Pre-Revolutionary Maine

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APPENDIX D – 5th Grade Unit 3
Cover Page
5th grade
Unit 3 - Trust
Appendix D – Supplemental Resources
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APPENDIX D – 5th Grade Unit 3
Table of Contents
Week 1
Pictures of trust ………………………………………………………………………………...D-3
Pre-Revolutionary Maine……………………………………………………………………….D-8
Native American Clashes with European Settlers………….…………………………...….......D-9
The Story of Maine Part 1………………………………………………………………....….D-11
Week 4
The Story of Maine Part 2………………………………………………………………....….D-13
Week 5
1755 Scalp Proclamation ………………………………………………………………….….D-15
Week 6
The Story of Maine Part 3………………………………………………………………....….D-17
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Pre-Revolutionary Maine
Between 1675 and 1763 there was a nearly continuous series of wars in Maine between the
British and the French/ Native Americans. Both groups wanted Maine’s land and resources. The
wars were related to conflicts in Europe at the same time.
In King Philip's War (1675-78), the English fought the French and Indians for Castine.
During King William's War (1688-99), the French and English fought over Acadia—included
Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and much of Maine. The treaty ending this war resulted in the
Natives deeding more land to the English. It caused a long-lasting misunderstanding between
Indians and non-Indians.
Queen Anne's War (1703-1713) : In 1713 the Treaty of Utrecht between France and England
gave all of Acadia to English. This caused more disputes between the English and the Indians
over land. The French still held Quebec.
More wars resulted over the next 50 years: Dummer's War (1722-1727), King George's
War(1744-1751), and the French and Indian War (1754-1763). Maine’s Old Fort Western was
built in 1754.
These years were devastating to settlers and Indians alike. From 1689 to 1713, not a single
English home stood in Maine north of Wells.
English treatment of the Indians aggravated the situation. They forced tribal leaders to sign land
deeds that were misunderstood. The French encouraged the Indians to attack English settlers.
English retaliation against the Natives included bounties on scalps.
The French encouraged Maine’s Indians to form the Wabanaki Confederation, making the
English even more worried about protecting their settlements in Maine.
The English captured French Quebec in 1759, and the subsequent signing of the Treaty of
Paris ended the French and Indian Wars. It also ended the French presence on the Maine coast,
resulting in slow, but increased settlement of midcoast and downeast Maine after 1760. All of
Canada was given to England. The British issued a proclamation promising Indian tribes the
right to keep all the lands they held at the end of the war. Bad feelings between the English and
the Indians still existed, however, because the English continued to encroach on Indian lands for
farming and hunting.
Throughout these wars, Europeans on the coast of Maine created sparse but determined
settlements of fishermen, traders, and lumbermen who paid little attention to official
developments and proclamations of the English and French nobility. These small settlements
of Scotch-Irish fishermen and farmers were the origins of Maritime Maine.
©Penobscot Marine Museum 2012
Retrieved at http://penobscotmarinemuseum.org/pbho-1/our-maine-ancestors/pre-revolutionary-maine
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Native American Clashes with European Settlers
Emergence of Tribes
By 1600, organized tribes such as the Delaware and Shawnee had moved into present-day West
Virginia. In addition, the powerful Iroquois Confederacy began exerting its influence on the
region. The Confederacy was an alliance of five Iroquois-speaking nations -- Mohawk, Oneida,
Onondaga, Cayuga, and Seneca -- formed in present-day New York in the late 1500s. In 1722,
the Tuscaroras joined the Iroquois Confederacy, which became known as the Six Nations. When
Europeans first explored western Virginia in the late 1600s, they discovered few Native
Americans. Historian Otis Rice suggests this absence was due to the Five Nations, "which sought
domination of the Ohio Valley as part of their effort to control the fur trade with the Dutch, and
later the British. . . ." (WV: A History, 9). The Confederacy controlled the valley but other tribes
were permitted to settle there. For example, a Shawnee village existed at present-day Point
Pleasant and a Delaware village flourished at Bulltown in present-day Braxton County well into
the 1700s.
European Exploration & Settlement
As the Confederacy fought smaller tribes for control of western Virginia, European colonists set
their own designs on the Ohio Valley. In 1607, English colonists landed at Jamestown, Virginia.
Based on various explorations, the British and French laid claim to the territory comprising
present-day West Virginia and Native Americans were forced west. Many of the tribes were
destroyed by constant warfare and catastrophic diseases. At the same time, trade with the
Europeans proved a strong attraction, enabling the Indians to acquire valuable new products,
such as guns, steel hatchets, cloth, and kettles. The fur trade in particular made many tribes
powerful and more aggressive. The Indian nations successfully played one European power
against another. For instance, the British formed an alliance with the Iroquois Confederacy to cut
the French out of the lucrative fur trade. However, the Six Nations also negotiated treaties and
traded with the French.
Treaties
As part of their negotiations, the British secured three treaties which opened the western Virginia
frontier to European settlement: Treaty of Albany (1722) and Treaty of Lancaster (1744) with the
Six Nations and Treaty of Logstown (1752) with the Delaware and Shawnee. At Lancaster,
Virginia negotiators convinced the Six Nations to surrender their land to the "setting sun," which
the Confederacy interpreted as the crest of the Alleghenies and the British interpreted as all of
western Virginia. Following the Treaty of Lancaster and the end of King George's War (1748)
between England and France, Virginia pioneers pushed west of the Alleghenies.
Native American Concept of Land
A major factor in the treaty disputes was Native Americans' concept of land. Indians fought
among themselves over hunting rights to the territory but the Native American idea of "right" to
the land was very different from the legalistic and individual nature of European ownership. John
Alexander Williams describes this in his book, West Virginia: A History for Beginners:
The Indians had no concept of "private property," as applied to the land. Only among the
Delawares was it customary for families, during certain times of the year, to be assigned
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specific hunting territories. Apparently this was an unusual practice, not found among
other Indians. Certainly, the idea of an individual having exclusive use of a particular piece
of land was completely strange to Native Americans.
The Indians practiced communal land ownership. That is, the entire community owned the land
upon which it lived. . . .1
French & Indian War
In 1754, hostilities broke out between English and French troops in western Pennsylvania.
English troops under a young commander, George Washington, were overwhelmed by the
French at Fort Necessity, beginning a lengthy war for control of the American colonies. While
the English had made it clear they intended to settle the frontier, the French were more interested
in trade. This influenced the Delaware and Shawnee to side with the French. Although the Six
Nations officially remained neutral, many in the Iroquois Confederacy also allied with the
French.
Early defeats in the French and Indian War led Virginia Governor Robert Dinwiddie to construct
forts in the South Branch Valley. From 1756 to 1758, Native Americans wreaked havoc on the
new forts, attacking Fort Evans in present-day Berkeley County and forts Seybert and Upper
Tract in present-day Pendleton County, as well as sites throughout the Monongahela, New River,
and Greenbrier valleys. In November 1758, the British captured Fort Duquesne at present-day
Pittsburgh, the key to French control of the Ohio Valley. The following year, French troops lost
Quebec, crippling their military strength. The loss of French military support temporarily calmed
tensions between Native Americans and settlers in western Virginia. The Treaty of Paris in 1763
ended the French and Indian War and gave England title to virtually all territory east of the
Mississippi River.
Proclamation of 1763 & Pontiac's War
With the French eliminated, Native Americans were left alone in their fight against British
colonial aggression. In the summer of 1763, Pontiac, an Ottawa chief led raids on key British
forts. Shawnee chief Keigh-tugh-qua, or Cornstalk, led similar attacks on western Virginia
settlements in present-day Greenbrier County. By the end of July, Indians had captured all
British forts west of the Alleghenies except Detroit, Fort Pitt, and Fort Niagara. On August 6,
British forces under Colonel Henry Bouquet retaliated, destroying Delaware and Shawnee forces
at Bushy Run in western Pennsylvania, which ended the hostilities.
Fearing more tension between Native Americans and settlers, England's King George III issued
the Proclamation of 1763, prohibiting settlement west of the Allegheny Mountains. However,
many land speculators such as George Washington violated the proclamation by claiming vast
acreage in western Virginia. The next five years were relatively peaceful on the frontier. In 1768,
the Six Nations and Cherokee signed the Treaty of Hard Labour and the Treaty of Fort Stanwix,
relinquishing their claims on the territory between the Ohio River and the Alleghenies to the
British. With the frontier again open, settlers flooded into western Virginia and the speculators
made small fortunes in rent on the lands they had acquired.
Retrieved from: http://www.wvculture.org/history/indland.html
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APPENDIX D – 5th Grade Unit 3
The Story of Maine
"A Part of the Main": European Settlement of the Mainland
Part 1
Culture and Resource Use
The following are excerpts from The Wabanakis of Maine and the Maritimes: A Resource Book
About Penobscot, Passamaquoddy, Maliseet, Micmac and Abenaki Indians, published by the
American Friends Service Committee, in 1989. There is a wealth of information in this book for
teachers and students, including lesson plans, fact sheets, and readings. These excerpts are taken
from the Historical Overview that appears at the beginning of the book.
p. A-5 – A-7
An estimate of the Wabanaki population in 1600 A.D. can only be very rough, but the available
evidence suggests about 32,000 people in Maine and New Brunswick, Prince Edward Island, and
Nova Scotia. Villages ranged in size from a half-dozen houses to over a hundred, and they were
built at the coast, along the estuaries of rivers, and near lakes, rivers, and streams. People moved
to the coast or inland according to the season and the foods that were available. Waterways were
the people’s major roads. Parked on the banks of villages, frequently, were dozens of canoes.
Houses were wigwams framed with saplings and covered with bark or woven mats.
A French priest, Father Pierre Biard, who lived among the Wabanakis from 1611-1613,
described how Micmacs and Maliseets appeared to him and how they got their living:
They have no beards, the men no more than the women. . . . They have often told me that at first
we seemed to them very ugly with hair both upon our mouths and heads; but gradually they have
become accustomed to it, and now we are beginning to look less deformed. You could not
distinguish the young men from the girls, except in their way of wearing their belts. For the
women are girdled both above and below the stomach, and are less nude than the men; also they
are usually more ornamented. . . . Their food is whatever they can get from the chase and from
fishing; for they do not till the soil at all. . . . In the month of February and until the middle of
March, is the great hunt for beavers, otters, moose, bears (which are very good), and for the
caribou, an animal half ass and half deer. If the weather then is favorable, they live in great
abundance, and are as haughty as Princes and Kings; but if it is against them, they are greatly to
be pitied, and often die of starvation. . . . In the middle of March, fish begin to spawn, and to
come up from the sea into certain streams, often so abundantly that everything swarms with
them. . . . From the month of May up to the middle of September, they are free from all anxiety
about their food; for the cod are upon the coast, and all kinds of fish and shellfish. . . . In the
middle of September [they] withdraw from the sea, beyond the reach of the tide, to the little
rivers, where the eels spawn, of which they lay in a supply; they are good and fat. In October and
November comes the second hunt for elks [moose] and beavers. (Jesuits: 1959)
The priest neglected to mention the birds (and birds’ eggs) that could be taken and eaten, such as
Canada geese, loons, ducks, brants, and mourning doves; and the raspberries, strawberries,
blueberries, and nuts; and the walruses, seals, whales, and porpoises that could be hunted. There
was some agriculture practiced in Maine but nowhere did the Wabanakis rely upon it, because
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the growing season was too short. Where they did practice it, they grew corn, beans, squash,
pumpkins, and tobacco for their pipes.
Given the vast land area they lived in, Wabanaki populations were not large (e.g. roughly 41
persons per 100 square miles in Maine), and therefore the pressure they exerted on the
environment through manufacturing tools and getting a living was not great. The rich natural
environment remained rich. The Wabanaki people were careful to maintain an ecological
balance. Throughout most of the year and often throughout the entire year, there was more than
enough. . . .
References cited:
"Letters from mission (North America)," in The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, 1610 – 1791, ed. R.G.
Thwaites. Vol. 36. New York: Pageant Book Co. 1959.
Changes in the Land, by William Cronon. New York: Hill and Wang. 1983.
Retrieved from: http://www.mpbn.net/homestom/prog2wabexpts.html
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1755 Proclamation
By His HONOUR
SPENCER PHIPS, Esq;
Lieutenant-Governor and Commander in Chief, in and over His Majesty’s Province of the
Massachusetts-Bay in New-England
A PROCLAMATION
WHEREAS the Tribe of Penobscot Indians have repeatedly in a perfidious Manner acted
contrary to their solemn Submission unto His Majesty long since made and frequently renewed;
I have therefore, at the desire of the house of representatives, with the advice of his
Majesty’s Council, thought fit to issue this proclamation, and to declare the Penobscot Tribe
of Indians to be Enemies, Rebels and Traitors to his Majesty King George the Second: And I do
hereby require his Majesty’s Subjects of this province to embrace all Opportunities of
pursuing, captivating, killing and destroying all and every of the aforesaid Indians.
AND WHERE AS the General Court of this Province have voted that a Bounty or
Incouragement be grated and allowed to be paid out of the Publick Treasury, to the marching
Forces that shall have been employed for the Defence of the Eastern and Western Frontiers,
from the First to the Twenty-fifth of this Instant November;
I have thought fit to publish the same; and I do hereby promise, That there shall be paid out
of the Province=Treasury to all and any of the laid forces, over and above their Bounty upon
Fulfillment, their Wages and Subsistence, the Premiums or Bounty following,
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For every Male Penobscot Indian above the Age of Twelve Years, that shall be taken within the
Time aforesaid and brought to Boston, Fifty Pounds.
For every Scalp of a Male Penobscot Indian above the Age aforesaid, brought in as Evidence of
their being killed as aforesaid, Forty Pounds.
For every Female Penobscot Indian taken and brought in as aforesaid, and for every Male
Indian Prisoner under the Age of Twelve Years, taken and brought in as aforesaid,
Twenty-five Pounds.
For every Scalp of such Female Indian or Male Indian under the Age of Twelve Years, that shall
be killed and brought in as Evidence of their being killed as aforesaid, Twenty Pounds.
Given at the Council-Chamber in Boston, this Third Day of November 1755, and in the
Twenty-ninth Year of the Reign of our Sovereign Lord GEORGE the Second, by the Grace of
GOD of Great-Britain, France and Ireland, KING, Defender of the Faith, etc
By His Honour’s Command,
F. Willard, Secr.
S. Phips
GOD Save the KING
BOSTON: Printed by John Draper, Printer to His Honour the Lieutenant-Governour and Council. 1755.
Retrieved from
http://www.penobscotculture.com/?option=com_content&view=article&id=88&Itemid=72
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APPENDIX D – 5th Grade Unit 3
The Story of Maine
"A Part of the Main": European Settlement of the Mainland
Part 2
Culture and Resource Use
The following are excerpts from The Wabanakis of Maine and the Maritimes: A Resource Book
About Penobscot, Passamaquoddy, Maliseet, Micmac and Abenaki Indians, published by the
American Friends Service Committee, in 1989. There is a wealth of information in this book for
teachers and students, including lesson plans, fact sheets, and readings. These excerpts are taken
from the Historical Overview that appears at the beginning of the book.
p. A-10 – A-12:
Another major change occurred very gradually over a period of two hundred years, from the
middle of the seventeenth century to the middle of the nineteenth century. As European colonists
settled the coast and later moved up the river valleys to harvest timber and to farm, the uses to
which the land was put began to change, and consequently the nature of the land, the very
composition of the environment, was altered. This occurred first in southern Maine and
eventually throughout Maine and the Maritimes. These environmental changes were as dramatic
and as far-reaching in their consequences for the Wabanakis as any that had occurred in the
previous 12,000 years.
The ancient forest was cut down. In process of formation for 10,000 years, in the space of just
two hundred years it was gone. New trees grew up in its place in some areas, but often they were
neither the same species nor as extensive, and they did not provide the same habitats for animals
as the old forest had done. White pine trees that towered over the forests more than two hundred
feet above the ground were taken for ships’ masts. Oaks and cedars were used for firewood,
houses, and industry. Many timber products were shipped to England for profit. The lumberers
cut as if the supply would never run out.
Often dams were built on streams and rivers to produce the waterpower necessary to run
sawmills and gristmills. The dams prevented the great spawning migrations of fish up the rivers.
These fish runs were an important source of food for Wabanakis, a source which became ever
more important as Wabanaki use of the coast was increasingly blocked by European settlement.
Over and over Wabanakis complained about the dams, but to no avail. By the mid-nineteenth
century the industry had moved farther north and east in pursuit of the vanishing forest, and at
that time along the Penobscot River alone there were some 250 sawmills; similar patterns
appeared at the same time in Nova Scotia and New Brunswick.
Yet lumberers cut fewer trees than farmers, who cleared large areas to plant their crops and graze
their cattle. Sometimes they left the dead trees to rot. Sometimes the trees were burned and their
ashes were used for fertilizer. Trees were cut to build rail fences. Trees were cut to be burned in
open fireplaces to heat houses that consumed between thirty and forty cords a year.
In Maine, and throughout New England and the Maritimes, where the forest was cleared the land
became "sunnier, windier, hotter, colder, and drier." (Cronon: 1983) Some streams and ponds
dried up for parts of the year. Increased erosion caused others to fill in with sediment as much as
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five times as rapidly as before, until eventually some of them disappeared. The water table
dropped. The soil became drier, poorer. Crops and other vegetation suffered.
On the heels of the vanishing forest came farm animals. Both Wabanakis and Europeans relied
heavily on animals, but not on the same ones, and that difference alone was to be of enormous
importance.
In the fall and winter Wabanakis depended on moose, bear, caribou, deer, and beaver. These
animals were wild, they roamed over large areas, they could not be taken with certainty. When
they were taken (in the Wabanaki view) it was because they had offered themselves so that
people could live, and this signified that cooperation existed between the hunters and the spirits
of the animals. The animals had an independent existence; when they entered into a relationship
with the hunters that turned to the advantage of the hunters, it was out of an entirely free choice.
The natural world, like the world of Wabanaki families and communities, was based on
relationships of trust. One could not, in any sense, own or possess these animals; one could only
enter into a relationship with them which, like others of its kind, could be maintained or broken
by the ways in which one behaved. Thus there were rules about how these animals could be
used, what was to be done with their bones, and so on—these were ways in which respect was
paid.
References cited:
"Letters from mission (North America)," in The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, 1610 – 1791, ed. R.G.
Thwaites. Vol. 36. New York: Pageant Book Co. 1959.
Changes in the Land, by William Cronon. New York: Hill and Wang. 1983.
Retrieved from: http://www.mpbn.net/homestom/prog2wabexpts.html
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APPENDIX D – 5th Grade Unit 3
The Story of Maine
"A Part of the Main": European Settlement of the Mainland
Part 3
p. A-15 – A-16:
The major Wabanaki goals throughout the years of conflict with the English were to retain their
land and to continue to govern themselves. They acted as most nations would to preserve their
boundaries and protect their sovereignty. Treaties were broken or appeared broken, and
sometimes this resulted in skirmishes and war. Wars also broke out because the violent conflict
in Europe between Britain and France could not be avoided when it spread across the ocean. . . .
[The Wabanakis] signed numerous treaties with the English representatives in an effort to create
clear and separate areas of interest as the basis for peace. This effort largely failed.
It failed because there were misunderstandings on both sides about what the treaties meant.
These misunderstandings revolved around differing ideas of property and land. Ideas of what
property is change over time and vary among societies throughout the world, and there is a
natural tendency for members of a particular society to assume that "property," in their sense, is
what property means for everyone else as well. The Wabanakis and the English were no different
in this regard. The English assumed that when Wabanakis gave them rights to land, this meant
that they had received sole and exclusive possession of it. In this view, Wabanakis had
renounced any claim to occupy or use the land in any way. In the Wabanaki view, by contrast,
what the English had received was a right to share use of the land. The English could hunt and
fish and farm, but Wabanakis expected to continue to do the same, in the same area. When
Wabanakis came back the next year to do these things, the English were outraged. The
Wabanakis thought they had agreed to share use. The English thought they had received
exclusive possession. Each side was convinced that the other had broken the agreement. This
basic misunderstanding occurred again and again and was the cause of much trouble.
But there was more to it than that. "Property" or "land" for the Wabanakis had a much larger
significance than it did for the English. When Wabanakis conferred on the English a right to
share use of land, in their view they had given the English a chance to enter into a particular kind
of relationship. Land was that place where animal beings and the spirits of the animals had their
separate and independent existences. Trees and stones and rivers could possess personal
qualities, and it was possible, therefore to have a social relationship with them. One could no
more own or sell a right to exclusive possession of these beings than one could own or sell one’s
mother. But a person could enter into a relationship of respect with them. If this were done,
through the right kind of behavior, these beings would cooperate so that people could live.
The land, in this view, was not a sack of flour in an English kitchen or a hog in an English
farmyard, whose existence and use depended entirely on the will of the master. The land did not
have a human master. It was a sacred, social world; as such, it had a life that one could
participate in but not that one could transfer exclusive title to, in exchange for English cloth or
English corn. When Wabanakis agreed to share use of land they permitted the English passage
into a sacred world; but the English did not realize they had entered it. By their own lights, they
had done something else: they had bought a commodity on the market. It is doubtful that the
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English ever appreciated the sacred significance of the land for the Wabanakis. Instead of
responding with gratitude for the importance and value of what had been shared with them, they
acted in ways that caused heartbreak and resentment.
References cited:
"Letters from mission (North America)," in The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, 1610 – 1791, ed. R.G.
Thwaites. Vol. 36. New York: Pageant Book Co. 1959.
Changes in the Land, by William Cronon. New York: Hill and Wang. 1983.
Retrieved from: http://www.mpbn.net/homestom/prog2wabexpts.html
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