi. The ‘Dhamma Dheekshe’ was administered by the Buddhist Monk, Manorakkhita
Bhanteji in association with Monk Long Sang and Monk Ten guru.
The Karnataka State level Buddhist Convention and
the Dhamma Dheekshe were jointly organized by
Karnataka Boudha Mahasabha, Karnataka Dalita
Sangharasha Samiti(Ambedkarites), Dakshina
Kannada District Boudha Mahasabha, Abhidamma
Trust and Udupi District Committee.
Prior to the convention and Dhamma Dheekshe, a
procession was taken out by the Dalits from the
Ambedkar Bhavan, Adi-Udupi to the Shri
Narayanaguru Sabha Bhavan at Bannanje. Two
huge posters of Lord Gautama Buddha and Dr.
B.R. Ambedkar mounted on two separate vans
were part of the procession. Chende and Nasik Band provided the necessary sound and music and
there was elaborate security arrangement with a number of policemen accompanying the
procession.
Shri Narayanaguru Sabha Bhavan was packed to the capacity. Prior to the Dhamma Dheekshe
function, three Dalit groups presented revolutionary songs. Following the arrival of the Buddhist
Monks-Manorakkhita Bhanteji, Long Sang and Ten guru, the stage was occupied by the dignitaries.
Before the commencement of the function, Monk Manorakkhita Bhanteji recited the invocations of
‘Buddham, Dharmam and Sangam’. Thereafter, Sunder Master, member of the State Committee
welcomed the Buddhist Monks and the dignitaries on the stage.
A formal inauguration of the Buddhist Convention and Dhamma Dheekshe programme was done by
lighting candles in front of the image of Lord Buddha, followed by the lighting of the lamp by the
Monks and the dignitaries on the stage including Mavalli Shankar, the Convener of State Committee.
Saying that ‘Dheekshe is not given but taken by the followers of Buddhism’, Monk Manorakkhita
Bhanteji administered the ‘Dhamma Dheekshe’ to all the Dalits who were present in the hall by
reciting the ‘shlokas’ which were repeated by those embracing Buddhism with folded hands.
In his homily, Monk Manorakkhita Bhanteji said that Buddhism is neither optimistic, nor pessimistic,
but realistic. He said that from this day all those who have had embraced Buddhism should give up
worshipping the multiple gods and goddesses that they had been worshipping so far and take
shelter under ‘Buddha, Dharma and Sangha’. He further said that after his conversion to Buddhism,
Dr. B.R. Ambedkar met a Buddhist Monk from Burma who had given him 22 Pledges which he in
turn asked his followers to abide by. The same 22 Pledges were recited by Monk Manorakkhita
Bhanteji which were repeated by those who had embraced Buddhism as their religion.
These 22 Pledges included renouncing the worship
of deities and invoking ‘Buddha, Dhamma and
Sangha’, not getting the marriages of their children
solemnized by Brahmins, adherence to nonviolence and not harming animals, not to steal, not
to tell lies, not to consume intoxicants and follow
other ethical and moral principles.
Following the Dhamma Dheekshe, Monk
Manorakkhita Bhanteji said that there are many
religious traditions in India. However, he highlighted
that Buddhism had a special appeal not only to the
people of India but also outside India. He said that
Buddhism is chiefly based on the principle of Four Noble Truths: That the world is full of suffering;
desire and attachment are the causes of the suffering; in order to be free from suffering, one has to
be free from desires and attachments; and in order to be free from these one has to follow the right
path or the middle path, that is, the Eightfold Path. He made an appeal to the people to follow the
right path of truth and justice and improve their physical and mental condition by acquiring education
and knowledge and contribute to the family wellbeing, progress of the society and eventually to the
development of the nation.
Thailand: Buddhism embroiled in a volatile mix
By Seth Kane, Asia Times, May 26, 2011
BANGKOK, Thailand -- Thailand's community of Buddhist monks, the Sangha, has traditionally
occupied a ubiquitous and hallowed place in Thai society. However, globalization and decades of
rapid economic development have challenged the Sangha's traditional position, seen in its dwindling
membership, plethora of scandals and diminished
role as educators and conflict resolvers.
The country's current political divide has further
strained the Sangha, exposing rifts and presenting
hard dilemmas for an institution that is in many
ways struggling to adapt to modern Thai society.
Increasingly, Thailand's Buddhist monks face a
stark trade-off: risk further marginalization by
remaining on the sidelines of entrenched political
conflict or wade into the struggle in a way that could
compromise their transcendental legitimacy.
Political leaders face a related choice of whether to
recruit monks to their cause and employ their
Dharmic rhetoric to push their agendas. While it may bolster the illusion of their moral authority, they
risk accusations of hypocrisy and exploitation given their clear worldly power agendas and often less
than saintly conduct.
Thailand: Buddhism embroiled in a volatile mix
During Thailand's political upheavals in the 1970s, including the climactic military crackdown on
student protestors in 1976, the state-backed Sangha's "Council of Elders" took a strong position
supported by most Buddhist lay groups. It criticized monks for taking political sides and made clear
involvement in politics represented a contravention of Sangha rules of discipline.
In recent times, particularly with the emergence of competing color-coded protest movements,
monks in both rural and urban areas have taken political sides. Some were involved in storming the
gates of parliament with royalist "yellow shirt" protesters in 2008 while others openly participated in
"red shirt" protests that devolved into armed violence last year. Monks have also routinely featured in
both protest groups' sponsored media and have appeared on rally stages in Bangkok and upcountry.
Some monks have claimed to participate in protests to reduce the possibility of violence against
demonstrators. Other monks, however, have openly professed political affiliation and claimed that
their role as monks mandates them to fight for truth, justice and against human suffering brought
about by misrule.
While the Sangha Council issued orders in both 1995 and 2006 against monks becoming involved in
politics, follow-up statements condemning violators have been few and far between. The silence
could stem from a perception that the council's central calls would not be heeded by peripheral
monks.
Because of the council's close association with traditional Thai power structures, some of which
have recently been pulled into the political fray, calls for non-involvement or threats of punitive
actions could similarly be perceived as taking political sides.
Ahead of general elections scheduled for July 3, the government's Office of National Buddhism
(ONB) recently issued a warning for monks and novices across the country to steer clear of political
activities. Nopparat Benjawatananant, the ONB's director general, said the warning was issued in
reaction to reports that monks had started to canvass on behalf of candidates in their localities.
The most overt political linkages in the conflict have emerged from the rapidly growing evangelical
sects that have broken with the state-backed Sangha. An off-shoot of the "yellow shirt" movement
hails from the evangelical Santi Asoke religious sect which claims Chamlong Srimuang, a core
"yellow shirt" leader, as their political representative. With their symbolic support, the "yellow shirts"
have presented themselves as fighting for explicitly Dharmic goals of countering Thai politicians'
corruption and the thirst for power they allege former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra embodied.
Composed of self-sufficient ascetic farming communities across the country, Santi Asoke split with
the official Sangha in 1975 and overtly supported a political party, the Palang Tham, in the late
1980s and 1990s. The party employed Buddhist concepts of purity to differentiate itself from
mainstream political parties and ironically through coalition horse-trading brought Thaksin to national
prominence as foreign minister in 1994.
The current "yellow shirt" protest against interim prime minister Abhisit Vejjajiva's government has
undermined Santi Asoke's claim as an effective rallying force judging by the small numbers gathered
at their protest site outside of Government House.
Another evangelical sect, based at Wat Dhammakaya on the outskirts of Bangkok, has strong links
with Thaksin and many of his business cronies. Dhammakaya's teachings emphasize a gospel of
prosperity that has captured the imagination and aspirations of segments of Thailand's middle and
upper classes.
In the mid-2000s, the temple's leaders allegedly leveraged their connections to Thaksin to beat
corruption charges and many senior members of the sect have remained important financial and
political backers of the pro-Thaksin movement.
Earthly behavior, holy criticism
Another dimension of Buddhist involvement in Thai politics is the self-styled "socially engaged"
Buddhist movement led by prominent intellectuals such as Sulak Sivaraksa.
Sulak was an outspoken critic of Thaksin's free-trade policies and large-scale development projects
that forced villagers from their land and damaged the environment. The contentious Sulak has on
several occasions faced lese majeste charges and has been alternately critical of "yellow shirt"
leaders for being arrogant but also supportive of the movement's promotion of Dharma in politics.
Opposition from renowned charismatic monks plagued Thaksin throughout his six-year tenure.
Luang Ta Maha Bua, a revered forest monk who famously raised donations to help the country
weather the 1997-98 Asian financial crisis, frequently denounced what he perceived to be Thaksin's
self-interested approach to politics.
Thaksin attempted to silence the criticism through a defamation lawsuit but dropped the charge after
royal admonishment. Queen Sirikit and Abhisit were among the tens of thousands who turned up at
Maha Bua's cremation ceremony in Udon Thani province, a Thaksin political bastion.
One of the motivations for the earliest street protests against Thaksin in 2005 stemmed from
accusations that he had overstepped his authority by conducting rites and rituals reserved for royalty
at Thailand's holiest temple, Wat Pra Kaew.
Thaksin also faced "yellow shirt"-spread rumors that attacks on holy relics, including Bangkok's
Erawan Shrine, were a part of his plan to maintain power through the use of black magic. Others
interpreted the shrine's destruction as a bad omen for Thaksin, one that contributed to perceptions
that his political authority was deeply compromised.
The symbolism of the wat, or temple, as a place of peace and protection was violated last year when
at least six protesters and a medic were shot and killed at Bangkok's Wat Pathumwanaram during a
military crackdown operation on "red shirt" demonstrations.
Witnesses allege shots were fired by military snipers into the temple against unarmed protesters
from the elevated sky train platform. Earlier "red shirt" militant leader Khattiya Sawasdiphol, alias
Seh Daeng, had used the temple as his protest site base, indicating an attitude of using the temple,
and perhaps by extension Buddhism in general, as a tool for tactical gain.
In the past, politicians in situations similar to the self-exiled Thaksin would have likely ordained for a
short period in a bid to show humility and re-ingratiate themselves with society. The current conflict,
which has resulted in scores of deaths and thousands of injuries, has in comparison seen very few
acts of repentance or remorse.
Religion has also played a central role in Thailand's other major crisis in the deep south region,
where an ethnic Malay Muslim insurgency has contributed to some 4,700 deaths since January
2004. While previous iterations of the conflict were fought along similar ethnic lines, the new
generation of insurgents has adopted more explicit violence against Buddhist monks, including
several cases of beheadings, and temples as part of their fight against the Thai state.
Buddhist militia groups set up to protect minority Buddhist populations in the region have come
under criticism for targeted killings and exacerbating communal violence. This has raised vexing
questions about the inclusiveness of Thai national symbols, especially the Sangha, which in the
deep south is viewed by some as more of an obstacle than bridge to finding a sustainable resolution
to the conflict.
From a longer-term perspective, the diminished role of the Sangha is arguably an important causal
factor in Thailand's crisis. Both sides of Thailand's political divide are in competition for the loyalty of
the rural masses, who are in the process of questioning old assumptions about legitimate authority,
political passivity and traditional methods of dispute resolution.
The monastery is no longer the only crucial center of village life and monks increasingly play more
ceremonial than mediating roles. As the political conflict plays out, how the Sangha reacts will be a
crucial determinant of Thailand's post-crisis socio-political order.
--------Seth Kane is a visiting research fellow at the Bangkok-based Institute of Security and International
Studies.