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Abby Painchaud
Professor Regan-Lefebvre
Networking
12/11/14
Review of Oceans of Wine
Oceans of Wine, written by David Hancock, is a detailed historical text about the
Madeira wine trade and how it shaped societies between the 17th and 19th centuries.
Madeira is a small country that is located near Portugal. Hancock includes a significant
amount of research and information about how Madeira wine became widespread even
though the country is so small itself. Throughout his book Hancock addresses the
decentralized network of trade in Madeira, as well as the weak ties that people formed with
each other in the beginning of the trade. These are important arguments: trade was
unregulated, there was no clear center, and geographical and power structures were nonexistent, yet the Madeira wine trade was extremely successful and helped form important
networks throughout the world. Despite some weakness in his evidence, Hancock shows
the social and cultural changes that wine created. Hancock effectively argues that the trade
was decentralized and began with a network of weak ties with “self-organized” traders and
it is evident that the wine trade establishes a complex system of networks in America in the
19th century.
Hancock begins Oceans of Wine with a descriptive introduction that includes a
strong definition of networks, which is significant because he writes extensively about
networks that were created through the Madeira wine trade. Hancock claims that
networks “lack a legitimate organizational authority” (Hancock xxi). A network is a system
made up of interconnected individuals or things that are mutually beneficial. Hancock adds
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to this definition by stating that networks do not always have organization and thus can be
disconnected. He effectively chooses to develop his definition of networks in the
introduction because it allows the reader to become familiar with his ideas before reading
them in context.
In the first chapter of Oceans of Wine, Hancock describes the geography of Madeira
and claims that the Madeira wine trade differed from other large networks because it was
decentralized during its early years. There was no large metropolitan area such as London,
where all of the importing and exporting occurred. Madeira land was filled with “…huge
perpendicular rocks, lofty precipices, prominent ridges, [and] deep excavations…”
(Historical, Geographical and Poetical Dictionary. Hancock 4). This quote suggests that
living in Madeira was only beneficial for sugar plantation owners and wine procurers who
existed later in the seventeenth century. Madeira was not a densely populated city nor did
it have an established and effective government like European networks that were
successful (xvii). Hancock argues that not all large trading networks were as centralized as
historians frequently believe they were.
Another integral aspect of Hancock’s argument is the fact that the wine trade was
originally made up of opportunists. The Madeira wine trade was scattered and selforganized by people who were acting in their own interest and taking advantage of the
wine production to further themselves (xvii). Hancock’s detail about the native and foreign
people of Madeira in this first chapter allows the reader to understand how different the
small country was from other areas that have established successful trade.
In chapter seven of Oceans of Wine, aptly named, “Strong Networks of Weak Ties”
Hancock describes the benefit of having many distributors in the Madeira wine trade.
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Distributors were originally exporters but as the 18th century progressed, they became
more dynamic and turned into advanced marketers (133). Weak ties were formed because
there were many distributors involved in the wine trade. Distributors were the link
between customers and the wine. The increasing amount of distributors, both native and
foreign to Madeira, was one reason that weak ties existed in the wine trade. Hancock states,
“Drinkers’ links to wine distributors were now longer and more indirect” (199). Although
this idea seems to have a negative connotation, it in fact was a positive aspect of the
Madeira wine trade. Successful merchants expanded beyond familial ties and were able to
learn information that would benefit them in the future. Some Madeira merchants formed
weak ties with ship captains who notified them about the demand for wine in certain areas
(151). In addition, weak ties required less time and commitment in order to succeed. They
were not personal and there was no sense of strong obligation because these ties were not
familial or kin-based. However weak these ties were, they were established on the basis of
trust, which was of significant importance to these merchants. Chapter seven is extremely
important in Oceans of Wine because it explains that weak ties can create strong networks,
which becomes evident when Hancock addresses the strong networks that were formed
over the Atlantic ocean due to the wine trade.
In the last few chapters of Oceans of Wine, Hancock discusses the social and cultural
changes that were caused by increased drinking in the 19th century. Madeira wine was the
first wine to enter America and it shaped the social atmosphere of the nation. Taverns and
local pubs began to receive imports of wine, spirits, and rum, and were competing with
other stores on prices of beverages. Hancock claims that drinking became a normal activity
for everybody (276). In addition, drinking became an important part of business and
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political relations. Businessmen would use wine to impress others and to gain status. The
discussion of wine developed into its own language and individuals were seen as
knowledgeable and elite when they hosted with wine (294). However, wine became very
expensive. As the 19th century progressed, wine became a drink for the privileged because
of its price and its intended knowledge of expertise.
Hancock does clearly argue that wine was a significant aspect of the networking that
took place in America, but he does not have sufficient evidence that the wine being drunk
in America was truly Madeira wine. He provides many examples where wine was an asset
in political and business networks, but is not able to prove in all circumstances that this
wine was Madeira. Hancock argues that the increased variety and amount of wine being
distributed to America, and where the wine was from, affected economic and social
structures (278). In this point, Hancock is clearly stating that wine did have a lasting effect
on America, but it was not just Madeira wine that played a role. Despite this weakness in
his argument, its true that Madeira was the first wine to enter America, so it began the
rapid increase of wine throughout the nation. The last few chapters of Oceans of Wine were
detailed and explained how networks emerged among the elite, however Hancock could
have been clearer with the evidence he possessed about Madeira wine in America.
In the conclusion of Oceans of Wine, Hancock addresses the evolution of the wine
trade and reaffirms why he believes this trade shaped the Atlantic World. Hancock states
that the Madeira wine trade in the 17th century “was largely episodic and opportunistic, but
by the 18th century, a few traders…employed systematic import-export strategies” (396).
Here Hancock illustrates the dynamic changes that occurred from the 17th through the 19th
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century during the wine trade and he successfully concludes his arguments that were made
throughout the text.
The Madeira wine trade was a decentralized trade full of weak ties that created
powerful networks. Hancock’s strong definition of networking, his effective chapter titles,
and his significant description in each section of the book allow him to construct his
arguments. Hancock was able to follow through with his points in Oceans of Wine, which is
a difficult task to do when writing a text that is so detailed. In the arguments that were
mentioned, Hancock’s only downfall was the lack of explanation he provided about the
evidence of Madeira wine in America. Overall, Hancock successfully portrayed his
arguments throughout the text.
Word Count: 1290
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