The functioning of the 15th century “manuscript
Tongeren” from the convent Ter Noot Gods
A research about the manuscript Brussels KB IV 421
- Masterthesis Medieval Studies -
[plaatje 220v-221r]
Detail of ms. Br KB IV 421 (f. 221r)
Marieke Westerhout
3228339
15 July 2013
Supervisor: Dr. D.E. van der Poel
Utrecht University
CONTENTS
CHAPTER 1 Introduction ....................................................................................................................... 4
CHAPTER 2 Devotio Moderna and religious song ............................................................................. 10
2.1.
Introduction ........................................................................................................................... 10
2.2.
Historical overview of the Devotio Moderna ........................................................................ 10
2.3.
Textual culture ....................................................................................................................... 13
2.4.
Songs in the vernacular ......................................................................................................... 15
CHAPTER 3 The textual culture in Ter Noot Gods.............................................................................. 23
3.1.
Introduction ........................................................................................................................... 23
3.2.
History ................................................................................................................................... 23
3.3.
Books in Ter Noot Gods ........................................................................................................ 25
3.3.1. The library ........................................................................................................................... 25
3.3.2. Origins of the codices .......................................................................................................... 27
3.3.3. Content ................................................................................................................................ 31
3.3.4. Language ............................................................................................................................. 35
3.4.
Conclusion ............................................................................................................................. 39
CHAPTER 4 The content of the manuscript Br KB IV421 ................................................................. 41
4.1.
Introduction ........................................................................................................................... 41
4.2.
Appearance ............................................................................................................................ 41
4.3.
Content .................................................................................................................................. 44
4.4.
Conclusion ............................................................................................................................. 61
CHAPTER 5 The Middle Dutch songs ................................................................................................. 65
5.1.
Introduction ........................................................................................................................... 65
2
5.2.
Musical notation .................................................................................................................... 65
5.3.
Content and themes ............................................................................................................... 68
5.4.
Conclusion ............................................................................................................................. 83
CHAPTER 6 Conclusions and future research ..................................................................................... 86
6.1.
Introduction ........................................................................................................................... 86
6.2.
Conclusions ........................................................................................................................... 86
6.3.
Main contributions ................................................................................................................ 88
6.4.
Future research ...................................................................................................................... 89
BIBLIOGRAPHY ................................................................................................................................. 91
APPENDIX 1
APPENDIX 2
3
CHAPTER 1
Introduction
The collection of the Royal Library of Brussels contains a small 15th-century manuscript.
Because of its small size, it may not seem very interesting. For most visitors, this manuscript
remains closed. But when you take the time to open this small manuscript, it turns out to be
very interesting. When you leaf through the first folios of the book, you will only encounter
Latin texts (both in prose and rhymed). When you continue browsing you will be surprised
that you also encounter Latin songs. It is even more surprising that the book does not only
contain Latin texts and songs, but also Dutch songs and Dutch texts. Your curiosity has been
aroused after the first glimpse of this book. You want to know more about the actual contents
of the manuscript. Why does it contain different types of texts and why are the two languages
Dutch and Latin alternated?
The manuscript the visitor has come across in the Royal Library is manuscript Br KB
IV 421, which is also known as ‘manuscript Tongeren’. It dates back to the late 15th century
and during that time it belonged to the convent Ter Noot Gods, which was a male convent in
Tongeren (Belgium). This fact makes the manuscript even more special. For most of the
medieval manuscripts we do not know for who the manuscript was intended. By knowing
which convent owned the manuscript, we also know more about the cultural context in which
the manuscript could be placed. The convent Ter Noot Gods belonged to the Windesheimer
Congregation, and thus to the Devotio Moderna.
In this thesis, I have investigated how the manuscript Tongeren could have functioned
intentionally during the 15th century. The research question is: “Which indications do we have
for the functioning of manuscript BrKB IV 421?”
4
The research presented in this thesis contributes to the broader field of manuscript
studies. Only after separately investigating different manuscripts it is possible to draw general
conclusions about the functioning of manuscripts in the medieval context. More specifically,
the findings of this thesis can shed light on the textual culture in convents of the Devotio
Moderna. In addition, this thesis contributes to the research on the use of miscellanies and
religious songs in a vernacular. The manuscript Tongeren is a valuable source, because its
origin is known (i.e. the Windesheimer convent Ter Noot Gods) and because it contains a
variety of text types. The two characteristics of the manuscript that make it different from
other manuscripts are: the alternation of Dutch and Latin and the order of the songs and texts
(both in prose and rhymed texts).1
The manuscript is kept in the Royal Library of Brussels. As for the Dutch content, two
editions are available. Luc Indestege made an edition of both the texts and songs and grouped
them into four text types (poems, songs, quotes and exempla).2 E. Bruning’s edition of the
Dutch songs contains the texts of the songs together with a photograph for each song. 3
Another valuable resource is the website Musica Devota from U. Hascher-Burger, which
gives information about the music in manuscripts and in printed books of the Devotio
Moderna. On this website, Hascher-Burger gives a list of the incipits of all the Dutch and
Latin songs from the manuscript Br KB IV 421.4 The Latin content of the manuscript has
never been edited and the only way to get access to this is by reading the original manuscript
or through a microfilm of the manuscript. I therefore visited the Royal Library of Brussels to
do codicological research but also used the microfilm in the library of Utrecht University.
Codicological research provides information about how the manuscript is used. This is
done by analysing the state of the manuscript and looking for traces of use. An important
1
Indestege 1951: 7.
Middelnederlandse geestelijke gedichten, liederen, rijmspreuken en exempelen 1951.
3
De Middelnederlandse Liederen van het onlangs ontdekte Handschrift van Tongeren (omstreeks 1480), 1955.
4
http://www.musicadevota.com/Inc.brussel%20IV%20421.htm, 20 June 2013.
2
5
notion is the distinction between intended and actual functioning of a manuscript.5 The
intended functioning focuses on the purposes of the compiler, this can be derived from the
structure, content and language use. As for the actual functioning, it is difficult to find
evidence, since this depends on the interpretation of traces of use and other indications from
the manuscript like notes in the margins, and references in secondary literature. The latter is
scarce for the manuscript Tongeren. This research will mainly focus on the intended
functioning of the manuscript, but will also briefly discuss the actual functioning of the
manuscript.
The kernel of this thesis is divided in four chapters. Chapters 2 and 3 sketch the historical and
cultural context in which the manuscript has functioned while chapters 4 and 5 focus on the
content of the manuscript. The division in four chapters reflects the way in which I analysed
the manuscript. The research has been carried out in four concentric circles. The central circle
concerns the songs in Dutch within the manuscript. These songs raise questions about the
functioning of the manuscript and connect with the on-going discussion about the
functionality of devout song in vernacular within the Devotio Moderna. A logical next step
after asking questions about the functionality of the Dutch songs within the manuscript is to
consider the functionality of the manuscript as a whole, which is the second concentric circle.
The third circle contains questions about the textual culture in Ter Noot Gods, since research
towards the functioning of the manuscript requires research towards the cultural context in
which the manuscript functioned. The outermost circle is the circle in which the textual
culture of Ter Noot Gods is placed in a broader context, namely the context of the textual
5
The division between intended and actual functioning can be explained by the difference between the intended
and actual audience. The intended audience of a book is the audience an author wanted to address by writing his
text. This audience is not necessarily the same as the actual audience, the people who read the book in reality
(Middelnederlands.be <http://www.middelnederlands.be/limborch/330publiek.htm>, 1 June 2013). For the
functioning of a manuscript is also a difference in functioning: the compiler had a specific public and way of use
in mind, but the people who read the manuscript and the way in which those people used the manuscript could
differ from the way the compiler meant it.
6
culture in the Devotio Moderna. In the four chapters of the thesis, we come to the centre of
the circles beginning by the outermost circle.
In chapter 2, the central theme is the textual culture and songs in vernacular within the
Devotio Moderna. Furthermore, in this chapter is elaborated on research in this direction.
Because the manuscript includes both texts and songs, these two fields of research are
relevant for this thesis.
The third chapter focuses on the textual culture of the convent Ter Noot Gods, the
convent where the manuscript has its origin. Understanding the textual culture of this convent
allows us to put the manuscript Tongeren in the right perspective. Investigating the textual
culture of the convent Ter Noot Gods is a necessary prerequisite if you want to draw any
conclusions about the functioning of the manuscript. In this chapter, I have investigated which
manuscripts were kept in the convent, based upon secondary literature related to the convent.
In chapters 4 and 5, I have analysed the content and appearance of the manuscript
Tongeren, to discover any indications that tell us more about its functioning and the role the
Dutch songs played. In chapter 4, the manuscript (as a whole) is subject of investigation.
Since the manuscript is a so-called ‘miscellany’, I have adopted a research method that is
suitable for analysing miscellanies. In the traditional literary research, the content of the texts
is most important whereas in this kind of research the manuscript as a whole is considered
important. The Luc Indestege edition of the manuscript follows the traditional approach by
focusing on the content of the manuscript and grouping the Middle Dutch content by text
types. In contrast, the analysis in this thesis takes the manuscripts original order as starting
point.
The purpose of this thesis is to learn more about the (intended) function of the
manuscript. The compilation of different text types, the use of two languages and the seemly
random order of the texts and songs make this manuscript special. It is therefore crucial to
7
study the miscellany as a whole. My approach is based on findings that were presented at a
conference about Middle Dutch miscellanies in 1994.6 At this conference was emphasized
that a miscellany has originally been compiled as a unity and therefore it always has some
kind of coherence.7 P. Wackers considers this as the only way to get insight in the background
and functioning of manuscripts. In addition, manuscripts have to be investigated both
codicologically and textually.8 Wackers mentions three aspects that are relevant for studying
miscellanies: the origin, the character and structure, and the functioning of the collection.9
The emphasis of my investigation is on the third aspect. I aim to assess the way in which the
manuscript functioned in the 15th century. However, to answer the question of its functioning
is only possible when the origins and characteristics of the miscellany are addressed as well.
Hans Kienhorst made in his attribution a division about the four ways in which miscellanies
could be built up10: first, it can be produced in one cycle of operations, secondly, it could have
been written in phases, thirdly, a miscellany could be produced in phases and parts, and the
last possibility is that it is compiled from different parts which originally stood alone.11
The research question exists of two parts. Only after investigating the functioning of
the manuscript as a whole (first part) it is possible to address the second part of the research
question about the function of the Dutch songs. Therefore the textual analysis of the Dutch
songs in the manuscript is made in chapter 5. The presence of Dutch songs in a manuscript
with many Latin texts and Latin songs is highly unusual. Were the men in the convent singing
Dutch songs while working, or in their cells, or did they not sing these songs, and were they
only a source for meditation? Or were they used in another way? Based on the analysis of the
The contributions to this congress are put on paper in a volume “Middeleeuwse verzamelhandschriften uit de
Nederlanden. Congres Nijmegen 14 oktober 1994, Gerard Sonnemans (red) 1996.
7
Sonnemans 1994: 7-11.
8
Wackers 1996: 28.
9
Wackers 1996: 30-36.
10
Kienhorst 1996: 39-60.
11
Kienhorst 1996: 44-55.
6
8
Dutch songs I answered the question of how they have functioned within the manuscript, but
also within the convent.
By analysing the role of the context (chapter 2), the textual culture of Ter Noot Gods
(chapter 3), the entire content of the manuscript (chapter 4) and the Dutch songs (chapter 5) a
number of indications, for the functioning of the manuscript Tongeren, have been identified.
The conclusion (chapter 6) brings the findings of all the chapters together and provides an
answer to the research question.
9
CHAPTER 2
Devotio Moderna and religious song
“In omnibus requiem queasivi et nusquam inveni nisi in angulo cum libre”
Described to Thomas à Kempis12
2.1.
Introduction
Before investigating the manuscript Tongeren, it is important to know in which context this
manuscript can be placed. The manuscript has its origin in a Windesheimer convent. In
paragraph 2.2 I will explain what the Windesheimer Congregation is and how this
Congregation can be placed within the late-medieval movement called ‘Devotio Moderna’.
In order to investigate the functionality of the manuscript Tongeren, I will briefly
describe the textual culture within a 15th century institutionalized part of the Devotio
Moderna, i.e. in the convents of the Windesheimer Congregation (paragraph 2.3).
The second part of the research question is about the role the songs in vernacular have
within the manuscript. In paragraph 2.4 I take the discussion about the functionality of song in
vernacular into account, which has been carried out for twenty years.
2.2.
Historical overview of the Devotio Moderna
At the end of the 14th century, the ecclesiastical situation was complex. Many people were
worried about the way the church functioned. People signalized a decay of religious values 13
and criticized the richness and splendour of the Church, and the elitism and hunger for power
of the clergy.14 It is in this time that laymen and secular religious decided to live a conventual
life. This new way of living together is largely channelized in the so-called “Devotio
“Everywhere I have searched for peace and nowhere I found it, except in a corner with a book” Pleij 2007:
233.
13
Scheepsma 1997: 11.
14
Scheepsma 1997: 14.
12
10
Moderna”.15 The goal of this new way of living was to return to the way of life of the early
Christians. By returning to this life, the true Christian faith could be rediscovered. 16 It was
necessary to struggle against sins and to proceed a renewed life in which virtues have an
important place.17 The first person who started a house for the laity, in order to live together,
was Geert Grote. In 1374, he made his house in Deventer (in the Netherlands) available for
poor and single women who wanted to live a religious life. These women lived in this house,
without promising the three vows of chastity, poverty, and obedience, in contrast to nuns and
monks who lived in a convent. The women were called ‘semi-religious’, while the monks and
nuns who did vows were ‘religious’. The group of semi-religious was not a strictly defined
and delimited group, living together in a group or house was one of the characteristics, but
more important in the definition of ‘semi-religious’ is their ambition of living like the early
Christians. Therefore, the borders between semi-religious and laity are vague. Some laymen
had a deepened religious life, but did not copy the way of living in groups.18
Soon, the ‘Meester-Geertshuis’ was not the only place where semi-religious lived
together. The house of Geert Grote met a need, and about 1400 new houses were established
in Deventer and in other cities of the Northern Netherlands. During this time, forty houses
were established. One of these was a house in Diepenveen where women with different
financial and cultural backgrounds were allowed.19 Because this way of living together was
unofficial, i.e. without making the vows, the Church did not accept it. When the communal
life in the houses was more institutionalized, the Church would accept them as official.
Therefore, in 1395, the Chapter of Windesheim was found. This was a monastery association
of regular Canons and Canonesses, with Windesheim as the headquarters.20 During the 15th
15
Mertens 1993: 9.
Hascher-Burger & Joldersma 2008: 319.
17
Pleij 2007: 233.
18
Mertens 1993: 10-11.
19
Van Oostrom 2013: 488, Scheepsma 1997: 17.
20
Scheepsma 1997: 18, Mertens 1993: 10.
16
11
century more and more houses and monasteries joined the Chapter of Windesheim. The
geographical area of the Chapter also increased. In Western-Europe, the convents were spread
over the Netherlands, parts of Germany, the northern part of Switserland and North France.21
The majority of the monasteries affiliated to the Chapter of Windesheim were men’s
monasteries, because after 1436 the pope prohibited new women monastery to join the
Chapter of Windesheim. The Windesheimers asked the pope to prohibit new women’s
convents, because the men of the Chapter were responsible for pastoral help and religious care
of the women (for example hear Confession and celebrate Mass). The men spend a lot of their
time for this responsibility, but wanted to focus more on their own goals of religious growth.22
During the entire 15th century, the institutions belonging to the Devotio Moderna
flourished. Three forms of organisation existed within the Devotio Moderna. In the first place,
houses in which devout people lived together, without a rule recognized by the church,
belonged to the movement. Secondly, houses in which the third order of Franciscus was
accepted were also part of the Devotio Moderna. The third group were the brethren and sisters
from convents belonging to the Chapter of Windesheim, they followed the rule of St.
Augustine.23 In the 16th century, houses for devout men or women still existed, but the
Devotio Moderna declined, and a new reform movement started, the Reformation. The
convents belonging to the Windesheimer congregation in the German area had disappeared
before the middle of the 16th century. In the Netherlands the Devotio Moderna still existed,
but surviving was tough. From 1572 onwards Calvinism was the only public religion, and so
there was no room left for the convents of the Devotio Moderna.24
21
Hascher-Burger 2005: 105.
Van Engen 2008: 155, Scheepsma 1997: 19.
23
Goudriaan 2008: 54.
24
Goudriaan 2008: 77.
22
12
2.3.
Textual culture
“In a little corner with a little book” is a quote that is still used in modern language.
Traditionally, it is ascribed to Thomas à Kempis (see quote above this chapter). Whether he
did or did not utter these words, is under discussion. However, he could have said it, because
it is a quote that matches the daily life of men and women within the Devotio Moderna.
Within the houses and convents of the movement was a hunger for reading texts. Texts were
used in several ways: by reading, listening, praying, singing, reciting etc.25 Books were an
important part of daily life in the monasteries: the devout started the day with prayer and
reading, they often copied a few hours a day, and during lunch one of them read aloud. Also
during their private study time, books and texts were an important source for studying and
meditation.26
The frequent use of texts in monasteries caused an explosion in the number of copied
religious texts. F. van Oostrom mentions three purposes for the writing of the devout: it
caused a spread of the ideas of the Devotio Moderna, the writings served as support for the
religious community, and by writing and copying, the writer/copyist developed his own
religious personality, because writing itself was a way of internalising the text.27
This internalising was useful in order to keep some statements or texts in mind for the
meditation on later moments. A great part of the meditation took part during work, thus it was
important to be capable of remembering parts of texts and thoughts that were read earlier for
the meditation and rumination.28
25
Mertens 1993: 16.
Van Oostrom 2013: 491.
27
Van Oostrom 2013: 490.
28
Rumination is derived from the Latin ruminatio. By ‘eating again’ the thoughts read earlier, people could
internalize this thoughts (Van Buuren 1992: 240)
26
13
Reading was important for a reform of inner life. That is reflected in works of Geert
Grote, Florens Radewyns and Gerard Zerbolt of Zutphen.29 They write that the intention of
reading is to get a clean heart. The entire life was oriented towards inner life, towards God
and the passion of Christ.30 Only with this orientation it is possible to receive a clean heart.
Reading and meditating was a way to focus on these matters. Reading was not intended for
gaining knowledge, but for learning something that is applicable to an individual situation.
Grote, Radewijns and Zerbolt prescribed books about devoutness and virtues.31 Not only do
these prescriptions tell us what kinds of books were read within the Devotio Moderna but we
also know which books were kept in the library of Windesheim. The texts within these books
kept in the library can be divided in three groups. In the first place, some patristic works,
secondly, the works of authors of the mystical movement of the 12th century (e.g. Bernardus
of Clairvaux) are present, and the third group of books are the books of authors from the
Devotio Moderna, in particular Gerard Zerbolt of Zutphen, Jan of Schoonhoven and Thomas à
Kempis.32
However, the way in which the semi-religious treated texts caused also a
fragmentation in the transmission of texts. The reason for that fragmentation is that the texts
were not a goal in itself, but it was only a way of reaching the goal of reformation of inner
life. For this goal, it was not always useful to copy a whole manuscript or a whole text, the
part of a text that helped in the progress and reformation was enough. Therefore, many
copyists choose excerpts from the texts they read. The traditional division in author, copyist
and reader is a division that is not always possible to make anymore, because the reader is
29
In Scheepsma 1997: 77-78, he summarises the opinion of these men about reading in six points: the intention
of reading is to get a clean heart, people should read the texts as a whole and on rated times, people had to
internalize statements, reading should be alternated with prayer and the books should deal with devoutness and
virtues.
30
Goudriaan 2008: 79.
31
Scheepsma 1997: 80.
32
Scheepsma 1997: 77-80. Scheepsma based this schedule on Goossens (1952): 102-103. Goossens used works
of Florens Radewijns and Gerard Zerbolt. Complementary, Scheepsma used a text of Geert Grote, the paragraph
De sacris libris studendisi of Conclusa et proposita.
14
often the same person as the copyist, and the copyist not just copied the texts he read, but he
selected and excerpted what was useful for him. The manuscript that was the result of this
excerpting could be used by others from the same religious community. They could use it for
reading and for excerpting in their own rapiarium or manuscript.33 In this way an increasing
spiral of reading and producing texts developed.34
Sometimes, before copying and excerpting in a manuscript, another step is made
before: a brother or sister often kept his own scrapbook, a rapiarium. This keeping of rapiaria
is often seen by scholars as a distinctive mark of the Devotio Moderna. In this scrapbook,
written on left-over scraps of paper and parchment, a Devout could write a personal selection
of excerpts, quotations or proverbs which appealed him or her. The content of the scrapbook
served for meditation and to imprint these thoughts. From the 15th century no authentic
rapiaria still exist. The earliest existing rapiaria are from the 16th century. However,
manuscripts from the 15th century in which a compiler used passages of his rapiarium still
exist now.35
2.4.
Songs in the vernacular
Subject of paragraph 2.3 was the textual culture within convents and houses of the Devotio
Moderna. However, manuscripts containing songs were also passed down through the
centuries. An intriguing question is how the song manuscripts functioned within a movement
where internalizing devout thoughts and meditation were emphasized. Considering texts was
an activity often done individually, but singing is an activity often done by a group. In
general, the hymns which were part of the liturgy of the Hours in convents were in Latin.
However, sometimes women used Dutch within the liturgy. Many communities were not
official monasteries, the process of institutionalisation took place slowly, and in some houses
33
Mertens 1993: 16-19.
Scheepsma 1997: 75.
35
Van Engen 2008: 278-281, Bollmann 2004: 602, Scheepsma 1997: 82, 206.
34
15
this process was never completed. Many communities used simplified vernacular imitations
of the choral prayer, instead of the Latin variant of the Latin canonical hours.36 But the use of
Dutch within the liturgy is only known of communities of women and is rather exception than
rule. So, the question remains how manuscripts with songs could have been used by the semireligious and religious in the 15th century. The question is made relevant by the fact that many
convents within the Devotio Moderna had the rule of silence. Singing songs seems to be
impossible when you live in a place with this rule.
The discussion about this question started in 1992. A.M.J. van Buuren’s article “‘Soe
wie dit lietdkyn sinct of leest’ De functie van laatmiddelnederlandse geestelijke lyriek” is one
of the articles in the volume Een zoet akkoord. Middeleeuwse lyriek in de Lage Landen.37 In
this article Van Buuren not only gives an overview of the sources of 15th and 16th century
manuscripts based on devout songs, like J.A.N. Knuttel did in 1906,38 but he also engages
with the question what the function of these songs could have been. The argumentation of
Van Buuren is partly based on a manuscript Knuttel described and Obbema (1972)
investigated. This manuscript is preserved in the Österreichische Nationalbibliothek of Vienna
(Ser. nov. 12.875), Knuttel refers to it as manuscript C. Knuttel characterized this manuscript
with 47 Middle Dutch devout songs with melodies, as “a booklet, written for devout
exercise.”39 In 1972, P.F.J. Obbema investigated this manuscript C, and he concluded that the
songs in this booklet were intended for personal meditation.40 The article of Obbema resulted
in Van Buuren’s article, in which he questions the function the songs in the vernacular could
have had. Van Buuren mentions that it is hard to find an answer on the question about
functionality of the songs. However, based on the sources (the song manuscripts) and
36
Mertens 2009: 134.
The volume (edited by Frank Willaert) is result of an interdisciplinary working group about medieval lyrical
poetry of the Netherlands and aims to give a new impulse to research towards the medieval lyrical poetry. The
contribution of Van Buuren is on p. 234-254 and 399-404.
38
Het geestelijke lied in de Nederlanden voor de kerkhervorming.
39
Knuttel 1906: 58.
40
Obbema 1972.
37
16
information about the cultural context it is possible to give suggestions for possible ways of
use.41 The manuscripts which were meant for private use lacked musical notation. This raises
the suggestion that manuscripts with devout songs, which were used by women in private,
possibly served as source for personal meditation.
42
Within the manuscripts the song titles
and other directives prior to the songs are another valuable way of gaining knowledge about
the intended functioning of the manuscript. The directives prior to the songs, suggest a
meditation in silence: overdencken, “reading and thinking” the hymns or the addressing of
“whomever reads, sings or sees this”, or “see to it, that you sing this in your heart”. Some
directives leave room for both singing with the mouth and reading or singing with the heart.
“Whomever reads, sings or sees this” is an phrase which indicates three options of using the
song, and it gives no preference of one way above the other. 43
Literature from the 15th century in which something is said about singing is also a
valuable source within the discussion about songs in vernacular. Van Buuren used among
other: the constitutions of the Windesheimer womens convents, the Chronicon
Windeshemense in which Johannes Busch wrote about singing, and other sources which
contains writing about women in convents who sung. The constitutions write about the rule of
silentium, but this is applicable on speaking and less on singing. In Chronicon
Windeshemense Johannes Busch mentions women singing while working in the nature. Van
Buuren found some examples of singing women, but these are only examples, because
literature from that time does not offer us a complete inventory. 44 Based on the manuscripts
and other sources, Van Buuren got the impression that people sung outside the liturgy, but the
authorities seemed not to appreciate this singing. Singing sisters were a rarity.45
41
Van Buuren 1992: 241-243.
Van Buuren 1992: 241.
43
These quotes are from the manuscripts Wenen (Manuscript C) and Leiden (UB Ltk. 2058, the manuscript
which contains the song cycle Die Gheestelycke Melody), Van Buuren 1992: 252-253.
44
Van Buuren 1992: 246-252.
45
Van Buuren 1992: 252.
42
17
Therefore, Van Buuren suggests that the sisters maybe sung the songs inaudible. In
this way, the women were able to ‘sing’ the songs, without breaking the rule of silence of
their convent. This is a new insight and provides a possible answer to the question how songs
could be ‘sung’ in a convent with a rule of silence. Van Buuren does not draw absolute
conclusions about song in vernacular, because for answering the question whether the songs
were sung the complete corpus of songs should be taken into account. The article of Van
Buuren does not provide answers, but it mainly gives an impulse to other research.
After the article of Van Buuren, further research is conducted. In 1998, Ulrike
Hascher-Burger published an article about bridal mysticism in songs of the Devotio Moderna
both in Latin and in the vernacular. She raised objections against Van Buuren’s option of
singing songs only in the heart. The first reason of objection is that it is unlikely that texts,
which are not intended for singing, have musical notation. Her second argument is that
silentium and singing seem to be conflicting, but according to Hascher-Burger the rules about
silence apply only for speaking, not for singing. The third objection is the presence of an
organ in the dormitory of the convent of Windesheim, in spite of the rule of silence in that
convent. However, the organ shows that the nuns sometimes made music in the dormitory.
Besides these three arguments against inaudible song, former research has shown that reading
and meditation were practised with voice until the early modern period. So, it is for HascherBurger improbable that a sung meditation was inaudible. 46
The next contribution to this discussion about the ways in which the songs were used,
comes from Hermina Joldersma and Dieuwke van der Poel. In their article about the song
manuscript Br KB II 2631 they conclude that the songs of this manuscript were meant to be
sung aloud.47 In comparison with “Die gheestelicke Melody”, which was base for Van
Buuren’s article, different ways of intended use of a song manuscript are shown. According to
46
47
Hascher-Burger 1998: 256-258.
Joldersma & van der Poel 2000: 124-128.
18
Van Buuren “Die gheestelicke Melody” was meant for use in private, the songs in Br KB II
2631 on the other hand seems to be intended for joyful community singing. Joldersma and
Van der Poel plea for investigation of all other sources of religious song, as distinct
collections, in order to conclude what the constants are in the intended use of the song
collections.48
Hermina Joldersma discusses the rule of silence and the possible ways of singing
extensively in an article published in 2008 in Church History and Religious Culture.49 She
argues that the rule of silence did not concern singing. Initially, it seems that this rule
prohibited singing, but several arguments make it plausible that singing was allowed. These
arguments are based on research about the rule of silence and the difference in perception of
‘silence’. Firstly, a continuously dissatisfaction with the workability of the rule of silence is
reflected in the fact that many revisions of the rule were made. In the revisions, interaction
between the women was made possible. In most of the rules a distinction is made between
silence and strict silence. This distinction shows us that absolute silence was difficult to
achieve. Secondly, it is possible that our modern interpretation of the definition of ‘silence’
doesn’t correspond with the late medieval interpretation of ‘silence’. It could be a modern
idea that ‘silence’ is the ‘absence of all sound’. The rule of silence could have functioned to
prohibit idle small talk about non-religious matters, but talk about work and singing could be
in some cases excluded from this rule. In the convent of St Agnes in Emmerich, for example,
religious singing was allowed, although they had a rule of silence. It was allowed because the
apostle Paul admonishes the Christians to sing for God, to worship Him and to appeal each
other by religious song. Within the convents, song is not only useful for worshipping God, but
48
Joldersma & van der Poel 2000: 128.
‘“Alternative Spiritual Exercises for Weaker Minds”? Vernacular Religious Song in the Lives of Women of
teh Devotio Moderna’, 371-393.
49
19
it is also functional for articulating religious matters and for the connection within the
community.50
Furthermore, Joldersma gathers indications from manuscripts for singing ‘in the heart’
and singing ‘with the mouth’. Most of these indications for singing by heart are derived from
the article of Van Buuren (1992).51 Internal textual evidence also points towards intended use
by individuals. In some manuscripts first person singular pronouns were used. However,
obvious indications for singing with the mouth can be derived from other manuscripts. These
manuscripts have a musical notation or a melody reference. Textual evidence for singing
aloud could for example be found in the repetition of syllables, words, lines, refrains and
stanzas. These repetitions are indications for singing in a group. In introductions of many
songs it is implied to sing aloud or in a group.52
From these indications for both singing ‘in the heart’ and singing ‘with the mouth’
Joldersma concludes that “compilers of different manuscripts had different goals in mind and
that each collection must be studied individually.”53 To this study of the individual sources, I
hope to contribute with this thesis.
Even though, Thom Mertens does not attribute explicitly to the discussion about song
in vernacular, his article ‘Die Gheestlicke Melody. A programm for the spiritual life in a
Middle Dutch song cycle’ (2009) is worth consideration. He proves that the same song could
have had different functions within different manuscripts. The songcycle of Die Gheestelicke
Melody is found in three different manuscripts. In the first manuscript, the songs were
intended for singing, but in a later manuscript, the same songs were intended for reading.
When we take into account the changes in the prologue and titles in Die Gheestlicke Melody,
50
Joldersma 2008: 379. She quotes the rule from the statutes of the convent of St Agnes.
Joldersma 2008: 381, Van Buuren 1992: 241-242.
52
Joldersma 2008: 381-382.
53
Joldersma 2008: 382.
51
20
we can conclude that the intention for these songs was reading.54 Thom Mertens argues that
the song collections were at the threshold between the person and the community. Most of the
song collections in vernacular were in private possession of women living in a religious
community. But after their death, the manuscripts were passed to another woman, who
supplemented the collection with new songs or the manuscripts were left to the community.55
Mertens concludes that a lot of variance is present within the collection of devout songs. The
writing down of the songs is possibly a result of the practise of reading the songs, but
probably this is not the only reason for writing down the songs. Therefore, more research
towards the functioning of the song cycles is valuable.56
In 2011, Dieuwke van der Poel contributed to the discussion about ‘singing aloud’ or
‘singing in the heart’ with the article “Late-Medieval Devout Song: Repertoire, Manuscripts,
Function”. Next to a brief overview of the discussion about ‘singing aloud’ or ‘singing by
heart’, Van der Poel raises new questions about the use of the manuscripts with songs in the
vernacular. It is the question whether other manuscripts than “Die Gheestelicke Melody” also
point in the direction of use for meditation, or that these manuscripts have different
intentions.57 The overview of devout songs that is given in the article shows that the genre
was used in different ways. It was used for meditation and devout exercise, and for singing,
both ‘in the heart’ and aloud.58
So, both the ideas that the devout Middle Dutch song could have served for singing
aloud and that the songs served for singing in the heart is evidence. Whether the intended
function of a song or song cycle was singing aloud or singing in the heart differs by the
intention of the writer of each manuscript. In one manuscript a song could have served as a
54
Mertens 2009: 136-137.
Mertens 2009: 134-135.
56
Mertens 2009: 138.
57
Van der Poel 2011: 73-75.
58
Van der Poel 2011: 79.
55
21
base for singing, while in the other the same song served as a base for reading. 59 It is thus
important that we investigate the devout song manuscripts individually, to answer the
question whether the songs were meant for singing or reading. Only then can we make
generalizing statements about the genre of the religious song. 60 For the songs in the
manuscript Tongeren it is not possible to say whether they were used intentionally in the one
or the other way without studying this manuscript.
The manuscript Tongeren is slightly different from the manuscripts discussed above.
Instead of a manuscript with mainly Dutch songs, manuscript Tongeren is a manuscript with
Latin texts and songs, Dutch texts and a small part of the manuscript comprises Dutch songs.
However, the discussion about song in vernacular is useful, because also for these songs the
question applies what kind of function do the songs have. The ten Dutch songs within
manuscript Tongeren contain a melody line, so the songs are intended for singing. Some of
the songs (three Christmas songs) have a second melody line, these songs are thus meant for
singing in a group. The difference from this manuscript with the other song manuscripts
causes more questions about the functioning: the way in which the songs were sung, the
people who sung, the moments the songs were sung and the relationship with the other
content in the manuscript. For answering these questions, I examined the role of the
manuscript within the convent where it originated and the functioning of the songs within the
entire manuscript.
59
60
Mertens 2009: 136-137.
Van der Poel & Joldersma 2000: 113.
22
CHAPTER 3
The textual culture in Ter Noot Gods
“A monastery without books is like:
a city without wealth,
a fortress without troops,
a kitchen without utensils,
a table without food,
a garden without plants,
a meadow without flowers,
a tree without leaves”
Jacob Louber, Carthusian monastery of Basel, 15th century61
3.1.
Introduction
In the previous chapter, I sketched a picture of the Devotio Moderna and its textual culture.
The Br KB IV 421 manuscript, i.e. manuscript Tongeren, can be placed within the Devotio
Moderna, since it was created in a convent that belonged to a Windesheimer convent: the
convent Ter Noot Gods. We have evidence that this manuscript originated there. P.
Verheyden described the panel stamp on the binding of the manuscript in 1948. The binding
shows a stamp that refers to Ter Noot Gods and the 15th century ex libris refers to the
Augustine regulars in Tongeren.62 Because the manuscript originated in Ter Noot Gods, this
chapter describes the textual culture in this convent. Knowing the origin of the manuscript –
which is quite uncommon - offers us the unique possibility to place the manuscript within the
textual culture of the convent Ter Noot Gods. In this chapter, I firstly describe the history of
the convent (paragraph 3.2). Secondly, I examine the books owned by the library of the
convent (3.3). I end this chapter with a conclusion (3.4).
3.2.
History
Originally, the Domus Passionis (“Ter Noot Gods”) in Tongeren (Belgium) was a hospital.
This hospital was founded in 1375, when the knight Ricaldus van Luycke died. He gave all
61
62
Cited in Verschueren 1935: 373.
Verheyden 1948: 1241-1242.
23
his possessions away for the foundation of a hospital with chapel.63 Almost 50 years later, in
1424, the friar Jan Reys converted the hospital into a convent for regular canons when he
came to Tongeren with some monks of Korsendonk. In 1432, the convent became part of the
Chapter of Windesheim, and Jan Reys became the first prior of the convent. 64 During this
period, the Chapter grew fast and became an important part of the monastic life in North-West
Europe in the 15th century.65 Relatively, a lot is known about the textual culture within this
Chapter. Because Ter Noot Gods became part of the Chapter of Windesheim, we can assume
a lot about the textual culture within this convent.
In general, written texts were important in the convents of the Chapter of Windesheim.
Brethren studied, meditated and devoted a lot of time to copying texts. Within the statutes
rules about copying were noted down.66 It is most likely that studying, writing and copying
were also important matters in Ter Noot Gods. In the convent was a scriptorium where work
was also copied for external use, such as psalteria (1456) and a missal (1467) for the O.L.
Vrouwe Chapter.67
A list of people who lived in the convent gives us information about the importance of
writing and copying, and thus about the textual culture. In the 15th century, a number of
scribes lived in the convent: Nicolaas Loefs was scribe of hagiographies († 1468), Willem
Somers van Tongeren copied a couple of manuscripts of Geert Grote († 1490), Jan Witmekers
van Tongeren copied many manuscripts († 1483). One of the men mentioned here could be
the compiler or copyist of the manuscript IV 421. This manuscript is compiled in the end of
the 15th century. This means that Willem Somers or Jan Witmekers could have compiled the
63
Monasticon Windeshemense 1976: 183.
Indestege 1951: 7-8, http://search.arch.be/nl/zoeken-naar-archiefvormers/zoekresultaat?text=eac-BEA0500_117896&inLanguageCode=DUT&view=eac [9-11-2012]. More about the Chapter of Windesheim and
about the spread through the Netherlands and surrounding areas can be read in Chapter 2.1.
65
Scheepsma 1997: 19.
66
Lourdaux and Persoons 1966: 61.
67
Ballien 1966: 123.
64
24
manuscript. However, since no other information about these two men is available, we do not
know whether one of them compiled the manuscript.
Another highly developed resident of the convent was Aert Hessels van Tongeren, a
procurator, prior and teacher in the moral-theology († 1487). In 1467, the procurator Martin
Vastrarts van Ordingen acted courageous and was able to protect the city after it was captured
by the duke Charles of Burgundy. Also in later centuries, names that come across of literate
people who studied at the university, for example Jan Kettenis, a lecturer in Theology
(† 1691) and the physicist Jan-Lambert Van Herck († 1808). People who ensured that the
library was well kept and who documented the history of the convent and the library were
Gerard Witten, the chronicle-writer († 1646), and Augustinus Boone, the writer of the
Bullarium of Ter Noot Gods († 1612).68 These people and their backgrounds clearly illustrate
that in the convent Ter Noot Gods not only the devotion to God was important, but that there
was also room for intellectual development on scholarly fields, such as physics. The textual
culture is also visible in the foundation of a Latin School in 1625. In the 17th century, the
religious life in Tongeren grew and was more diverse with various religious groups that came
to the city: Franciscan minors, Dominican preachers and Jesuits. In 1796, during the French
Revolution, Ter Noot Gods was one of the many convents in the Low Countries that closed.69
3.3.
Books in Ter Noot Gods
3.3.1. The library
A good way to investigate the textual culture in Ter Noot Gods, is to study the books that
belonged to this convent. A lot of manuscripts got lost throughout time, but luckily a number
of manuscripts have still been preserved. The library of Ter Noot Gods, with both Latin and
Dutch manuscripts was huge. In 1641, Antoon Sanderus published a catalogue of Belgian
68
69
Paquay 1923: 112-114.
Werkgroep 1983: 88.
25
manuscript (Bibliotheca Belgica Manuscripta), in which he gives an account of the codices of
the library of the regulars in Tongeren. He made a division in three sections. In the first
section were the vitae, with 346 titles. In the second section, Sanderus made an alphabetical
list of all authors, with 279 titles. These authors were classical (Vergil, Seneca), patristic
(Augustinus, Ambrosius, Gregorius etc.), scholastic (Thomas Aquinas, Anselmus) and from
the Devotio Moderna (Ruusbroec, Thomas a Kempis). The third and last section is the section
with titles from anonymous persons, in alphabetical order of the titles. This section contained
282 titles, mainly chronicles, juridical treatises, decisions of councils and schoolbooks. In
total, the list of Antoon Sanderus contained 907 titles of texts.70 This does not mean that the
library possessed 907 manuscripts in the 17th century, because often different titles were
included in one manuscript, especially in the codices with vitae. But although there were
fewer manuscripts, 907 texts is still an impressing number.
I compared Sanderus’ list to the list of incipits and authors I made for my
investigations containing all texts and songs from the manuscript. Only one title from the
manuscript is included in both the catalogue of Sanderus and in my list of incipits, namely the
title of the poem De contemptu mundi.71 Some names of authors from texts in the manuscript
are listed by Sanderus as well, but it is also possible that these authors are listed because of
their appearance in other manuscripts. There are two plausible explanations for the lacking of
titles from Br KB IV 421: either the manuscript was not in the library when Sanderus made
the inventory, but on loan or in private use of a brother, or the titles were not included because
many of the texts from the manuscript are excerpts instead of complete texts.
Unfortunately, only a small part of these 907 titles is left. What is left is not kept in
one library, but spread over various collections in Belgium. This division of the collection in
various collections happened during the French Revolution in 1796. The convent had to close
70
71
Sanderus 1641: 181-205.
F. 6v in the manuscript, Sanderus 1641: 198.
26
its doors and the book collection was in danger, because the French oppressor wanted to sell
the books. Therefore, the brethren stored the books at different private owners, hoping that the
books were safe for the French there. Nevertheless, a part of the collection was discovered by
the French and sold in public.72 Some of the private owners were not very careful with the
books they got from Ter Noot Gods. Gilbert Remans, a Friar Minor, describes his visit in
1945 to Baron Cartier d’Yves-Hermans de Favereau. He discovered that a big part of the
library of Ter Noot Gods was kept at the Baron’s castle in Jongenbosch (Belgium). The Baron
and Baroness told brother Remans during one of his visits that the books were kept in the
attic, and that during the last sixty years the stove was lighted with documents from the attic.73
We know that a lot of documents have disappeared this way in Jongenbosch. No information
is available about what happened at the homes of other private owners. Maybe, a lot of
codices and documents shared the same unfortunate destiny. It is also possible that books of
Ter Noot Gods still exist in private collections. Possibly, someone will find more books from
the library of Ter Noot Gods in an attic or another surprising place. But let’s not dwell upon
the books that are possibly lost, but focus on the books that have been preserved.
Approximately 20 manuscripts or parts of manuscripts of Ter Noot Gods are well preserved in
the Royal Library of Brussels. Based on these manuscripts, we will try to characterize the
textual culture of Ter Noot Gods as well as possible.
3.3.2. Origins of the codices
The manuscript Tongeren originated in Ter Noot Gods. The panel stamp at the front and back
of the binding refers to this convent. However, this manuscript is not the only manuscript that
originated in this monastery. In order to find out which manuscripts originated in Ter Noot
Gods, I listed the manuscripts that have belonged or could have belonged to Ter Noot Gods.
72
73
Persoons 1961: 81.
Remans 1948: 181-182.
27
For these manuscripts, I tried to discover whether or not they also originated there. Using
different catalogues and sources, I compiled a list of 29 books that have belonged or could
have belonged to Ter Noot Gods (see Appendix 1).74 I investigated whether some codices
from this list originated in Ter Noot Gods, as well. One of these books is now lost, it had been
preserved until the fire in the University Library of Leuven in 1940.75 Even though this
manuscript has been destroyed, we nevertheless have some information about it.76 We know
that it was a martyrology with necrology from the Regulars in Tongeren. It was written in
Latin and dated in the 15th and 16th century. In 1918, it came in the University Library of
Leuven. Earlier possessors were Johannes Diermans and Camille de Borman, a particular
manuscript possessor in the 19th and early 20th century.
For manuscript Br KB IV 421 and nine other manuscripts it is certain that they have
belonged to Ter Noot Gods.77 In these manuscripts, handwriting at the flyleaf or one of the
first folia in Latin indicates that the book belonged to the library of Ter Noot Gods. These text
are mentioned in a catalogue (the Bibliotheca Neerlandica Manuscripta, BNM), for example
the text on f. 1r of Br KB IV 423: “Liber monasterii regularium in Tongris” and on f. 1r of Br
KB II 468: “Pertinet monasterio fratrum regularium in Tongris”78. When this text or a similar
text has been written in the manuscript, we can be sure that it was in possession of Ter Noot
Gods. This does not necessarily mean that these manuscripts also originated in the convent. It
is possible that Ter Noot God possessed manuscripts that were made in other places. How
much of the manuscripts originated in Ter Noot Gods is therefore unknown. From Br KB
14751-54 is known that it is copied in Deventer. On f. 90v the copyist Henricus Donckels
wrote “Finita et complete sunt hec predicta per manus Hendrici Donckels, Daventrie”
74
The main sources I used are the register of Stooker and Verbeij 1997: 394-397, the internet database
Bibliotheca Neerlandica Manuscripta and Monasticon Belge 1976: 267-276.
75
I searched via different catalogues, in the Bibliotheca Manuscripta Neerlandica, I found basic information
about the manuscripts.
76
Bibliotheca Neerlandica Manuscripta: Olim Leuven, UB: D 341.
77
Br KB 14745-50, Br KB 14751-54, Br KB II 462, Br KB IV 423, Br KB II 458, Br KB II 468, Br KB 476, Br
KB 477 and Br KB II 3028.
78
Cited in the Bibliotheca Neerlandica Manuscripta. Glorieux-De Gand 1979: 568.
28
(“Finished and completed are the works mentioned before by Henricus Donckels, at
Deventer”). Later, the manuscript came in Ter Noot Gods, but when and how is still an
unanswered question.
Two of the manuscripts that were in possession of the convent, belonged to Baron de
Cartier d’Yve-Hermans de Favereau, the owner of castle Jongenbosch, near Tongeren. In
addition to these two books, this baron owned four other manuscripts, one of them being Br
KB IV 421. In 1949, the books were moved to the friars of Hasselt (Belgium) and in 1966 the
books were moved again, this time to the Royal Library in Brussels.79
Manuscript Br KB IV 815, which contains a part of an unidentified text, is written by
the same hand as Br KB IV 421. Since Br KB IV 421 originated in Ter Noot Gods80, it is safe
to assume that Br KB IV 815 also originated in Ter Noot Gods.
Leuven D 341, the manuscript that has been destroyed by fire during World War II, is
a martyrology with a necrology. In this necrology the names of deceased brethren of Ter Noot
Gods were noted down to commemorate them on their date of death. Besides this, the
manuscript contains Epistola Sancti Hieronymi.81
The assumption that Br KB IV 27, which contains the text of Eyn corte decleringhe
deser spere with cosmographical, astrological and medical treatises originated in Ter Noot
Gods is supported by different arguments. The most convincing argument is that this
manuscript is copied by the same copyist as the copyist of Br KB IV 421 and Br KB IV 815.82
Given that Br KB IV 421 was bound in Ter Noot Gods83, and thus originated there, we can
take for granted that the text of Eyn corte decleringhe is written or copied in Ter Noot Gods
as well. On the front page of the manuscript, a 17th century ex-libris is made by Petrus
79
The six manuscripts are Br KB IV 418 and IV 421 - IV 425.
Chapter 4 deals with the origin of the manuscript BR KB IV 421 and proves that it originates in Ter Noot
Gods.
81
Berlière 1979: 269, BNM: Leuven D 341.
82
Van der Poel 1987: 90-91.
83
Van der Poel 1987: 90.
80
29
Spechouder: “Ter Nood Gods, Petrus Spechouders, Tongeren”, but the man who deciphered
this ex-libris, St. G. Axters, later did not know anymore whether he read that well.84 However,
other facts also point in the direction of Tongeren. The calendar of saints in the manuscript is
an indication that the manuscript originated in the diocese of Liège. An analysis of the dialect
points toward Limburg. Finally, internal textual evidence points toward an origin in Tongeren.
In a chapter about the division of the Earth in three parts (Africa, Asia and Europe), Tongeren
is also mentioned. Exiles from Troy founded Rome, Paris and Tongeren: “[…] Phrigia daer
Troyen, die overgroot stat, onder stoent – van wellighen ballinghen doent vernielt waert
Romen, Parijs, Groot Tongheren etcetera afcomen sijn.”85 The fact that Tongeren is
mentioned at the same level as the important cities Paris and Rome, means that an origin in or
nearby Tongeren is probable.
Br KB II 469 is located in Ter Noot Gods by W.L. De Vreese86. This information is
important, because a few folia of the manuscript are lost. One of these folia contained the
ownership-mark. De Vreese cites a catalogue from 1882, which stated that the manuscript
comes from the Regulars of Tongeren.87 According to this catalogue of 1882 and De Vreese,
we know that this manuscript should have belonged to Ter Noot Gods, although this cannot
be verified anymore.
The breviary Br KB IV 710 contains leafs that have been inserted later. On these leafs,
some written text indicates that this book of hours was in use at the Regulars in Tongeren.
Most probably this manuscript was not only in use of Ter Noot Gods, but also had its origins
there. Both the calendar and the sanctorale contain rubrics in which Augustine is invoked as
‘our father’. The patron saint of Ter Noot Gods was Augustine, therefore, the special attention
84
Werkgroep 1983: 27.
Werkgroep 1983: 27, 50 (f. 5r).
86
De Vreese 1902: 700.
87
De Vreese 1902: 700.
85
30
for Augustine and the invocation with ‘our’ points presumably towards an origin in Ter Noot
Gods.88
A few manuscripts which have been attributed to Ter Noot Gods in the catalogue
BNM, come from the collection of J. Camberlyn, a 19th century collector. The reason for
dedicating these manuscripts to Ter Noot Gods is not provided in BNM. In BNM, more
manuscripts have been dedicated to Ter Noot Gods without explaining why they attribute that
manuscript to Ter Noot Gods. This is the case with Br KB IV 279, a manuscript with treatises
of Thomas à Kempis, Br KB II 463, and Hasselt III. Whether these manuscripts actually have
their origins in Ter Noot Gods is unknown, but these manuscripts most probably have been in
possession of Ter Noot Gods.
We can conclude that for most of the manuscripts mentioned we have enough reasons
to know or assume that they have belonged to Ter Noot Gods. Therefore, we can now have a
closer look at the content of those manuscripts.
3.3.3. Content
Generally, the well-filled libraries of the convents that belonged to the Windesheimer
Congregation consist of treatises with moralizing content, exemplary works and exegetical
works. The library of Ter Noot Gods contained that sorts of works, but is filled with other
books as well. Ter Noot Gods owned a large variety of books.
A lot of books in Ter Noot Gods are theological: dicta, sermons and treatises. These
theological works are works from different religious movements. In chapter 2, I mentioned
three groups of books owned by the library of Windesheim. The list of preserved books of Ter
Noot Gods contains works for each of these three groups (patristic works, mystical works and
works of authors of the Devotio Moderna). Br KB 14745-50 contains patristic works. The
88
Wittek 1975: 105.
31
manuscript contains statements and quotes of the Church Fathers Ambrosius, Hieronymus,
Augustinus and Gregorius. In the ascetic florilegium Br KB IV 422, excerpts of patristic
works can be found (such as from Augustinus).89 In a few of the preserved works, excerpts or
treatises of mystical writers of the 12th century have been copied. Br KB II 469 contains
mystical works, among others, treatises of the mystical authors Jan van Ruusbroec, Jan van
Leeuwen, David van Augsburg and Henricus Suso.90 Ruusbroec is not only copied in Br KB
II 469, also Br KB IV 423 consists partially his work. Dat Boecsken der verclaringhe, Van
den blinckenden steen, Vanden seven sloten and Die gheestelike brulocht have been partly
copied in this work. Br KB IV 423 includes more mystical work: six verses of one of the
Mengeldichten from Pseudo-Hadewijch can be found in this manuscript and three folia are
filled with work from Jan van Leeuwen.91
Work of the Modern Devotes is also present in the manuscripts of Ter Noot Gods.
Work have been copied from the Modern Devotes Thomas à Kempis, Gerlach Peters and Jan
van Schoonhoven. A letter of Gerlach Peters is copied in Br KB 423. Gerlach Peters was an
early participant of the Devotio Moderna who entered the convent of Windesheim in the late
14th century. Br KB IV 279 contains ascetic treatises, one of them being Alphabetum
monachum in scola Christi written by Thomas à Kempis. In the above mentioned ascetic
florilegium Br KB IV 422 with excerpts of Augustinus and Bernardus, the owner has also
written down some work of Jan van Schoonhoven, from the convent of Groenendaal. 92 Jan
van Schoonhoven and Thomas à Kempis were often read in Windesheim.
In addition to the patristic, mystic and devout writers, more work was present in the
library of Ter Noot Gods. It also contained parts of works of theologians of the Scholasticism.
Three of the books of the library of Ter Noot Gods contain works of scholastic authors
89
Bibliotheca Neerlandica Manuscripta: Br KB IV 422.
Stooker, Verbeij 1997: nr. 1179.
91
Stooker, Verbeij 1997: nr. 1182.
92
Bibliotheca Neerlandica Manuscripta Br KB IV 422.
90
32
(Hendrik van Gent, Petrus Lombardus and Thomas Aquinas). On one hand, scholastic writers
were cited within the Devotio Moderna, while on the other hand they were careful with citing
from scholasticism, because the Devout aimed to build souls, not theologies.93 The three
manuscripts containing work of Scholastic authors are Br KB 14751-54, Br KB II 469 and Br
KB II 463.
Br KB 14751-54 includes Hendrik van Gent’s Liber de virginitate (“Book of
Virginity”). In the Middle Ages, this work was attributed to Hendrik van Gent, but his
authorship is not sure. However, the copyist assumed that he copied work of Van Gent. The
content of the Liber de virginitate is mainly based on Ambrosius, Hieronymus, Augustinus
and Gregorius.94 His other works – his fifteen Quodlibeta and his Summa (Quaestiones
Ordinariae) – have typical scholastic themes such as the problem of human knowledge and
divine ideas.95
In Br KB II 469, an excerpt of Petrus Lombardus’ Libri quattuor sententiarum is
present. This excerpt deals with Malachi 2.2, where God says: “I will curse your blessings”,
and Ezekiel, where God tells the Israelis “You let people die who should not die, and keep
people alive who do not have to be kept alive.” (Ezekiel 13.19). These two texts seem to
93
Van Engen 2008: 266. Weiler 2006 presents an example of an author who cited from scholasticism, Arnold
Gheyloven. He was a devout who cited scholastic authors in order to learn his students theological thoughts
about the moral aspects of church law. But authors like Arnold Gheyloven are more the exceptions rather than
the rule (Weiler 2006: 260). In another publication (Weiler 1997), Weiler shows examples of people from the
Devotio Moderna who showed an aversion against the ideas of the Scholasticism. Florens Radewijnsz.’s opinion
was that the motivation of study should be devotion to God, instead of curiosity. So he rejected theoretical
science, speculative mystical theology and Scholasticism (Weiler 1997: 14). Thomas à Kempis wrote about
gaining knowledge in his De Imitatio Christi: “Wat baat het u diepzinnig over de Drieëenheid te redetwisten als
ge de nederigheid mist en daarom de Drieëenheid mishaagt? Werkelijk, grote woorden maken niet heilig en
rechtvaardig, maar door een leven van deugd wordt men aangenaam aan God. […] Al zoudt ge de hele bijbel van
buiten kennen en de uitspraken van alle filosofen, wat zou u dat alles baten zonder de liefde Gods en zijn
genade?” (Thomas a Kempis, chapter 1, edition Naaijkens 1990: 17-18). He emphasizes here and in other places
in De imitatio Christi that knowledge about the Bible and about philosophical thoughts is useless, as long as
someone does not lead a virtuous life and when loving God is not someone’s first priority. So, he does not say
that gaining knowledge is useless at all, but he says that leading a virtuous life is more important.
94
In the prologue of the Dutch translation Dat boec van der ioncfrouscap, these four church fathers are called
‘vier principael lerers der waerheit’ (ed. Bergkvist 1925: 1).
95
Porro 2008.
33
contradict each other, and the excerpt from Lombardus is about this paradox. The elaboration
of such a paradox is a typical scholastic way of arguing.
I have also found four summae from the library of Ter Noot Gods. A summa was
regularly used in order to completely cover a discipline like theology or philosophy. The
author of a summa bases his arguments on Scripture or another authoritative source, which he
elaborates logical, theological or philosophical. The most influential summa is the Summa
Theologiae from Thomas Aquinas. In this summa, Aquinas approaches theological issues
from different points of view. He did not want to give his students his point of view, or the
‘right’ point of view, but he wanted them to think critically. By giving arguments from
different points of view, he trained them to this way of thinking.96 Br KB II 463 contains this
summa of Aquinas, Br KB II 476 is the summa Caprioli, compiled by Johannes Luydius, Br
KB 477 is a summa of Thomas of Capua, and Camberlyn 112 is a summa of the Dominican
Bartholomeus of Pisa. So, the scholastic influences are amply present in Ter Noot Gods.
Thomas Aquinas’ Compendium Theologie is copied in Br KB II 463, together with
Mariale of Jacobus de Voragine. We can conclude that much work of Scholastic authors was
present within the library of Ter Noot Gods. This shows that the brethren of Ter Noot Gods
were not only interested in literature about personal meditation and critical self-examination,
but there is also room for the intellectual range of thoughts of the Scholasticism.
Not only the ideas of the Scholasticism had the interest of the Regular brethren, artesliterature is also present in Ter Noot Gods. That is quite remarkable. Eyn corte decleringhe
does not only consist of cosmographical texts, but also of a medical text, a text about
digestion and a text about the four elements.97 The language of the texts in this codex is
Dutch. De simplici medicina (Br KB IV 425) is also a non-theological work, namely a
medical work of Galenus, a Roman surgeon. Br KB II 469 contains a rhymed recipe ‘Tegen
96
97
Sweeney 2008.
Br KB IV 27. Veltman 2004: 61. Werkgroep 1983.
34
die artiscuylsche pine’, against arthritis (f. 151v-152r). This recipe gives some advices about
what to do against pain, and what not to do. It is for example unhealthy to eat cold fish, good
food is advisable, and in the winter, you have to stay inside, instead of walking outside in the
cold. The way you should cope with the arthritis, is to keep a happy spirit. 98 This has nothing
to do with devotion, but is pure a practical text for people who suffer from this disease. The
monastery Ter Noot Gods originally was a hospital, and was later changed into a convent.
Maybe the texts about medical subjects were remains of the hospital function of the convent.
3.3.4. Language
The manuscript Tongeren contains texts and songs both in Latin and in Dutch. Most of the
other manuscripts of the library are in Latin. Traditionally, in the Middle Ages, Latin had a
higher status than vernacular. Using a vernacular was sometimes inevitable, because many
women were not able to read in Latin.99 Within the Devotio Moderna, the question whether a
text (or part of it) was appropriate for the goal a brother or sister strived for was more
important than the language. The religious literature in vernacular was not a struggling out
and replacement of the Latin literature, but the relationship was a relationship of symbiosis
between the two languages.100 As a consequence, Latin was used more in the convents for
men than in the convents and houses for women, because a lot of women were not able to
read in Latin.101 Because Ter Noot Gods was a convent for men, it is not surprising that most
of the manuscripts in Ter Noot Gods were in Latin.
In five of the manuscripts in Ter Noot Gods, both Latin and Dutch were used, while in
three other manuscripts only Dutch has been used.102 The three manuscripts with only Dutch
98
The rimed recipe is placed in De Vreese 1902, p. 691-692.
Scheepsma 1997: 26.
100
Mertens 1993: 22-23.
101
Joldersma 2008: 375.
102
Br KB IV 815 is in Dutch, but this is not a whole manuscript, it contains only a fragment of a text, therefore,
it is unknown whether the whole manuscript was in Dutch or partly in Latin.
99
35
content are BrKB IV 27, with the text Eyn corte decleringhe, BrKB IV 418, a Ordo officii and
Br KB II 469. The Ordo officii is partly written in Dutch.103 Eyn corte decleringhe is in
Dutch, but it was probably not primarily intended for the brethren of the convent. In the
manuscript on f. 2r and on f. 12v it is written that the text is for ‘sympele liede’ or for
‘sympele mensche’.104 Sometimes translations of Latin works or other Dutch texts were in a
library of a convent, in order to lend it to laymen outside the convent. It is presumably that
this is the case for Eyn corte decleringhe.105 It could have been intended for loan or for
education of laymen, less-educated brethren or lay brethren. Maybe, Br KB II 469 was also
intended for loan or for education of the laity. In this manuscript are treatises of mystical
authors (Jan van Ruusbroec, Jan van Leeuwen, David van Augsburg, Henricus Suso) and
texts of other medieval authors, Gerard van Vliederhoven, Petrus Lombardus and Jacobus de
Voragine.106
The five manuscripts with Latin and Dutch texts were presumably not intended for
loan to the laity. A relevant question is why the copyists did not use just one language. To
answer this question, we have to take a closer look at those manuscripts. Br KB 1474-50 is
mainly in Latin. In BNM, ‘Dutch/Latin’ is given as language, but the Dutch part is very small.
Stooker and Verbeij indicate that only f. 120v-122 are in Dutch, whereas f. 1-120 and 122v123v are in Latin. So, in this manuscript only three folia are in vernacular. These three folia
contain dicta written by Ambrose, Jerome, Augustine, Gregory and Bernard.107 It is unknown
when these dicta were translated from Latin into Dutch. These Dutch folios could have been
inserted in the manuscript on a later date or these folios were empty and someone wrote this
later on these empty folios.108 Since paper or parchment was expensive, people used the
103
Biblitheca Neerlandica Manuscripta, BrKB IV 418.
Werkgroep 1983: 23-24.
105
Van der Poel 1987: 91.
106
Bibliotheca Neerlandica Manuscripta, BrKB II 469.
107
Stooker and Verbeij 1997: 394, nr. 1177.
108
These are only two suggestions, I did not found evidence for one of these hypotheses.
104
36
flyleaves or blank pages at the beginning or end of a manuscript in order to write something
down that had to be preserved.
The second manuscript with both Latin and Dutch content is Br KB 14751-54. This
manuscript is mainly written in Latin as well. Only a ‘ceremony of a clock ordination’ (f. 235)
and the rubrics at Benedictio campane (f. 233-235) are in Dutch. So, this manuscript is in
principle in Latin as well, but on the last folios the ceremony of a clock ordination has been
written in Dutch. Maybe this text has been added later, when the book was already finished
and in the library.
The texts in Br KB II 462 are mainly in Latin. The texts on f. 1-150v and f. 162-195
are in Latin. In between (f. 151-161v) is De beata Maria Virgine, partially in Latin and
partially in Dutch.109
The two manuscripts in which a more equal mixture of Latin texts and Middle Dutch
texts is used are Br KB IV 421, subject of investigation in this thesis, and Br KB IV 423.
These two manuscripts are both miscellanea110, although in a catalogue of medieval
manuscripts, Glorieux-de Gand classified them as ‘rapiarium’.111 One of the characteristics of
a rapiarium is that it is written down on left-over scraps of paper and parchment112, Br KB IV
421, is not written on left-overs, but it is a manuscript containing of neat quires, and it seems
not to be a booklet where someone wrote thoughts directly when he encountered them.
Moreover, from the 15th century no rapiaria are left.113 For these two reasons, Br KB IV 421
is not a rapiarium. Possibly, the compiler of the manuscript had a rapiarium for his own use,
and copied some of the content of his rapiarium in the manuscript. In Monasticon Belge, Br
KB IV 421 is described as ‘collection d’écrits ascétiques’ (collection of ascetic writings),
109
Stooker and Verbeij 1997: 394, nr. 1178.
Remans 1949: 174, 175.
111
Glorieux-De Gand 1979: 567, 568.
112
Van Engen 2008: 278.
113
Van Engen 2008: 281.
110
37
unlike Br KB IV 423, which is described as a rapiarium.114 When the classification of Br KB
IV 423 as a rapiarium is right, it is easy to explain that it contains Latin and Dutch texts. The
owner of this manuscript could read and write both Latin and Dutch and wrote down what he
was interested in. Since he was able to read both languages, it did not matter whether this was
in Latin or in Dutch. But this only is a hypothesis, we do not know for certain why there are
Latin and Dutch parts in Br KB IV 423.
In Br KB IV 421 is no visible division between Latin and Dutch. Just one hand wrote
both the Latin and the Dutch parts. Moreover, the Latin and Middle Dutch texts and songs are
mixed. The Dutch content is spread throughout the entire manuscript. Also in Br KB IV 423,
the Dutch text is spread through the manuscript, although in this case it is mainly concentrated
in the last part of the manuscript. F. 27 contain a letter of Gerlach Peters, but the other Dutch
texts are on f. 207-281. F. 1-206 is in Latin, and from f. 207 onwards Latin texts are alternated
with Dutch texts.115 So, in both manuscripts, the intended public of the manuscript was
twofold: (1) people who were able to read both Latin and Dutch and (2) people who were not
and read only Dutch. Because the Dutch texts are in between the Latin texts in these
manuscripts, the first hypothesis is more plausible. Otherwise, the people that could read only
in Dutch had to search for the parts within the manuscript they would understand. The choice
of the compiler of the manuscript for mixing the Latin and Dutch content could be inspired by
the language in which the texts were written. So, for the compiler, the content of the texts
were more important than the language in which it is written. Latin was reputed as a more
prestigious language, but the language was of minor importance because content is what
counted. That content is more important than languages could mean that bilingualism of the
compiler and the intended readers was normal, just like it is normal for us to alternate reading
114
115
Berlière 1976: 269.
Stooker and Verbeij 1997: 397, nr. 1182.
38
in English and Dutch. It was probably then even more normal than for us now, because they
read both languages in one and the same manuscript.
3.4.
Conclusion
This chapter ends with a characterization of the textual culture in Ter Noot God. Ter Noot
Gods was one of the convents that belonged to the Windesheimer Congregation. The
Windesheimer Congregation was an institutionalized organisation, in which the ideals
matched the ideals within the Devotio Moderna. Therefore, it is possible to compare the
knowledge about the textual culture within the Devotio Moderna and more specific within the
Windesheimer Congregation with the knowledge about the textual culture within the convent.
The textual culture within the convent is very diverse. Within the Devotio Moderna is a rich
textual culture. In the convent of Tongeren, the textual culture was rich as well. Many
manuscripts that originated there or were possessed by the convent are passed down to us, so
books seem to be important. Copying was in many convents daily practise, in Ter Noot Gods,
copying was one of the pursuits as well.
The books the Regulars in Tongeren possessed were various in theme and content.
They possessed scholastic works, copies of classical authors, like Aristotle and medieval
artes-literature, for example about the cosmos. This artes literature is less common in the
library of the convent than the religious works. It shows that the interests within the convent
were broader than only meditational material. Also information about some brethren in Ter
Noot Gods in the 15th century and in later centuries shows us that some of the brethren were
highly engaged with books of different sorts. Besides meditation, the brethren gained
knowledge about issues and ideas that played a role within the world. They were not only
interested in what the theologians of the Devotio Moderna said, but considered the opinions of
Church Fathers and scholastic authors as well.
39
Although Latin was the more prestigious language within the late medieval society
and in particular within the clerical context, Medieval Dutch was used in some of the
manuscripts. This shows that the goal was more important than the form. The goal of copying
and excerpting texts was making progress in virtues, whether a text was written in Latin or in
Dutch was less important.
Within this context of a highly developed textual culture with attention towards texts
both in Latin and in Dutch, we can place Br KB IV 421, which will be the topic of the next
chapters (chapter 4 and 5). When examining this manuscript, we have to take into account the
atmosphere in the convent sketched in this chapter.
40
CHAPTER 4
The content of the manuscript Br KB IV421
“Die lettere craket die noete,
Meerkennisse (goed nadenken) die eetet die kerne”
One of the Dutch rhymed proverbs in the manuscript (f. 209r)116
4.1.
Introduction
In chapter 3 I described the intellectual culture in the convent Ter Noot Gods, because the
subject of research, manuscript Br KB IV 421, originated in this convent. The main subject of
the following chapter is the manuscript itself in order to come closer to the answer the
question on how this manuscript has functioned. Therefore I will have a look at the
appearance and what that can tell us about the intended functioning of the manuscript (4.2.).
In paragraph 4.3., I will have a closer look at the content and the construction of the
manuscript. It is important to have a detailed look at the content, because, when you read with
perceptivity, you will come to the core, just like the above cited quote from the manuscript
learns us. The manuscript contains both Latin and Dutch texts and songs. Paragraph 4.4
contains the conclusion about how the manuscript could have functioned intentionally.
4.2.
Appearance
Before opening the manuscript, the appearance of the manuscript already tells us something
about its use. Manuscript Tongeren is a little booklet, it is approximately half the size of an
octavo-manuscript (14 cm x 9,7 cm, see figure 1117 for a picture of the front side in life-size),
which means that it is a little booklet that could be held easily in the readers’ hands. Little
manuscripts of this size were generally intended for private possession instead of possession
in a library. In the Royal Library of Brussels are more manuscripts of this size, and it is
116
117
“The letter cracks a nut, perceptivity eats the kernel”, Indestege 1951: 92.
All photographs of the manuscript to which I refer, can be found in appendix 2.
41
assumed that most of these manuscripts were for private use.118 Books that were kept in the
library of the monastery were bigger, and the same goes for books used in the liturgy in
church. So, the size of the manuscript points towards personal use.
The entire manuscript is written in the script littera brevitura.119 This name is made
and described by G.I. Lieftinck, and referred to a script used between 1440 and 1500.120 The
original 15th century binding has remained intact, and by looking at the cover, we can gain
more knowledge about the use of this book in the 15th century. The front cover contains apart
from a panel stamp – which I will describe later in this chapter – rests of a parchment label. It
is a simple label without a metal frame. The presence of this label means that the person who
had this book in his cell probably had more books. Otherwise, a label is useless. So, by only
looking at the cover and size, we can already assume that the booklet has been used in a cell
by a brother or sister who kept more books in his or her cell than only this manuscript.121
The panel stamp is a blind stamp on both the front and the back cover. It is an image
of Christ, who kneels down in front of an angel in the Garden of Olives. The angel, who is
possibly an image for God the Father, presents Christ the cup of sorrow, around Him are the
sleeping disciples. In the margins of the stamp, the text “Pater si possibile est transeat a me
calix iste” is pressed.122 This text is from Matthew 26.39, 42: “My Father, if it is possible, let
this cup pass away from me”. This panel stamp with this text is an indication that the
manuscript was made in Ter Noot Gods, it serves as an iconographical depiction of Ter Noot
Gods.123
118
I got this information from the librarian in the Royal Library of Brussels. He told me that Br KB IV 421 is of
D-size, a name for the smaller manuscripts in the Royal Library, and how the manuscripts of this size were used
in general.
119
Indestege 1951: 5.
120
Lieftinck 1948: ii.
121
The information about the panel stamp and what that means for the way of use is also oral information of the
librarian of the Royal Library.
122
Indestege 1951: 7.
123
Verheyden 1948: 1241, Indestege 1951: 7, Van der Poel 1987: 90.
42
On the front and the back side there are both parchment flyleaves, these come from a
Latin Souter.124 The texts and songs are written on paper, the parchment folios which are
present, are more exception than rule. Within the Devotio Moderna, paper was often used
instead of parchment, because it was less expensive and it had enough quality for the needs of
the writers and copyists.125
On two of the folios, a watermark is visible. On f. 95 the head of a horned animal,
assumable a chamois, is visible in the corner close to the binding. On f. 130 a part of another
watermark can be distinguished. This watermark contains an anchor with a cross on top of it
(figure 3). Both watermarks refer to the 15th century. Watermarks resembling to that of the
anchor with cross occurred mainly in Northern-France, but it also occurred in a broader
area.126 None of the watermarks mentioned in Les filigranes are from manuscripts in the area
of Tongeren.127 Possibly the paper was imported from Northern-France.
The manuscript contains 250 folios, divided over 11 quires. The quires contain 19-26
folios. In the smallest quire of 19 folios an unknown number of folios are missing. The hand
that foliated the folios, probably in the 20th century after the rediscovery of the manuscript,
already records the missing of one or more folios. He wrote “minstens 1 fol. ontbreekt hier”
on f. 98v. Because of lacking one or more folios it is possible that the number of folios is an
odd number. This place is the only place where folios are lacking. Further, the manuscript
seems complete.
However, the manuscript is damaged at some places. Throughout the entire
manuscript, wormholes are visible. At some places the text is difficult to read, due to wearing
or due to a wrong use of the manuscript. On f. 152v we see the result of wrong use (figure 2).
Here, we see dark brown spots. This damage is caused by a researcher or librarian who used a
124
Indestege 1951: 7.
Clemens, Graham 2007: 9, Van Oostrom 2013: 495.
126
This broader area is in France to the south till Montpellier, Suisse, and parts of Germany (Briquet 1907: nr.
365-395).
127
Indestege 1951: 6, Briquet 1907: nr. 365-395.
125
43
chemical reagent in the late 19th and early 20th century. This was a method used when texts in
a manuscript were nearly invisible. By using a chemical reagent, the text became more
visible, but the long term result of this method is that the text becomes less visible after using
the reagent.128 The person who used the reagent rewrote the words that were temporary visible
of a part of the folio. On this folio the Dutch song “Och God wat vrouden sy hier smaken”
ends, and a Latin Maria song starts at this folio. The hand rewrote the text of the Latin song.
However, the damage in the song “Och God wat vrouden sy hier smaken” is not repaired.
Apparently, the researcher had more interest in the Latin song than in the text of the Dutch
song.
Another sign of use are the manicula which have been drawn in the margin of some
folios. Such manicula are sketches of a hand, with the index finger pointing towards a
significant passage in the text. This type of nota bene marking was frequently used in the late
Middle Ages.129
The last folios of the manuscript are all heavily damaged, and as a result, they are
difficult to read. Due to the cutting of the papers at some places a few letters are lost.
4.3.
Content
The manuscript contains 250 folios, these folios are written both in Latin and in Middle
Dutch. Approximately 210 folios are in Latin while 40 folios contain Dutch texts and songs.
In Latin, the manuscript contains among other treatises, poems, songs (with musical notation)
and an account of the coronation of Lotharius II as emperor in 1143. In Dutch, the manuscript
comprises poems, songs (in particular Christmas songs), short rhymed proverbs, quotes of
church fathers in prose, and exempla, also in prose. The various Dutch genres alternate and
128
129
Clemens, Graham 2007: 104-105.
Clemens and Graham 2007: 44.
44
are mixed up. The rhymed proverbs are often written at places where the copyist had space for
them, sometimes between the poems, sometimes in the margins.130
The ten Dutch songs are also spread through the manuscript. The first two songs are
written on f. 121v-125r. Six other songs are incorporated as a group on f. 217v-f.221v and
two of the songs have other locations within the manuscript (f. 149v and f. 205v).
In this paragraph, I will discuss the content of the manuscript linear. I have divided the
content in clusters of Latin texts, Latin songs, Dutch texts and Dutch songs. However,
sometimes in a part of the manuscript with Latin texts, also a Dutch text can be found, or in a
part with Dutch poems, also Dutch songs are present. This division corresponds only partly
with the quires within the manuscript and with the units divided by initials and rubrics. The
relationship between those three ways of arrangements is made visible in Table 1:
arrangement.
Language/text type
1v-97r (Latin texts)
Quires
2-29
30-49
Initials/rubrics
40r: Initial of 7 rules
50-70
59r: Initial of 12 rules
66r: initial 3 rules
73-92
93-111
97v-153v (Latin songs)
112-131
132-153
136v: initial fills entire margin of a folio
154r-184r (Latin texts)
130
155-176
Indestege 1951: 7-9.
45
157v: coloured initial with pen drawing
165r: blue initial
177-203
180r
184r-198r (Dutch poems)
198v-203v (Latin texts)
200v
203v-217r (Dutch proverbs 204-224
and poems)
206v: historiated initial
221v-246v (Latin texts)
225-246
Table 1: arrangement
131
The table shows that only occasionally a new quire and a new text type/language
coincide (only on f. 154/155, and f. 203/204). A new sort of texts, for example the Latin
songs, or the Dutch proverbs and poems, never coincides with a big marking by a bigger
initial of a few lines.
F. 1v-97r: Latin texts
The first half of the manuscript contains only Latin texts (f. 1v-97r), except one. It starts with
parts of the liturgy, also parts of the liturgy that have to be sung, with e.g. antiphons and
Masses, for example a Mass on f. 3v. After this Mass and a text about the weak people, a
Dutch exemplum titled “van enen zieken mensche” is placed (f. 4r). This is the only Dutch
text until f. 97. The content of this exemplum fits in seamlessly with the previous text about
the weak people. The message of this exemplum is that bearing illness can bring benefits if
you endure it meekly. “Enen dach siecheiden in mynnen ende in caritate doet af hondert iaer
131
For the initials and rubrics, the third column, only the most evident marks of a new unity are inserted in the
table. Those are initials which are bigger and decorated and texts that start on a new folio after a blank space on
the foregoing folio.
46
vegheviers ende het brenghet hondertvoet loens” (“One day of illness in love and in charity
shortens hundred years in purgatory and brings a reward in hundredfold” f. 4v).132 Thus,
although it is surprising that a Dutch exemplum is placed in this part of the manuscript, it fits
thematically with the foregoing text. The Dutch text is followed by a number of excerpts,
beginning with an excerpt of a text of St. Francis.133 This part of the manuscript contains also
different poems. The first poem is a poem in two columns, “contemplatio utilis de contemptu
mundi”, about the contempt of the world. Excerpts and quotes of e.g. Bernardus, Claudianus,
Augustinus, Gregorius, Ysidorus, Anselmus and Cyprianus, but also of the secular writers
Plato and Seneca are included. In addition, quotations from the Bible (both Old Testament
and New Testament, f. 53r) and prayers (72r) can be found in this part of the manuscript.
The compiler also copied more recent work from people that were important within
the Devotio Moderna. Of course, work of the founding father of the Devotio Moderna, Geert
Grote, is present in the manuscript. At f. 19v an excerpt of a text of Grote is copied. In the
rubric, Geert Grote is presented as venerabilus dyaconus, a venerable deacon.
Two texts that are of particular interest are an absolution and a text written by
Johannis Reys. These two texts give information about the origins of the manuscript. F. 56v
starts with an absolution in which the relationship to the Chapter of Windesheim becomes
clear. The incipit “Haec format absolutionis composuit magister Heynreicus de Busco visus
privilegens a sede apostolica nobis concesse sanctus Capitulo de Windecim” shows that
Master Henricus de Busco has composed this form especially for the Chapter of Windesheim.
The presence of this absolution in this manuscript is a confirmation of the fact that the
manuscript was copied in a convent of the Chapter of Windesheim, and Ter Noot Gods was
one of these convents. So, the presence of this text makes it more probable that the manuscript
was copied here. Another Latin text in which we find information about the convent Ter Noot
132
Indestege 1951: 103.
F.
4v,
this
excerpt
is
a
part
from
the
Speculum
(http://www.paxetbonum.net/biographies/mirror_of_perfection2_lat.html).
133
47
Perfectionis,
caput
42
Gods is the Exercitium Devotum (f. 86v-97r). This text has been written by Johannis Reys, the
first prior of Ter Noot Gods.134
F. 97v-153v: Latin songs
After the first half of the manuscript with mostly Latin texts, a quarter of the manuscript
consists of Latin songs. These Latin songs are all on f. 97v-152v, alternated with a Latin text
on f. 108v-109v, two songs in the mixed language Latin/Dutch (121v, 123v), a song in Dutch
(149v) and a poem in Dutch (140r).
Ulrike Hascher-Burger made an inventory of the incipits for all the songs in the
manuscript.135 This inventory provides a good entrance in the Latin songs. Above some of the
songs, a rubric is made. In some of the rubrics, the song is called an ymnus (hymn), antiphona
(antiphone), versus or responsorium, these are all parts of liturgical songs. Judging by these
rubrics, the manuscript contains 13 liturgical songs. However, some songs miss the rubric in
which is mentioned that it is a liturgical song, therefore more liturgical songs are present.
liturgical form
Ymnus
Antiphona
Versus
Responsorium
Sequentia
folio
97v
98r
112v
119v
106v
98v
102r
119v
145v
107r
140v
144r
147r
Table 2: liturgical songs
Not all songs are for the liturgy. In the first part of the manuscript we already noticed a
great diversity of texts. Also within the part of Latin songs is diversity: this part contains
liturgical and non-liturgical songs, a variety in themes, and different types of musical notation
are used. A second group of songs within the manuscripts are the devout songs which were
not meant for use in the liturgy, for example Christmas songs. These Christmas songs are on f.
134
135
Indestege 1951: 7.
http://www.musicadevota.com/Inc.brussel%20IV%20421.htm [18 June 2013].
48
121v-136v. This is an example of an ordering by theme. Within this cluster of Christmas
songs, two songs are in a mixed language Latin-Dutch. Therefore, the one who sings had to
have some knowledge of both languages. The two songs in the mixed language fit within this
part with Christmas songs, so they are included here in the manuscript. Apparently the content
was of more importance than the language.
The poem Eynen a.b.c. van den staet deser bueser werelt is between two Latin songs
in the manuscript. Before the poem is the song Conditor alme syderum, about Jesus’ coming
to the Earth, to save a ruined race. This song contains a prayer to God to preserve the singers
when He judges the living and dead on the Day of Judgement. The other song is a hymn about
the holy Virgin Mary. The poem partly matches with the foregoing song conditor, it is also
about sinners and forgiveness. The Dutch a.b.c. is a lamentation about the decay of belief and
morals, justice and dedication,136 while the foregoing song Conditor alme syderum is not
about all sorts of sinners, but concerns also sinners who are described in the Dutch a.b.c.. In
the Dutch poem, a variety of sins are described, but it does not ask grace for these people. The
similarity between Conditor and the a.b.c. is not strong: the only relationship is that both are
about sinners and about forgiveness. This Dutch poem seems thus not to be included here
because of the theme. It is also not the case that the poem is written down later on this place,
because here was an open space after another poem or text. The a.b.c. is integrated on an
entire recto-side of a folio, so, most probable this space was meant just for this poem. At f.
139v is a little proverb that is partly in Dutch, as well. That poem is as follows:
Die metten wi
Can hi dat dri
Dien wil ich scri
136
consortia quaerit habere
ven
et se de fraude cavere
semper omnibus arte vigere
Indestege 1951: 11.
49
In this poem the odd lines are in Dutch, and the even lines in Latin. The first two lines are
thus: “Die metten wiven, consortia quaerit habere”. We see that Dutch and Latin are
completely integrated within this little poem.
F. 154r-184r: Latin texts
After the part with many songs in Latin, the manuscript contains 30 folios with only Latin
texts. Among the texts in this part are treatises, for example a treatise about the purifying of
the conscience (f. 157v-164r). Furthermore, this part contains texts against predestination (f.
173v), about the trinity of the Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit (f. 166r-169r), about the
unity of God (f. 165v), about the scholastic theme of the principles of the moral laws (f. 173r),
and about the membership of the Corpus Christianum (f. 178r). The cluster of Latin texts
closes with some enumerations, among others of the seven sins, and eight holy virtues,
derived from the eight beatitudes from Matthew 5 (183v-184r).
F. 184r-198r: Dutch poems
The enumerations of seven sins and eight beatitudes from Matthew 5 with which the Latin
part of f. 154r-184r ends, are on the same folio followed by a drawing of a goblet with a
hearth above it and the text “Dit is dat leevende water dats passio Christi” (“This is the living
water of the passion of Christ”) and of three wooden spoons with a banderol with a text in
Dutch: “Dat yrste lepelken is felle woerden, Dat ander is swaer wercken, Dat deerde, quade
seden, felle manieren ende stuer gelaet” (“The first spoon is sharp words, the other is rough
work, the third loose morals, cruel137 manners and grumpy138 expression”). This drawing
corresponds with the following poem “Een fonteyn heb ich vonden” (figure 4). This poem
137
138
MNW felI 1: wreed.
MNW stuurI I, 2: nors/onvriendelijk.
50
about the fountain of the living water with the passion of Jesus Christ, mentions three spoons
that are extracted by the lyrical I every day. The three spoons are (1) the spoon of receiving all
words with happiness, (2) the spoon of bearing all heavy work for the sake of the love for
Jesus, and (3) the spoon of bearing loose morals, cruel manners and grumpy expressions with
cheer.139 So, the drawing is inspired by the text of the poem. Therefore, it seems that the
drawing is made especially for this poem by the compiler or another person who made the
drawings in the manuscript. The poem with the illustration is the beginning of a part with only
Dutch poems and a Dutch exemplum.
The rubric above the second Dutch poem (f. 185r) is remarkable. In this rubric, the
audience is mentioned: “Dit es een goede lere voer ionghe luyde ende oec voer die oude
ongheleer[den]”. This means that the poem is both for young people and for old people with
little education. Does this refer to the audience within Ter Noot Gods, or is this a general
remark? The content of the poem makes clear that it is not intended especially for brethren in
a monastery. It is about how to live a Christian life. The poem starts with the raising of young
(strophe 2) and older children (strophe 3), later in the poem this subject is repeated. It is
important to teach these children to go to church often and with pleasure. When you teach
them these things early, they will continue to do so when they are grown up. In later strophes,
the poem contains warnings against various sins and worldly temptations, such as
drunkenness and pride of richness. A part of the poem is also about marriage (l. 103-126). In
this part, men are told how to treat their wives and how to be a good husband. It is for
example not good to lose your temper when your wife does something wrong (l. 121-123).
From line 145 onwards the theme is receiving and raising children: “Wilt God dattu van
dynen live vele kindere crijcht by dynen wive al en bistu nyet groot ghegoet danct gode ende
sijt blide ghemoet” (“When God wants you to have many children with your wife, thank God,
139
Indestege 1951: 15-16.
51
and be happy, although you are not very rich”). The entire way of life described in the poem
is the way God wants it. He gives all what is needed, in order to live with God in His
Kingdom in eternity after this life (l. 289-293). So, from this poem it becomes clear that living
in a monastery is not the only good way of living. Also living as a married man in the world
can be a good, Christian way. The presence of this poem in the manuscript might point
towards an audience outside the walls of Ter Noot Gods.140
The next poem can be read both by brethren and by Christians outside the convent.
Subject of this poem is the Holy Mass (f. 189r-189v).141 People who visit the Holy Mass will
receive seven virtues. The virtues mentioned in the poem are: losing ostentation, living by the
daily bread, banishing neglected sins, preventing an unforeseen death, receiving God with the
soul, not losing the light and knowing that all footprints are counted by the angel of heaven. In
the poem is a reference to St. Augustine’s description of the virtues prudentia, temperantia,
fortitudo and iustitia. Augustine calls these four virtues “dispositions of the soul”. The goal of
these virtues is renouncing the worldly pleasures in order to come closer to God.142 The seven
virtues mentioned in the poem do not correlate one to one with the four virtues of Augustine.
However, the meaning and goal of Augustine’s virtues correspond with the mentioned virtues.
The disposition of prudentia is that a soul understands eternal matters and knows that the
earthly matters are inferior to those eternal things. This is reflected in losing ostentation and
banishing neglected sins. Those are worldly matters that are not important anymore. Losing
ostentation corresponds also with the disposition of temperantia, because here it is important
to free the soul from the habit to love inferior, earthly beauty and focus on love to God. Fear
for the death is not needed when you have the virtue of fortitudo, the fourth virtue in the
poem. The seven virtues in the poem are not a literally incorporation of the virtues of
140
Indestege 1951: 17-26.
Indestege 1951: 27.
142
Bovendeert 2007: 91.
141
52
Augustine, but they have similarities with the virtues. All the virtues are meant to come closer
to God, what is also the goal of Augustine’s virtues.143
This part of the manuscript contains three of the seven coloured drawings. F. 189v
shows a drawing of the Lamb Christ, from whose breast blood is flowing into a goblet (figure
5). Just like the drawing at f. 184r, described above, this drawing is explained in the text
thereafter (f. 189v-190r). The drawing contains four textboxes with the words “Minne”,
“Ghedoechsamheit”, “Vrede” and “Oetmoedicheit” (love, patience, peace and humility).144
These terms are characteristics of the Lamb, which are also depicted in the picture. The text
does not just explain those four characteristics. Moreover, reciprocity between the drawing
and the text can be signalized. The humility is shown by the raised foot of the Lamb (l. 6-10),
the patience is shown by the cross the Lamb is wearing (l. 11-14), the peace He gives is
illustrated by the way in which the Lamb looks behind, in order give peace with his mouth
when we fall in sins (l. 15-18), and the love is shown by the blood flowing from His breast,
coming from his bleeding heart (l. 19-22). The interaction between the illustration and text
can point to different ways of copying/writing. The first possibility is that the person who
copied the text, copied the illustration as well, another possibility is that the copyist copied the
text and that he, or an illustrator, made the illustration at the text, or both text and illustration
are made by the person who compiled the manuscript.
At the verso-side of f. 190, we see again a coloured drawing and again it is Jesus who
is depicted, this time He is represented as Shepherd instead of the Lamb (figure 6). This
picture has no direct relationship with one of the texts. In the picture are three textboxes, used
as speech balloons. In the first Jesus says that He is the Good Shepherd who gives his life for
the sheep. The second text box contains words of the sheep, the third text box is a prayer to
the Shepherd to kindle their hearts and to let them be overwhelmed in His love. For this
143
144
Bovendeert 2007: 91-93.
A short description of the drawing can also be found in Indestege 1951: 28.
53
picture an entire folio is reserved, on this folio not any text is added, at the next folium (f.
191) a new text starts, again in Dutch. This text is an exemplum about a pilgrim traveling to
Jerusalem who had a conversation with Christ. This exemplum is followed by four poems in
Dutch.
The rubric of the first poem reads “Dit es een schone reyme van herdenckenisse der
doot ende vertyenisse (turning away145) der werelt” and is about the mortality of humans (f.
193v-195v). Everyone has to die, it does not matter whether you are rich and famous, or poor
and unknown, it is therefore important to fear and love God and to live a life that is just in His
eyes. This poem has been copied from another manuscript. In at least four manuscripts, this
poem is found. The text of this redaction comes closest to the redaction in a manuscript from
the St. Jacob Abbey in Liège.146 Possibly, this poem was a song, for it is included in the Dutch
Song Database, we do not know on which melody it could be sung, for it lacks a tune
indication.147
The second poem is a short poem (20 lines, f. 196r) that deals with what happens after
your death. A human being is divided in three parts after his death: the soul, the flesh for the
worms and the inheritance for his children and friends.
The third poem is not about mortality, but about sadness (f. 196r-197r). According to
the poem, sadness of death does not make sense, except sadness about our sins. We have to be
sad about our sins and beg God for grace and mercy for us living in sins.
The last poem in this cluster of Dutch texts is “Van der duecht der behoetheit” (f.
197r-198r), a poem about cautiousness, containing examples both of how you should behave
and of how you should not behave from persons from the Bible.
145
MNW vertien I: afstand doen van.
Indestege 1951: 30.
147
http://www.liederenbank.nl/liedpresentatie.php?zoek=25205&lan=en 13 July 2013.
146
54
F. 198v-203r: Latin texts
Between two Dutch parts, 5 folios with Latin texts can be found. Those folios are not inserted
later, but start at the verso side of f. 199, and this part goes on until the end of the quire. A
possibility is that the person who had written the Latin texts on these folios filled open space
on this quire after the Dutch poem. He started the Latin texts knowingly at the verso-side and
not beneath the last Dutch text, the space after the Dutch text on the recto-side is left blank.
So with the Latin texts, the compiler started a new unity within the manuscript. F. 198v-203r
contains 12 Latin texts.
F. 203v-217r: Dutch proverbs and poems
Whereas the Dutch part on f. 184r-198r contains only poems and one exemplum, the Dutch
content of f. 203v-221v is a mixture of different text-types: poems, short proverbs in rhyme
and in prose, citations, and a song.
The part with citations and proverbs starts with a short poem explaining the way in
which these proverbs should be read:
“Voer deser doere sal men spreken
Stichtighe woerden, mer nyemans ghebreken
En sal men op dese stede verhalen
Noch nyemant hinderren met achtertalen;
Mer dinghen daer die ere goeds in leyt
Ende elck mensche salicheit
Sal men met corten woerden besluten:
Die anders wat suect, die blyf hier buten”148
148
f. 203v, Indestege 1951: 85.
55
This poem can be seen as a door: before you enter the room behind, you have to
realise what you are looking for. In this part of the manuscript are only edifying words, which
are good for salvation. If you are looking for something else, stay outside. After this reading
instruction are patristic citations of St. Jerome, Bernard and Augustine, and citations of
Ruusbroec (some citations from Vanden VII Sloten) and Hadewijch. Seneca is the only
profane writer who is cited. In addition to the citations proverbs with an ascetic or mystic
attitude are present, and proverbs with life rules for brethren.149
After the introducing poem, a new quire starts. Therefore, in this case, a new unity
coincides with the new quire. Within the corpus of proverbs and citations is no ordering by
theme. Sometimes, only two or three proverbs sharing the same theme are on the same folio.
For example on f. 207v are three proverbs about mortality, with the message that whatever
you do, you have to be aware of your death.150 The poem with the rubric “Een devote reyme
van der passie ons heren” and the foregoing proverb have the same theme as well (f. 209v210r).151 In these poems, the theme is the passion of Christ and the desire to die as well, in
order to be able to rise up with Christ.
Another little cluster of poems ordered by theme is a cluster on f. 206v-208r. Here, the
theme is “speaking evil”. At folio 206v is a big, historiated initial, belonging to the text of the
poem Vanden plumenstrijkers ende quade tonghen (see figure 7). The same folio contains a
text box with a reference to the next page (“In order to read more about quader tonghen turn
the page and read “Een quade tonghe, etc”, It belongs together” figure 8). And indeed, when
you turn the page, you find the poem referred to at f. 208r. The two proverbs after the poem
“Een quade tonghe” are about slander as well.152 So, in this part of the manuscript both the
initial, the textbox and the texts on the next folio correspond with each other. This makes
149
Indestege 1951: 85.
Indestege 1951: 89 (nr. 29-31).
151
Indestege 1951: 48, 93 (nr. 51).
152
Indestege 1951: 90 (nr. 32-34).
150
56
clear that the compiler or someone else consciously choose to make the relationship between
parts of the manuscript explicit.
I already mentioned two important themes in this paragraph about f. 203v-217r: the
desire to suffer with Christ and mortality. The theme of mortality is not only described in
words, but on f. 214r a drawing makes the theme of mortality even more penetrating. It shows
a coffin with a proverb inside: “En hoep in die werelt nyet zeer: Dit huysken blijft dy ende
nyet meer.” (Do not hope on the world to much, this home stays, and nothing else). Here the
message is supported by the picture (figure 9).
Other important themes in this part of the manuscript are the ‘minne’ (Middle Dutch
term for ‘love’), withdrawing from the world, devotion to God and a pious lifestyle. The texts
about the minne are clearly influenced by mystical thoughts, for example on f. 213v.153 That
text is a prayer towards minne to descent and to live in the heart. Another aspect of mystical
thought is described on f. 215v.154 In this proverb, a division is made between human people,
angelic people, and godlike people. The human people strive for virtuousness with pleasure,
the angelic people possess the earthly things, without pleasure, and the godlike people can see
God. Thus, the three stages of enlightenment are summed up here. The ultimate goal is
regarding God and being together with Him.
Withdrawing from the world in order to devote God and a pious lifestyle are other
frequently occurring themes. This withdrawing from the world and the dismissing of worldly
pleasures and desires is called ascesis. Part of this ascesis is poorness. About this theme St.
Jerome said that it is impossible to live in wealth on earth and to go to the wealth in heaven
afterwards (f. 204r).155 When you want to be near to God in heaven after this life, you have to
deny worldly pleasures. According to the proverb at f. 207r, this is the way martyrs live. 156
153
Indestege 1951: 96 (nr. 71).
Indestege 1951: 98 (nr. 79).
155
Indestege 1951: 86 (nr. 2).
156
Indestege 1951: 88 (nr. 19).
154
57
The poem on f. 211v is devoted to despising of the world. It is wise to despise the world, her
flesh and the devil (line 5-6), and do penance for sins, because you cannot take richness,
honour, friends and family with you when you die (lines 5-9). The pious lifestyle means that
you have to renounce from sins and live without pleasures. According to a proverb on f.
211r157, you lead a holy life and you can die in certainty when you have this pious lifestyle.
Apart from all those religious proverbs and lessons, this part also includes practical
lessons. Contemplation starts already when you wake up and walk to the washing
accommodation, it goes on while you sit at table, walk in the street, and it ends when you go
to bed in the evening. During all activities thankfulness to God is appropriate. Another lesson
for people who live together is the lesson that you have to call someone to order when he does
something wrong. Then the other is a right friend.158 These two lessons are applicable to the
life of brethren in a monastery. They can contemplate during all activities and they live
together in a group in which they can call each other to order.
In this part of the manuscript is incorporated one song, Allen mijn troest, mijn
toeverlaet (f. 205v-206r). This song is placed after the poem about meditation as part of daily
life, described in foregoing paragraph, and after the song a poem and two proverbs about
minne are placed. Between the song and the texts is little similarity in theme. The song is a
Christmas song, so thematically it is difficult to find an explanation for the presence of the
song at this folio.
The last poem of the cluster of proverbs and poems is Der meechden spieghel ende
regule. This poem is about women, the female personal pronoun ‘hare’ is used to refer to the
virgins (line 6: “hare herte” and line 19: “haren maechdom”). That is remarkable within this
manuscript from Ter Noot Gods, a convent for men. The poem is about how virgins should
behave: they have to speak not too much, they have to be humble and not idle, and it is good
157
158
Indestege 1951: 94 (nr. 55).
f. 209v, Indestege 1951: 96 (nr. 50).
58
when they speak and read about God. It seems weird to place this poem in this manuscript,
but when you read the next song, that could declare the presence of this poem. The rubric of
that song is: “Een lidgen van den reynderen meechden ende cierheit van haren dansen” (A
song of the chaste maidens and elegance of their dance).
This part of the manuscript is a unity, represented by the poem on f. 203v through
which people figural enter this part of the manuscript. When those people had the good
intention, they had ‘permission’ to read the Dutch proverbs. All those proverbs and poems
contain lessons about how to behave, how to meditate, how to believe and how to express
confession.
F. 217v-221r: Dutch songs
The first song of the six on these folios, “Een lidgen van den reynderen meechden ende
cierheit van haren dansen”, comes after the poem about the virgins’ mirror. In that poem, the
lines “Sunderlinghe boven alle dinghen soelen sy laten dansen ende springen” (in particular
should they abstain from dancing and jumping, l. 9-10) are remarkable, because the song is
just about the elegance of the dance of the virgins. But this dance is different from the one
warned for in the poem, which is a worldly dancing and jumping. Instead of such empty
amusement, the dancing in the song is a religious dance in heaven before the throne of Jesus.
This is not a danger for the pureness of the maidens, but in the song, this is called “lof der
reynicheit” (laudation of purity, strophe 2). The poem describes the do’s and don’ts for
maidens on earth. The song is about the behaviour of these women in heaven. Therefore,
notwithstanding that it is about women, the presence of the poem about the female virgins
could be explained because it is useful as contrast to the song about the heavenly maidens.
The other songs on these folios are: Verwec verwec dat herte mijn, Nu starc ons God
in onser noet, Het sand een coninc sinen soen, Een blij ghesicht soe toent hy my and Wildi
59
horen nuwen sanc. Chapter 5 contains an extensive description and interpretation of these
songs. Therefore, I do not discuss the content here.
In this part with songs, at two places a little poem is incorporated. The first is on f.
218r after reyndere meechden. Possibly an open space is filled up with the proverb “when
nothing comes to something”. The second place where space is filled with some proverbs is
after the song Het sand een coninc sinen soen (f. 220r).159 At both places, a relationship
between song and proverbs/poems seems to be absent. Most possibly the proverbs have been
written here, because here were partly blank folios.
F. 221v-end: Latin texts
After the last song is an abrupt transition to Latin content. Under the song, at the same folio
221v, a Latin text of Seneca begins. On these folios, a lot of sentences from authors from
antiquity are cited, such as Seneca, Socrates, Catho, Rillius, Dyogenes, Plato, Symonides en
Thales. F. 232v-233v contains a letter that Geert Grote sent to Enricus de Huxaria in 1381.
In between the Latin texts, a small drawing of a man with two heads and a Dutch
poem are incorporated (f. 228v, figure 12). In one hand he holds a bucket, in the other a
burning torch. This drawing depicts the saying: “wearing fire in one hand, and water in the
other hand.”160 The poem is about the drawing, it explains having two faces: sometimes he
can seem wise, sometimes he can seem fool, you can never trust him. This picture looks like
the historiated initial at f. 206v (figure 7), where a man with two faces is depicted as well.
Why this Dutch poem with image stands here in between the Latin texts is most probably
again a matter of space: here in the middle of a quire ends one text, the next text starts at the
verso side, so space for a drawing and a little poem was available.
159
160
Indestege 1951: 100 (nr. 93-95).
Indestege 1951: 100.
60
4.4.
Conclusion
After researching both the appearance and structure of the manuscript, in this paragraph I
draw conclusions from that information about how the manuscript could have functioned. The
appearance provides information about both the intended functioning and the actual
functioning (paragraph 4.2), while the structure mainly provides information about the
intended functioning of the miscellany (paragraph 4.3).
From its appearance we can conclude that the manuscript was meant to be kept in the
cell or in another place for a private possessing of a brother or another person. This person
most probably had more books, which can be deduced from the fact that it has a label on the
front side. The manuscript was meant for use in the convent Ter Noot Gods, the panel stamp
on the front and back side is from this convent. About the actual use, we know that the
manuscript is used for research or for another purpose in the 19th/20th century because of the
modern foliating with pencil and because of the use of a reagent in the 19th or 20th century.
Study of the structure can give more clarity about the origins. This manuscript is
produced in one cycle. Miscellanies that are produced in one cycle generally have uniformity
in lay-out and those miscellanies are structured in an orderly way.161 Manuscript Tongeren is
written in one neat hand. However, the structure of the quires is not orderly. The quires are of
different size (19-26 folios). The quires were all added at the same time. If some quires were
added later, for example the Dutch texts, than a new unity in the text would start at a new
quire. However, the arrangement (Table 1) shows that the copyist did not make clear divisions
between different text types, the borders between the texts and text-types and languages do
not coincide with the start of new quires. Only in two of the eleven cases, a new unity
coincides with a new quire. After the Latin songs, first a single paper is inserted (f. 154), and
thereafter, a new quire with Latin texts starts. There, a new type of content corresponds with
161
Kienhorst 1996: 45.
61
the new quire. Also at f. 204 a new quire starts. This coincides with the start of Dutch
proverbs and poems. At f. 203v is an introducing Dutch poem, but the actual Dutch texts start
at f. 204r.
The manuscript does not contain a clear division between Latin and Dutch or between
texts and songs. Both the Latin songs on f. 97v and the part with Dutch poems (f. 184r) start
in the middle of a quire. Moreover, Latin and Dutch content sometimes mixed, for example in
the first part of the manuscript where a text in vernacular (Van enen zieken mensche on f. 4r)
is written between the Latin content. The binding shows that the manuscript does not contain
traces of later binding of some of the quires. The eleven quires are bounded in one time. The
binding we see now, is still the original 15th-century binding.162
The miscellany, produced in one cycle is not a rapiarium with a random collection of
thoughts, texts and songs produced piece by piece when the compiler saw something
interesting. The manuscript has too much order for a rapiarium. The first half of the
manuscript contains only Latin texts (except one Dutch text) and the second half coheres as
well with clusters of Latin or Dutch songs and Latin or Dutch texts. Possibly, a rapiarium is
used by the compiler for selecting the content for manuscript Tongeren.
The compiler of the collection was a person who was able to read and write both in
Latin and in Dutch. Maybe, the first possessor is the same person as the compiler, who
adapted the texts to his own interests. Besides the use of the possessor the manuscript was
most probably intended for broader use. Possibly the brother loaned the manuscript to others
of the community, and gave them in this way the opportunity to read these personal collection
of texts, excerpt them and make themselves familiar with the texts.163
The content is diverse, therefore for all people who read it, there was something
appealing. Regarding the question about public, one of the texts is very remarkable. That is
162
163
Van der Poel 1989: 90.
This practise is described by Mertens 1993: 18-19.
62
the Dutch poem on f. 185r for the ‘ionghe luyde’ and the ‘oude ongheleerden’. The intended
public for this poem is a public outside the walls of the convent, for it addresses inter alia
married men. This can mean that the intended public of the manuscript is much broader than
brethren of Ter Noot Gods. However, this can also mean that some of the brethren talked with
people or preached outside the convent. This poem could serve for them to understand better
how married men should live a good, Christian life. This knowledge could help them adapt
their sermons or conversation to their audience.
The readers of the manuscript were not necessarily able to read both languages in
which the manuscript is written. The manuscript does not contain a strict division between the
Latin and Dutch content. Therefore, the intended audience was a bilingual audience which
was able to read the texts and songs in medieval Dutch and in Latin. The actual audience were
possibly also people who were only able to read the Dutch in the manuscript, but there are no
indications within the manuscript for assuming this.
Much of the texts are appropriate for meditation. This meditational function is
intensified by a picture at some Dutch texts. These pictures depict the main points of the text.
Through pictures memorisation of the text is easier. This is the case with a picture of wooden
spoons with texts in banderols, which depict the main points of the text Een fonteyn heb ik
vonden (f. 184r, figure 4). On f. 189v (figure 5) a picture and text show the same reciprocity.
The picture shows four characteristics of the Lamb which are explained in the text In dit
lameken moech dy mercken. In this way, the people could invoke the main thoughts of a text
for meditation at any place and on any time.
The Latin songs and Dutch songs in the manuscript had a function as well. The
liturgical songs within the manuscript could be used during the hours. The ten songs in Dutch
were not meant to be sung within the liturgy. These songs had different possibilities: they
could be sung by one person or more persons, in a group, or they were intended for
63
meditation, just like the texts and quotations. To know more about the function of the songs, a
more elaborate analysis of the songs is required. In chapter 5, the songs will be analysed, in
order to discover what function these songs had.
64
CHAPTER 5
The Middle Dutch songs
“Singt ende weset vro”
In: In dulci iubilo in Br KB IV 421 (f. 121v)164
5.1.
Introduction
As already described in chapter 4, the manuscript Br KB IV 421 contains ten songs (including
musical notation) in Middle Dutch. These are all in the second half of the manuscript.165 In
chapter 4, a closer look at the manuscript revealed that it was probably intended for one
public, notwithstanding the use of different languages and the alternation of text types. The
seemingly random order does have some structure and the manuscript contains a number of
coherent clusters. For example, it contains a collection of Christmas songs consisting of some
Latin songs and two bilingual songs (Dutch-Latin). Textual analysis of the Dutch songs will
thus tell us something about the contents of the whole manuscript. It will also shed light on
the way in which the songs have functioned within the manuscript and within the convent.
5.2.
Musical notation
In this paragraph, I consider the melodies of the songs and the musical notation. I also
investigate whether existing melodies and texts are re-used. For this investigation, the Dutch
Song Database has been extremely useful.166 In this online database, Dutch songs are
inventoried and enriched with background information, such as the manuscripts and editions
in which they appear and the sources of the melodies used. The database provides thus
information about the spread and grade of familiarity with the songs and melodies. However,
“Sing and rejoice”, Indestege 1951: 61.
The ten songs are on p. 61-84 of the edition of Luc Indestege (1951). While reading this chapter it is best
when you use this edition beside the description of the songs.
166
http://www.liederenbank.nl/resultaatlijst.php?zoek=1006823&actie=lieduitbron&lan=en. The database gives
eleven results from Br KB IV 421, one of the results is Ten es altoes nyet vestelovent, this is a song without
musical notation, and is therefore not taken into account in this chapter.
164
165
65
when a song from manuscript Tongeren does not occur in the Dutch Song Database, this does
not automatically imply that the song was originated in Ter Noot Gods. The song may have
been transferred orally to the compiler, which was very common in the Middle Ages. 167 It is
also possible that the song has been copied from a source that is not availably anymore.
Whereas the texts within the manuscript are written by one hand, the music is written
by four different hands. The majority of the Latin and Dutch songs are written in Hufnagel
notation (a non-rhythmical notation168) in a neat hand. E. Bruning remarks that this hand is the
neatest hand, but also the one that makes the most errors.169 Three of the Dutch songs (Ihesus
coninc over al, Nu starc ons god and Wildi horen nuwen sanc) and a few Latin songs are in a
square notation. Two Latin songs are in another hand in a mensural notation with regular and
big notes. The notes of Allen mijn troest look like those of the neat hand of the Hufnagel
notation, but Bruning observed that another hand wrote down the melody.170 The music of the
Dutch songs is thus written by three different hands.
Three of the Dutch songs were written for two voices, all of them being Christmas
songs. The first strophe of In dulci iubilo and Omnes nu laet ons gode loven is included twice,
and the second voice is written above the second version. At Wildi horen nuwen sanc, the
second voice has been written above the second stanza. The melody of Wildi horen is the
same as Ihesus ad templum (f. 139r). In this song, the first couplet is repeated for the descant
melody. Probably, this is an error of the writer, which made it inevitable to write the text of
the first couplet under the second voice line.171 Four different texts in the manuscript share
this melody. In addition to Wildi horen nuwen sanc and Ihesus ad templum, these are Puer
nobis (f. 132v) and Stella nova praevia (f. 138v).172
167
De Jong 1985: 143.
De Loos 2007: 55.
169
Bruning 1955: 8.
170
Bruning 1955: 8.
171
Bruning 1955: 53.
172
Bruning 1955: 53.
168
66
This melody was very well known from the 15th century onwards, which is illustrated
by the fact that the Dutch Song Database includes 81 manuscripts and editions with this
melody. The first appearance of this melody for a Dutch song is in a devotion book from
1437, containing a Dutch song and some Latin songs.173 The variants on this melody can be
found in different 15th till 17th century manuscripts and song books and are all derived from a
two-part arrangement from a manuscript from the Utrecht monastery Sint-Agnes (14801500).174
The manuscript Tongeren contains Latin songs with the same melody as Och god, wat
vrouden, namely Droch werlt me terrent (119v) and Ave pulcherrima (112v). In the Dutch
Song Database, 14 Dutch songs share this melody, also from the 15th century onwards, so this
melody was quite common. Och god wat vrouden is based on Ave pulcherrima regina. Two
songs from around 1500 probably had the same melody as Allen mijn troest, namely Alder
werelt heylant and Joachims ende sinte annen bloet, which are both included in the Song book
of Lijsbet Ghoeyvaers.175 Since Allen mijn troest is probably much older than most of the
other songs in the manuscript,176 it is likely that this song was better known, and that the other
songs borrowed their melody from this song.
Een blij ghesicht soe toent hy my and Verwec, verwec dat herte mijn are related to a
Deventer song manuscript (circa 1500). For both songs, the tune indication Een wyflic beelde
vervrouwet mich is given, but regrettably this song has not been passed down through the
ages.177
In chapter 2, I described the discussion about the question whether the songs within
Middle Dutch song manuscripts were sung aloud or by heart. Some manuscripts connected to
173
http://www.liederenbank.nl/bronpresentatie.php?zoek=1006968&lan=nl 24 June 2013.
HsBeSPK mgo 190 f6r.
http://www.liederenbank.nl/resultaatlijst.php?zoek=7457&actie=melodienorm&sorteer=jaar&lan=en 24 June
2013.
175
http://www.liederenbank.nl/resultaatlijst.php?zoek=324&actie=melodienorm&sorteer=jaar&lan=nl
28
December 2012.
176
Bruning 1955: 82.
177
That it is not passed down, can be derived from the fact that it is absent in the Dutch Song Database.
174
67
communities within the Devotio Moderna contain songs without musical notation. It is
suggested that these songs served for meditation, and were not intended for singing aloud. It is
evident that the Middle Dutch songs in the manuscript Tongeren were intended for singing
aloud, since they come with a musical notation.
Some of the melodies even have a second voice. Therefore, it is safe to assume that
these songs were intended for singing with two or more persons. The three songs with a
second voice give us some important information about the intended use of the manuscript.
We know that the text of the manuscript was written by one person. The question whether the
manuscript was intended for private use or for use in groups is easier to answer with the
knowledge that some of the songs had more voices. These songs with more voices seem to
indicate that they were intended for group use.
The three songs with a second voice were more familiar. The melodies of these three
songs occur all in other 15th and 16th century manuscripts as well.
5.3.
Content and themes
The form of the songs revealed something about the functionality of the songs in the convent
Ter Noot Gods. In addition, the themes addressed in the songs also provide information about
the way in which they functioned. The songs are spread throughout the second half of the
manuscript: six of the songs are clustered on f. 217v-221v, while f. 121v-124v contains two
Christmas songs, with in between a devout chant in Latin. The two remaining Dutch songs are
on different places within the manuscript.
Some themes are typical for devout songs, which were intended to bring solace to the
singer or to give the singer material for meditation. Herman Pleij, who analysed the titles of
editions of texts from the late 15th and early 16th century with ‘solace’ in its title, found that
68
books with such titles sold better. Within the Devotio Moderna, many women created
manuscripts with devout songs that have solace-functions.178
In this paragraph, I provide an overview of themes that are common in Dutch songs of
the Devotio Moderna in order to reach one of these two goals (solace and meditation). I also
investigate the content of the Dutch songs of the manuscript Tongeren in order to identify to
which extent these themes are addressed.
A first theme is the suffering of Christ. By meditating and singing about the suffering
of Christ, it was possible to get consolation. Sometimes, a Christian suffers because of his
believe in Jesus Christ, but the suffering of Christ is always heavier. Therefore, it is
consolatory to consider that Christ has suffered more for the sins of people than any Christian
can suffer. So a lot of passion meditation material is present within songs in manuscripts
belonging to communities of the Devotio Moderna.179
Christmas is also an event from the life of Christ that has been the topic of many
songs. God sent His Son to the earth in order to be able to forgive the sins of people. The
suffering of Christ started when he was born as a poor Child and was laid down in a manger.
Christmas songs form the largest group of religious songs in vernacular. Whereas in the
Church, the meaning of Christmas is most important, outside the liturgy is room for attention
to the outer circumstances round the birth, both in paintings as in songs.180 Because such
songs were meant for use outside the liturgy, they could be sung in the vernacular.
Christ suffered because of the sins of the people, therefore, human sins and mortality
is an important theme too. Within this theme, people sing about sins, dead, judgment and hell.
By sending Christ to earth, God showed his grace and the Christians whose sins are forgiven,
can look forward to the eternal life filled with joy. Therefore, Gods’ grace and expectation are
two other themes which can be found in the songs. Within the theme of expectation, the
178
Pleij 2007: 240-242.
Pleij 2007: 236-237; Scheepsma 1997: 93.
180
De Jong 1985: 143.
179
69
common themes are heaven, meeting Christ as bridegroom (a metaphor from Canticles) and
the eternal heavenly feast. These themes are central for meditation within the Devotio
Moderna.181
Based on the subjects addressed in the content, we can deduce that the songs most
possibly were sung in the Devotio Moderna. Secondary literature about Dutch song in the
Devotio Moderna describes which themes are considered important within the Devotio
Moderna. Themes such as the rule of silence, living in a convent, exertion for religious
growth, dedication to a saint or mystical thoughts mirror the environment of the people in the
convents of the Devotio Moderna.182
Summarizing, the themes typical for song in the Devotio Moderna are thus as follows:
1. Fear of and love for God183
2. Human sins and mortality (e.g. sin, death, judgment, hell)184
3. (Hope for) God’s grace and mercy185
4. Expectation: (e.g. heaven, Christ as Bridegroom, eternal heavenly joy)186
5. Christ’s life and passion:187
a. Christmas
b. Easter
6. Living in a convent188
7. Dedication to a saint (m.n. Mary)189
8. Mystical thougths and religious growth190
9. Solace
181
Joldersma 2008: 373.
Goudriaan 2008: 89.
183
Van Buuren 1992: 241, Joldersma 2008: 373.
184
Joldersma 2008: 373.
185
Joldersma 2008: 373.
186
Van der Poel, De Loos 2001: 101.
187
Van Buuren 1992: 241.
188
Goudriaan 2008: 88.
189
Goudriaan 2008: 88.
190
Goudriaan 2008: 88.
182
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10. Worldly temptations
For each of the songs from the manuscript Tongeren, I analysed whether they address
one or more of these themes. Since not all themes necessarily have to match the common
ones, I also investigated which other topics were also addressed in the songs. In the
conclusion I present a table summarizing the themes that are present in the songs.
In dulci iubilo191
The song In dulci iubil addresses many themes. First of all, Christmas is a theme. In strophe
one, the lines “Want al mijns hertse vroude leyt in presepio (manger). Het lijchtet als die zone
Matris in gremio (in the womb of the Mother)” are undoubtedly lines that belong to a
Christmas song. The theme ‘Christmas’ is strongly related to the theme ‘expectation’. This
expectation is worked out in the last two lines of strophe two and in the third strophe. With
the words of the bride of Canticles “Trahe me post te (draw me)”, the desire for entrance in
the kingdom of God is expressed. But before the switch towards the theme of expectation is
made, the themes of Jesus’ passion and human sins are addressed. Although it is a Christmas
song, this strophe is headed for Christ as suffering Son of God.192 Jesus is invoked as “fili
inclite” (glorious Son) and the wounds he got during his passion are mentioned. These
wounds are of significant meaning, because they are a help for the lyrical I. This suffering of
Christ happened because of human sins. The line “dat ich mijn sonden boete” is witness of
this consciousness. It does not point towards the sins of people in general, but towards the sins
of the lyrical I. By singing this song, the singers confess that the wounds of Christ are because
of them. They also confess that they cannot get close to God on their own power, but they
need to be drawn close to God by His power. Therefore, they ask together with the bride
“draw me in the kingdom of your Father”.
191
192
Indestege 1951: 61-62.
Harzer 2006: 64.
71
In strophe 3, the expectation is elaborated further. Here, the joy of being in the
kingdom, which is heaven, is described. There is joy, the angels sing new songs, string music
is made, and the angels make a dance of happiness. In this description, a tone of expectation
and desire can be heard. This desire is also shown in the fourth strophe. In this strophe, Mary
is invoked in order to pray for forgiveness for the sins of the singers, because of the eternal
rest for which the singers are craving.
Remarkable is that the ‘lyrical I’ has been replaced by the personal pronoun ‘we’ in
this part of the song. The different communicational situations in the four strophes have been
studied by Anne-Dore Harzer. She remarks that in strophe 1, the speaker addresses a group
and invites them to sing and to be happy with him. In this strophe, directives like ‘singt’ and
‘weset’ are used. In strophe 2, the speaker addresses Jesus in an eagerly prayer in front of the
manger. Jesus, as the central person in this strophe, receives four titles: “Ihesu parvule” (little
child Jesus), “fili inclite” (glorious Son), “puer optime” (chosen Child) and “princeps glorie”
(glorious Prince). In strophe 3, nobody is addressed. The impressions of mainly sounds are
described here. According to Harzer, strophe 2 and 3 are a coherent meditation. In strophe 4,
the communicational situation is again totally different: a group addresses Mary in second
person singular (nostra, wi, onse, nobis) in prayers in order to ask forgiveness and eternal life
and rest.193
In dulci iubilo was a very well-known Christmas song that appears in different
manuscripts. Most of the songs are similar to each other. However, this edition of the song has
some differences regarding the content. Harzer attributes these differences to the influences of
the Devotio Moderna and its goal of the imitation of Christ. This version of In dulci iubilo is
more concentrated on Christ as suffering Son of God. Only in this version of the song, Christ
193
Harzer 2006: 38-40.
72
is invoked as fili inclite (glorious Son). By conversions like this, strophe 2 and 3 became
passion mystical strophes.194
Omnes nu laet ons gode loven195
Omnes nu laet ons gode loven (Omnes) follows in the manuscript the song In dulci iubilo,
with a Latin song in between. Although Omnes is a Christmas song as well, there are many
differences between In dulci iubilo and Omnes. However, the first strophe and the last two
strophes are similar for both songs. Both songs start with joy because of the birth of Christ. In
In dulci iubilo the first strophe is about happiness, for Jesus lies in the manger. In Omnes, God
is praised already in the first line. The reason for this praise is given in the last line of the first
strophe: “Hy was van eenre maghet gheboren”.
Strophes 2 till 20 are different from In dulci iubilo. These strophes describe the birth,
life, death and resurrection of Christ. In 14 strophes the birth of Christ and the events
thereafter (visit of the Kings from the East, the massacre of the innocents in Bethlehem and
the escape to Egypt) are described. In the next strophes (16-19), the passion of Christ is
described. The last event from Jesus’ life that is portrayed is His resurrection (strophe 20).
The connecting thread through these strophes about Jesus’ life is his suffering for our sins. In
the third strophe the reason for His coming to earth is expressed: “Omnes fuissemus verloren
perpetue”, which means that everybody would have been lost if he had not been born. His
birth is part of his suffering, which follows from the summing up of humiliating details: only
Joseph was with him that night (strophe 4), and he was not born in a house, but in a cold and
simple place where the sparrows flew in and out (strophe 5 and 6). The highest God was laid
down in a manger in the hay (strophe 7). All this humiliation was inevitable in order for Him
to be able to forgive our sins. After his humble birth, Jesus gets also the attention he deserves
194
195
Harzer 2006: 63-64.
Indestege 1951: 63-67.
73
as Son of God, because Mary gives Him love and the Three Kings come to give Him their
presents. However, Jesus suffers again hereafter, because of Herod’s order to murder all little
children of Bethlehem, and Joseph, Mary and Jesus had to flee to Egypt. In strophe 15, Jesus’
growing up is described, and in strophe 16-18, Jesus’ passion is the central theme. In these
three strophes, the crucifixion of Christ is foregrounded. The description of Jesus’ life does
not end in minor, but in major, because in strophe 20, the resurrection is described, as well as
the triumph over the hell and the devils.
The last two strophes resemble In dulci iubilo again. In the last strophe of In dulci
iubilo, Mary is invoked for eternal life, in Omnes, Jesus, who preached about salvation, and
actually is the Salvator, is prayed for the eternal, heavenly life after this life on earth.
This song is thus not only a Christmas song, but also a song about Jesus’ entire life.
While singing about His life, brothers and sisters could meditate about Christ and the meaning
of His life for them. Therefore, Harzer describes this song as a repentance song, which
arouses an aversion to the world. This song is suitable for meditation in the convents of the
Devotio Moderna.196
Och God, wat vrouden sy hier smaken197
The song Och God wat vrouden is preceded and followed by a number of Latin songs. It
consists of three strophes in which different personal pronouns and different subthemes
alternate. The main theme is ‘sense of guilt’. In the first two strophes, two ways of life and
their consequences are compared. People who have self-denial will experience joy and Gods
nearness. In these strophes love and devotion to God are the themes. The tone is aloof and
refers to a group of people as ‘si’ (they). The last two lines are a personal sigh of the lyrical I.
In strophe 2, the people in the world that have no self-denial are warned and addressed
196
197
Harzer 2006: 26.
Indestege 1951: 68-69.
74
directly by ‘du’ (you). They are told that they are far away from the things mentioned in
strophe 1. In contrary, they live in suffering and pain, although they do not feel it. They strive
for worldly satisfaction like honour, power and possession. During their lives, this can make
them happy, but when they do not improve this life, they will experience grieve, and they will
not receive grace of God. The theme of this strophe is a life outside God’s grace, without
showing regret for their sins. By describing first the good way of living and thereafter the bad
way, the song clearly shows that the second way is wrong. The prayer in the third strophe is
another, more indirect warning. The people who lead a life of sin need prayer, in order to be
able to turn away from their sinful life. This prayer and the words about the life that will be
lead is written in first person plural, so, a group of believers pray for redemption from wrong
desires and pray that they will serve God with the heart and that they will get eternal life after
this life. Here, the theme of eternal life comes on the foreground. This eternal life is described
as a life in peace, joy and salvation. In order to get this life after death, the believers are
willing to give their lives.
So, the song becomes more and more personal. It starts impersonal by describing the
life of regretful people in the world. Thereafter, the people who do not show regret, are
addressed personally (du), and in the third strophe, the people who dedicated their lives to
God speak together with ‘we’.
Allen mijn troest, mijn toeverlaet198
The third Christmas song in the manuscript is Allen mijn troest, mijn toeverlaet. The only help
and refuge is not Christ, but His mother, Mary. The Devout sing often in a profound way
about the motherhood of the Virgin Mary in the Christmas songs. 199 Each of the 18 strophes
ends with the refrain “Alleluya, Gheloeft sijt dy Maria”. Seven of the strophes (strophe 2-8)
198
199
Indestege 1951: 68-69.
De Jong 1985: 38.
75
are about the annunciation and the pregnancy of Mary. In these strophes, Jesus seems to play
only a minor role. In strophe 3, his Name is announced: “Her Ihesus soe sal sijn sien naem”
while in strophe 7 and 8, two other names are mentioned: “Ihesus Christus Emmanuel” and
“Ihesum, onser alre heer”. Strophes 9-13 are about the birth and the visit of the Three Kings.
Here, Jesus is the central figure, only strophe 10 is entirely about Mary (describing the fact
that she was still virgin when the Child was born). In strophes 14-18, Mary plays no role.
Here, the song is about John the Baptist and the children’s murder in Bethlehem. The
conclusion of the song is that, despite Herod’s attempt to murder Jesus, God is King and will
be King for ever: “God en bleef coninck ende ewelic sal.”
In this song, Mary is important, she is even the help and stay of the devout singer, but
her role is in favour of Jesus. She is praised, but only because she is the virgin who gave birth
to Jesus. Experiencing the suffering of Christ via Mary is a practise which is often seen in the
Devotio Moderna. Because of the urgency of experiencing the suffering of Jesus, His
suffering was made as realistic and as illustrative as possible in texts.200 In this song, the
suffering of Christ is not strongly emphasized, but Mary functions as an intermediary between
Jesus and the person who is meditating. Mary is the person who is involved the most in Jesus’
life, and so, she is able to be a help and stay for the people who meditate about his life and
about his suffering.
Een lidgen van den reynderen meechden ende cierheit van haren dansen201
This song is preceded by a number of Dutch texts and a poem. The poem is, like this song,
about virgins and provides a number of rules for their behaviour. This song is the first of a
group of six Dutch songs (f. 217v-221v).
200
201
Pleij 2007: 236-238.
Indestege 1951: 74-75.
76
The song is one of the five Dutch songs that have been classified by Indestege as
‘lamentations of the soul loving God’.202 The genre of these songs could also be described as
‘devout song’ or ‘repentance songs’. The term ‘repentance song’ is a term introduced by
J.A.N. Knuttel in his overview of religious songs in the Netherlands (1906). A common theme
in these songs is remorse about the sins and as a result of that remorse and aversion to the
world.203
This song differs from the other songs in the group of lamentations of the soul, since
the expectation of heavenly joy dominates, while the lamentations are of minor importance.
Themes that are important in the other songs of the manuscript are important here as well.
This expectation serves for encouragement and consolation of the people who live in sorrows
now on earth. Although it is difficult during this life, the sorrowful can look forward to the
heavenly dance together with Jesus (strophe 6). The last line of strophe 6 is a prayer for help
for entering the holy country: “Nu help ons Ihesus Christus tot desen heylighe lande.”
The motive of the maidens dance is emanated from the women lyric and occurs in
other medieval sources as well.204 G. Kalff pays attention to dance and dance songs in Het
lied in de Middeleeuwen (1884). The maiden dances were sung after a funeral of a young
maiden. This maiden could not dance anymore during her life, but in heaven she dances with
all other maidens and Jesus.205 In this song, the maidens are not the central characters
anymore. In the second strophe, the ‘ioncfrouwen’ are mentioned. They dance with their
beautiful garlands, and their dance is a praise of pureness (“Dat is een lof der reynicheit”).
This and the title are the only references to maidens in this song. In the remaining part, the
motive of female maidens dancing has been adapted for functioning in an environment of the
202
Indestege 1951: 59.
Knuttel 1906: 338.
204
Van der Poel 1999: 25.
205
Kalff 1884: 523.
203
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men of Ter Noot Gods.206 Not only maidens dance in heaven, but also angels, David with his
harp, after David the holy citizens, popes, bishops, thereafter martyrs, kings, knights and all
believers. So, the dance is not reserved for maidens, but for the entire Christianity.
Verwec, verwec dat herte mijn207
The song Verwec, verwec dat herte mijn is about the delights of the world and fleeing from
these delights. It is not a warning for other people, but the lyrical I is inclined to this life.
Therefore, the I invokes God, in order to ask whether He will rise his heart up. The worldly
desires are often too strong. In resisting these desires, the I is weaker than a reed. Because of
this weakness, the I pities God. In his lament, the I involves Mary, because she can console
him. So, the themes in this song are guilt and lament about the human sins, and a prayer to
God for grace. In addition, it is about Mary and solace.
Nu starc ons God in onser noet208
Nu starc ons God in onser noet is a prayer for help in distress. This song is not easy to
classify. Indestege called this one of the five lamentation of the souls loving God, but Bruning
refutes this assertion. According to him, this is not a lamentation, nor a repentance song, but a
medieval dawn song, written by count Peter von Arnsberg.209 A dawn song, the name tells it
already, is a song in which the daybreak is sung about.210 These songs originated in secular
love songs, where erotic relationships had to take place in secret during the night. When the
dawn was coming, the time of the lovers together had come to an end, and this end was sung
206
Van der Poel 1999: 25.
Indestege 1951: 76, 78.
208
Indestege 1951: 77.
209
Bruning 1955: 43, 44.
210
Bork e.o. 2002: ‘dageraadslied’.
http://www.dbnl.org/tekst/bork001lett01_01/bork001lett01_01_0005.php#d008 (7 January 2013).
207
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about with lament.211 In Christianity, the dawn poetry is in particular used to refer to Jesus as
the dawn that comes in the morning. In this poetry, the dawning is thus sung about with joy.
A famous example is “Het daget inden oosten”, where Jesus is the sun that shines.212 In Nu
starc ons God, it is in particular the first strophe that has features of a dawning song:
“Nu starc ons god in onser noet,
Ic beveel my heer in dijn ghewolt,
Laet ons den dach genadeliken scinen.”
At daybreak, the person entrusts himself to God, and asks for guidance for that day.
Themes in this song are God’s grace and protection, human sins (strophe 4: “behuede foer
allen sonden bant”) and also the suffering of Christ. The remembrance of this suffering helps
the person in the song (strophe 2 and 3). Like in many of the other songs, Mary has also a role
in this song, because she saw that her child was in distress. In the last strophe, it is also clear
that this song is a prayer for preserving for sins for the day, so that the person stays unscathed
wherever he goes.
Het sand een coninc sinen soen213
Allen mijn troest is not the only song in which Mary has a role. Also in the Christmas song
Het sand een coninc sinen soen a lot of attention is paid to Mary. This song begins with a
metaphor about a king sending his son to marry a lady. In the second strophe, it becomes clear
that this king is the heavenly King God, and that the lady is Mary. In this strophe, the
messenger is an angel and the priest who is present at the wedding is the Holy Spirit. A big
party was held because of this wedding, where the lady gave her permission.
211
King 1971: 9.
King 1971: 11.
213
Indestege 1951: 70-73.
212
79
In strophes 3 and 4, the birth of Christ is described in the words of the first chapter of
the gospel of John, where the birth is described as the Word which is made flesh (John 1.14).
This Word is born, not on a natural way, because of a desire of a man, but from God (John
1.13). In the text of the song it is expressed as follows: “Dat woert waert daerom mensch
ghemaect, als ons bewise die scrifturen.” and “Gheboren is dat woerdekijn van eenre maghet
reyne”. The usual attention towards the outer circumstances about Jesus’ birth was left
behind, but strophe 4 nevertheless contains a description of one of the facts around Jesus’
birth. “Gheboren is dat woerdekijn van eenre maghet reyne, ghewoenden in die doeckelkijn,
Ihesus is die ich meyne.” So, the metaphor of Jesus as the Word is kept, but one of the facts
from Luke 2 is added: Jesus, i.e. the Word, is wrapped in towels. Strophe 5 and 6 are strophes
which help to meditate upon the wonder of the birth of the Word. These strophes are about
amazement and involve this miracle in the lives of the singers. Especially in strophe 6 it
becomes personal for the singers. Jesus is named ‘our Brother’ and He is “ons ghegheven
tenen loen” (He is given to us as payment). Because Mary gave birth to Jesus, she gets honour
in strophe 7 and she is invoked as mediator in strophe 8, where she is prayed to set ‘us’ free
from sins and to give eternal payment thereafter. That Mary is seen as a higher person than
other people is demonstrated clearly in strophe 8. The ‘normal’ people are Eve’s children, i.e.
with Eve fallen in sins, but Mary is the queen of the throne, and so she is exalted above the
people who lead a life of sin.
Een blij ghesicht soe toent hy my214
For a long time, researchers thought that Een blij ghesicht and Verwec, verwec are parts of
one song. From the 19th century onwards, these songs were regarded as a whole and edited as
214
Indestege 1951: 81-82.
80
one song.215 However, in this manuscript, the two songs are on two different folia (Een blij
ghesicht on f. 220v-221r, and Verwec, verwec on f. 218v). Moreover, the two songs have also
two different melodies in the manuscript. The compiler of this manuscript saw these two as
two different songs. Therefore in the two editions of the songs of this manuscript (Indestege
1951 and Bruning 1955), they have been edited separately.
The two songs also have two different subjects. Verwec is a lamentation about the joys
of life, whereas Een blij ghesicht is a song about a deeply felt longing for God. The joys of
life are no longer a temptation anymore. The lyrical I is longing for a mystical seeing of God.
The night covers his face (strophe 3), but when He uncovers His face, the joy of the person is
so great, that he almost is not able to describe it. He describes it by saying that he feels pain
because of joy. So Een blij ghesicht is a song on a higher level than Verwec. It is therefore not
necessary that Verwec should follow Een blij ghesicht. Een blij ghesicht is the song
containing the most mystical thoughts of the Dutch songs, because of the idea of the ‘mystical
seeing’.
Wildi horen nuwen sanc216
The fifth Dutch Christmas song, Wildi horen nuwen sanc, is a Christmas song in which
attention is paid to the event of the birth of Christ itself. The outer circumstances related to the
birth are depicted. The first strophe is an introductory strophe.
“Wildi horen nuwen sanc
Hoe Ihesus waert gheboren,
Hi heeft dy menscheyt aenghedaen
Tot onser alre vromen.”
215
Indestege 1951: 59, 76. For exemple Knuttel (1906) regards these songs as a whole, as well as Wilbrink
(1930).
216
Indestege 1951: 79-80.
81
In this strophe, first everyone’s attention is attracted by asking the people “Do you
want to hear a new song?” thereafter, the subject of the song is mentioned: the new song is
about the way in which Jesus was born. In line 3 and 4, the meaning of this event is given: he
became a human being, for the benefit of all of us. So, in this strophe, it is made clear that this
song is about something very important. By addressing people (‘di’) and by using the words
‘all of us’ this theme is brought closer to the people.
Strophes 2-5 are about the birth of Jesus and Jesus in the manger. The suffering of
Jesus is because of us. That becomes clear in strophe 5: the bedding straw being of leftovers is
a shame for us. Strophe 6 and 7 describe the encounter of Jesus and Simeon in the temple.
The words of his doxology are used to express the emotions of the lyrical I. Simeon was
promised that he would live until he had seen Jesus Christ. The lines “Nu sie ich al dat ich
begheer, ich en wil nyet langher leven” refer to this biblical fact. These words are attributed to
Simeon, but by using the personal pronoun I, the lyrical I appropriates these words too. In the
seventh strophe, the text of Simeon and the lyrical I come together as well. This strophe is a
paraphrase of Luke 2.20-31: “Lord, now lettest thou thy servant depart in peace, according to
thy word: for mine eyes have seen thy salvation, which thou hast prepared before the face of
all people”.
In this song, the usage of personal pronouns gives information about the meditational
goal. Where the first strophe served to address other people (wildi), the second till fifth
strophe served for a perception of Christmas in a group. The singer is not alone in his
devotion and Christ was not born for just one singer, but in the last two strophes is wage of a
lyrical I, who experiences Christmas. The lyrical I encounters Jesus via the experience of
Simeon. In these two strophes, Christmas is made personal.
82
5.4.
Conclusion
In this paragraph, I provide some indications for the functioning of the Dutch songs in the
manuscript Tongeren, following from paragraphs 5.2 and 5.3. One result of the analysis of the
Dutch songs is that we now know that a part of the songs were meant for use in a group. For
this conclusion are two indications. The first is the fact that some of the songs have a second
melody, so they were meant for singing by two or more people. The second indication is the
use of personal pronouns. In a part of the songs the personal pronoun plural ‘we’ and the
possessive plural ‘our’ are used, in another part, the personal pronoun singular ‘I’ and the
possessive pronoun singular ‘my’ are used. In four of the songs, singular pronouns are used
(Allen mijn troest, Verwec verwec, Een blij ghesicht, Nu starc ons God). In Nu starc ons God,
there is one possessive pronoun plural, but the other lines contain singular pronouns. Four
other songs are in plural (Omnes nu laet ons Gode loven, Och God wat vrouden si hier
smaken, Reynderen meechden, Het sand een coninc sinen soen). In two other songs both
singular and plural pronouns are used (In dulci iubilo and Wildi horen nuwen sanc). A part of
the songs are thus meant for a group of singers. It is then still a question whether the songs
were sung by a group in reality or not.
The themes of the songs indicate a possible use within the meditational practice of the
Devotio Moderna. In Table 3, I made an inventory of which themes occur in the songs. One of
the themes did not occur in the songs and that is the reflection on living on a convent or
references to aspects of this life, like a reference to the rule of silence. In six songs, the themes
of human sins and expectation are incorporated. These are themes which are suitable for
meditation. Some of the songs describe a reflection on own sins, and hope that God will show
mercy, in order to come closer to Him and in order to expect the eternal heavenly life with
Him. Och God, wat vrouden sy hier smaken contains warnings for the worldly temptations
and sins. That song could be meant as warning instead of meditational material.
83
Five of the songs are related to Christmas, this constitutes a great part of the songs.
Christmas has been an important feast. At a Christian heyday, song is an appropriate way of
commemorating the birth of Christ. These songs are the songs that have a second melody
(three of them), and were thus meant for singing in a group, probably during the Christmas
feast or in the Advent period.
In the overview of themes, I also added ‘solace’, although this is more a goal than a
theme. In two of the songs (Reyndere meechden and Verwec, verwec) the solace is mentioned
explicitly. In Reyndere meechden the people who live in distress now are addressed and
invited to take part at the heavenly dance. In Verwec, verwec, Mary is presented as the virgin
who gave birth to ‘my’ solace. In the other songs is the solace less explicit, but in some of
them the function of solace is present however.
1
In dulci iubilo
Omnes nu laet ons gode loven
Och God, wat vrouden sy hier smaken
Allen mijn troost
Reyndere meechden
Verwec, verwec dat herte mijn
Nu starc ons God in onser noet
Het sand een coninc sinen soen
Een blij ghesicht
Wildi horen nuwen sanc
x
2
x
x
x
3
x
x
4
x
x
x
5a 5b 7
x x
x
x x
8
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
Table 3
1. Fear of and love for God
2. Human sins and mortality (e.g. sin, death, judgment, hell)
3. (Hope for) God’s grace and mercy
4. Expectation: (e.g. heaven, Christ as Bridegroom, eternal heavenly joy
5. Christ’s life and passion:
a. Christmas
b. Easter
84
10
x
x
x
x
x
9
x
6. Living in a convent
7. Dedication to a saint
a. Mary
8. Mystical thougths and religious growth
9. Solace
10. Worldly temptations
The themes in the three repentance songs, the dawn song and the dance song are partly
the same. Most of the songs are about human shortcomings and worldly dangers, and about
the only way to come to God. The human shortcomings and worldly dangers vary from
worldly pleasures, human weakness, and sins in general. The only way to God is through
Jesus.
The songs reflect the themes of the Devotio Moderna which were in general meant for
meditation. Possibly, the intended function of the songs was also meditation.
For some of the Christmas songs, the intended function was singing the songs in a
group, because these songs contain a second melody. Maybe, the singing of Christmas songs
was for the brethren a way of celebrating Christmas together.
85
CHAPTER 6
Conclusions and future research
6.1.
Introduction
This thesis investigated the way in which the manuscript BrKB IV 421 functioned. More
specifically, I have investigated how characteristics of the content and appearance of the
manuscript provide indications about its intended use. Special attention has been paid to the
role of the Dutch songs in the manuscript. In this chapter, the research carried out and the
results achieved are employed to answer the research question: “Which indications do we
have for the functioning of manuscript BrKB IV 421?” According to the study carried out, my
main contributions to the area of Dutch devout songs are presented. Finally, the thesis is
concluded by suggesting some directions for future research.
6.2.
Conclusions
Research on devout song manuscripts within the Modern Devotion has been carried out by
several researchers. The manuscript that is the central topic of this thesis is different, because
the Dutch devout songs are part of a broader collection of texts and songs. As a consequence,
the research carried out provides innovative insights in the field of devout song.
The intended use of a manuscript is influenced by several factors, such as the context
in which it is used, the place where it originated and the person who compiled the manuscript.
The manuscript Tongeren provides an excellent showcase, since its context and place of
origin are known, which is not the case for all manuscripts. Knowledge about the cultural
context of the Devotio Moderna and the monastery Ter Noot Gods is of eminent importance
for the interpretation of the indications from the manuscript. The manuscript Tongeren is
clearly a product of the Devotio Moderna, in which the use of texts was daily practice. The
content of books was highly influenced by the compiler, who was allowed to select (excerpts
86
from) existing texts in the way he preferred. The compiler of the manuscript Tongeren clearly
made use of this freedom, and included a variety of texts and excerpts. A second indication
that this manuscript was compiled by a Modern Devout can be found in the way in which
devout songs are used. One of the functions of songs in vernacular in the Devotio Moderna is
singing the songs aloud, alone or with a group. The Dutch songs in the manuscript Tongeren
were intended for singing aloud, which is indicated by the presence of melody lines.
Moreover, some of the songs were intended for singing in a group, since these songs have two
voices.
The manuscript Tongeren originated in the Windesheimer convent Ter Noot Gods. In
Ter Noot Gods, books and texts were an important part of daily life, which is illustrated by the
fact that they had a scriptorium. Analysis of different catalogues revealed that at least 28
manuscripts that were kept in Ter Noot Gods have been preserved. The textual culture in Ter
Noot Gods was bilingual: its manuscripts were written either in Latin or in Dutch or in a
combination of Latin and Dutch. The bilingual background of Ter Noot Gods provides an
explanation for one of the peculiarities of the manuscript investigated in this thesis, namely
the presence of Dutch songs in a book from a male convent, which is highly unusual. The
diversity of text types in the manuscript Tongeren is also visible in the other manuscripts from
this convent.
Whereas the context in which the manuscript originated allowed me to put the
manuscript in a broader perspective, the manuscript itself provides indications for the
intended public and the ways of use. A first conclusion in this respect is that the manuscript is
probably intended for personal use. The appearance as well as the content point in this
direction. As for the appearance, the manuscript is small and contains a label on the binding.
The majority of texts share a common theme and focus on the progress in virtue. Since
progress in virtue is a personal process, the seemingly unstructured collection of (excerpts
87
from) texts makes it plausible that the user of the manuscript is also the compiler. This is
further supported by the fact that it has been written by one hand. The compiler, and thus the
user, was bilingual, otherwise he could not select relevant texts in Latin and Dutch. It was
common practice to share manuscripts with others from the community, to allow them to
excerpt and copy texts for their own use. I have found no evidence that this has been the case
with the manuscript Br KB IV 421.
Common ways to progress in virtue using texts were meditatio and ruminatio. The
themes of the songs are suitable for meditation (e.g. the suffering of Christ). Three texts are
accompanied by an illustration, which supports the memorisation of these texts by illustrating
their main idea (ruminatio). These illustrations make it plausible that at least parts of the
manuscript were intentionally meant for meditation. The compiler was not only concerned
with his own progress in virtue, but also with the progress of others. One of the texts was
clearly not intended for himself, since it deals with raising children and being a good husband.
It is therefore likely that the manuscript was also used by brethren to educate lay men.
6.3.
Main contributions
In the previous section, the research carried out has been used to draw conclusions regarding
the indications for the intended functioning of manuscript BrKB IV 421. These findings allow
us now to identify the ways in which this research contributes to the area of Dutch devout
songs.
Only after investigating devout song manuscripts individually it is possible to draw
conclusions about the way in which they were used. The manuscript Tongeren is similar to
other devout song manuscripts in several ways. Some of the songs are similar to or exactly the
same as songs in other manuscripts. This shows us that existing manuscripts were shared
among communities. The themes of most songs fit into the meditational practice of the
Devotio Moderna. Again, this yields evidence that there was interaction among communities.
88
The importance of considering the exact context is also illustrated in this research. The
symbiosis of Latin and Dutch was only possible in a context in which both languages were
known and used, which was the case in Ter Noot Gods. Many Dutch song manuscripts were
used in women communities, where the use of Latin was less common. We learned from this
study that also in some men communities Dutch songs were sung.
The manuscript Tongeren is special in several ways. The research in the direction of
Dutch devout song so far focused mainly on manuscripts used by women, whereas this
manuscript contained Dutch songs, but functioned in a men convent. In addition, most of the
song manuscripts that have been investigated do not include different text types (both in
Dutch and Latin) in addition to songs, which clearly is not the case in the manuscript
Tongeren. Although my thesis contributed to the area of Dutch devout song, it also illustrated
that a lot is still unexplored in this field.
6.4.
Future research
Research always leaves room for improvement and raises new questions to be
answered. In the context of my thesis, my aim was to investigate how the Dutch devout songs
in the manuscript functioned, which made it necessary to analyse the Dutch devout songs and
the function of the manuscript as a whole. The two main areas for future research directly
related to the manuscript Tongeren concern the Latin content and a comparison with other
manuscripts.
Since the primary focus has been on investigating Dutch devout songs in the
manuscript Tongeren, the thesis does not shed light on the contents of the Latin texts and
songs. As for the Latin content, I already made an inventory of the incipits, which could
provide a starting point for research on the themes. The manicula, which point to some parts
of the Latin texts, reveals what was considered relevant by the user of the manuscript and
provides further information about the actual use of the manuscript.
89
The position of the manuscript Tongeren creates a number of new research questions.
First, it would be interesting to compare this manuscript to other manuscripts compiled by the
same person. In the convent Tongeren, there are at least two complete manuscripts and one
fragment from this compiler. It would also be interesting to investigate whether the compiler
of this manuscript influenced other compilers and from which manuscripts the compiler
copied and excerpted himself, both within the convent Ter Noot Gods and in other convents.
An extensive comparison of texts from the Devotio Moderna could even provide the
beginning of a ‘social network’ of the Devotio Moderna compilers, which could allow us to
assign texts from unknown compilers to a convent or compiler. The third research direction
involves the use of Dutch devout songs in men convents, since it has not been investigated yet
whether this was common practice.
90
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