Julio Mojica
Wildlife, Neoliberalism and the Pursuit of Happiness
Spatial Patterns of Civic Participation in the island of Chiloe
The 1980s were a time of extraordinary change for Chile. Under rule of the dictator
Augusto Pinochet, the country was the first in Latin America to experiment with new neoliberal
policies that consisted of eliminating state intervention in the economy and the unregulated
opening of the country to foreign companies.1 Such policies transformed the country in many
ways; on one hand the Chilean economy experienced tremendous growth, while on the other
hand environmental deterioration went unnoticed and unchallenged.2 Interestingly enough,
neoliberal policies were not the only changes implemented by the dictatorship. A new
constitution was enacted that, among other things, guaranteed the “right to live in an
environment free from contamination” and established that it was “the duty of the State to watch
over the protection of this right and the preservation of nature.”3 This project hopes to examine
civic participation in the island of Chiloe during the post-dictatorship period, taking the
introduction of the salmon industry into the region as one of the most significant legacies of the
neoliberal policies. Particular attention will be placed on the implications of such participation in
addressing environmental concerns in the region.
The salmon industry was attracted by the salmon-suitable environment of the Chiloe
region in the early 1980s. In the next several years, the salmon industry grew to become one of
the most important industries on the island and the nation. Such practices, however, placed a
tremendous toll on the area. The sheer number of salmon resulted in tremendous organic and
chemical wastes that resulted in “physical, chemical and biological perturbation of sediments
under the salmon cages.” 4 More disturbing, a loss of species diversity of as much as fifty percent
has been recorded. Certain practices have also been criticized, the most significant being the
large-scale use of antibiotics. There have been studies showing that antibiotic particles can
persist in the water weeks after their use, contaminating native marine fauna.5 Some critics find
the most issue with the possibility that bacteria can develop resistance to these antibiotics and
that such resistance could be transferred to human pathogens (since many of the inhabitants of
the island rely on native marine products for sustenance). Such environmental concerns are not
easily dismissible.
The case of the Koñimo Lamecura community, located on an island approximately thirty
miles from the main island of Chiloe, provides some insight into how local communities are
affected by salmon industry activities. This small community of nearly three hundred managed to
force the salmon company to move its salmon pens from their coastline to another location
1
Bosco, 2008
Ormeno & Saavedra, 1996
3
http://www1.umn.edu/humanrts/research/chile-constitution.pdf
4
Ibid.
5
Ibid.
2
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further down the coast.6 Among the complaints against the company were claims that the
activities of the company polluted the water, transformed the color and flavor of local fish and
marine fauna, and disrupted the tourist value of their community (given the salmon pen eyesore
and disastrous effects to the area). A large increase in trash along their shoreline also caused
concern among residents, who worried about the sanitary repercussions of such conditions. In
addition, residents of the community reported finding several dead sea lions on their beaches, all
shot by salmon company employees for wandering too close to the salmon pens. These actions
were troubling to the community since sea lions were one of the main attractors of tourists. It is
evident that at the macro level even limited activities by the salmon industries can still cause
significant damages to a community and jeopardize their traditional way of life.
Environmental concerns are certainly not new to Chile. Even during the dictatorship,
citizens voiced their concerns about the environment. In fact, the National Commission for
Ecology was created in 1984 to allay these critics.7 Additionally, there were many laws related to
environmental regulation. The most significant difference between these attempts at
environmental regulation and post-dictatorship attempts was the presence of a significant
regulatory agency with the any capacity to enforce such regulations. The end of the dictatorship
renewed hopes that environmental concerns would take center stage within the new government.
Although this was not the case, the new government did prove to be more willing than the
previous administration to establish environmental norms. In 1994, the Environmental
Framework Law was passed in an attempt to address environmental issues that had gone
unattended to for decades. The law was seen by many as a new age for the environmental
movement, and it included many progressive provisions. This new law called for the
participation of one of the most marginalized groups in the environmental debate: the citizenry.
The differences between theory and practice proved to be quite large in regards to the role of
citizen participation.
The framework law ultimately failed to meaningfully incorporate the public into the
environmental discussion. One of the most important provisions of the Framework Law calls for
an environmental impact evaluation for activities and projects that could possibly jeopardize the
environment. In particular, a study of environmental impact must be conducted and submitted to
the COREMA (the state agency designated to oversee environmental regulations). The
COREMA must assess and approve the study before any project or activity can legally
commence. According to Carruthers, this environmental impact assessment is the “principal
opening that the framework law provides for citizen participation”. He continues on, pointing
out:
…in practice the environmental impact assessment is most often used pre-emptively, to avert conflict. It
gives the surface appearance of participation, but serves instead to anticipate, demobolise, and deflect local
opposition, thus attaining a measure of legitimacy for controversial ‘megaprojects’. Again, the framework
6
7
http://www.olach.cl/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=1857&Itemid=164
Ibid.
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law is inherently cautious and exclusionary where environmental concerns might challenge economic
priorities.8
The prime participatory mechanism intended to promote meaningful dialogue between
businesses and local citizens is manipulated to effectively minimize opposition. Even the
environmental review process itself is biased toward companies and foreign investors. The
process provides mechanisms for appealing a decision. Should a company not pass the
environmental review process, they have thirty days to file an appeal. Should the company pass,
however, the public only has fifteen days to file an appeal. Even worse, if the COREMA fails to
issue a ruling within 120 days the proposal is automatically approved. Such a policy is
troublesome given the lack of funding of the organization and the large number of cases it is
responsible for.9 Failure to allow for adequate citizen participation, coupled with a clear bias in
favor of business, effectively prevent access of the citizenry into the environmental dialogue.
Traditional political institutions likewise impede meaningful citizen participation in
environmental affairs. Political parties and politicians are marred by general distrust and lack of
confidence. Both the structure and nature of the political system are detrimental to citizen
participation. The political landscape in Chile is comprised of two coalitions of smaller parties.
Among the two blocks the center-left Concertacion has historically been much more willing to
acknowledge environmental concerns. Even then, however, this coalition is unable to create any
meaningful change due to the uncooperative nature of the opposing coalition.
Such a system must be exasperating for a public that endured over two decades of
dictatorship. Not surprisingly, “Survey data consistently demonstrate high disconnection and
apathy – about politics, politicians and parties.” The very nature of the Chilean political system,
characterized by quid pro quo arrangements (or cupulismo as it is colloquially called), makes it
difficult for environmental advocates to offer returns to politicians, while their business rivals are
much more successful in this regard.10 Given the general apathetic stance of the population
towards these parties, and the parties own apathy in regards to environmental concerns, political
parties and politicians are not viable means for addressing environmental concerns.
In addition, long established environmental organizations fail to involve the majority of
the population in environmental debates. These institutions are fragmented into distinct camps
based on their objectives and methodologies. While all are concerned with environmental issues,
they differ in their viewpoints as conservationists, environmentalists, or ecologists.11 In addition,
some groups are much more willing to compromise with politicians and business interests, while
others rarely do so. Perhaps the most severe source of weakness for these groups is a lack of
funding. Though the government entrusts these bureaucracies with upholding environmental
8
Carruther, 2001
Ibid.
10
Carruthers, 2001.
11
Ormeno & Saavedra, 1996.
9
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regulations, the funding allocated to them does not reflect the enormity of their task. As such,
these groups are limited in the number and quality of programs that they can pursue.
Opposition to environmental policies emanates from the highest levels of the Chilean
government. Even under the post-dictatorial administrations, presidents have been unwilling to
pursue serious environmental policies and have even maintained the pro-business policies of the
past. Chilean presidents have the capacity to drastically influence successful policies. According
to Castiglioni:
The literature on Latin American institutions has generally pointed to the Chilean case as one of extreme
presidentialism, as Chilean presidents have historically enjoyed remarkably strong constitutional
powers…Among the constitutional prerogatives of Chilean presidents are strong veto and decree powers,
the use of executive agency when introducing proposals, the appointment of ministers without
congressional approval, and the exclusive introduction of certain bills.12
These strong constitutional powers have not been used to create meaningful environmental
policy, and have in fact been used to curb environmental regulations. Previous presidents have
assigned pro-business ministers to the top positions of the country’s environmental agencies,
effectively eliminating the agencies’ regulatory powers. In addition, presidents have applied a
double standard to certain projects, ignoring those that harm the environment but bring in profits,
while publicly expressing opposition to projects with clear conservatory motives. Perhaps the
most telling indicator of the presidents’ stance on environmental issues comes from ex-President
Frei’s public statement that “we will not paralyze national development for environmental
reasons, because we will not impede the nation’s progress”.13 Such disdain for environmental
policies at the highest levels of the political institution is truly disparaging.
[map showing perceptions go here]
Due to the inefficiencies of institutionalized avenues for citizen participation, grassroots
organization remains the avenue with the most promise for addressing environmental concerns.
Such a proposition is not unwarranted; the Chilean population has historically organized to
address serious societal concerns when the government and other organizations have failed to do
so. During the dictatorship, “hundreds of grassroots organizations sought to fill in the void with
independent initiatives in education, health care, nutrition, microproduction, credit, and so on”
following the “neoliberal state’s withdrawal from multiple social and economic activities”14 A
report by the Chilean Ministry of Planning and Coordination studied community participation at
the local level. Among their conclusions was that “syndicates and neighborhood groups are the
form of participation most accessible for the masses, for which they should not be
underestimated, since their habitual practice increases information, generates interest [in
12
Castiglioni, 2005.
Ibid.
14
Ibid.
13
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community affairs] and collective conscience”.15 The report goes on to say that such
participation “contributes to the progressive development for the capacity to participate actively
and directly” in other areas. Such a capacity can certainly be applied to questions of
environmental concern.
[civic participation maps go here]
Carruthers is mistaken in his assertion that “values of community, solidarity and
participation have gone out of style”.16 Evidence from the island of Chiloe reveals that civic
participation has in fact increased in the region over the past twenty years.17 In the extent of the
survey, the vast majority of the sectors showed a higher percentage of the population
participating in civic organizations. This compliments Chilean sociologist Pedro Guell’s
observations that the public is embracing their post-dictatorship liberties and are becoming much
more exigent in regards to institutions. Among these changes are newfound tendencies of
“speaking in terms of their rights, being less afraid of confrontation and conflicts [nonviolent],
and being more likely to critique any authoritative decisions that affect their lives”.18 These are
exactly the sort of societal changes that are necessary for responding to environmental injustices.
The geographer Fernando J. Bosco examines Latin American social movements and examines
why they form. Bosco shares some of his findings about these movements:
…one of the major tensions facing the region is that between the included and the excluded – those who
can regularly participate in the formal institutions of society, politics and the economy, and those who are
able to do so only intermittently, or not at all…social movements often involve people engaged in
noninstitutionalized discourse and practices designed to challenge and change society…because they feel
that current economic, social, and political structures in line with neoliberalism benefit only a few people at
the expense of the majority.19
Environmental concerns certainly qualify as “noninstitutionalized discourses” given the lack of
adequate medium for such participation. In addition, such concerns are due, at least in the Chiloe
region, to as a result of past, and present, neoliberal policies.
Despite the overall increase in civic participation rates, a troubling discrepancy between
the urban centers and rural communities is found within the data. Urban centers continued to lack
behind the rest of the region in terms of participation. Even more troubling is the regression of
the areas surrounding the cities. Areas adjacent to cities that were much more active twenty years
ago are now seen with similar participation levels as the cities. This observation of relative urban
passivity versus rural activism cannot be readily explained. Maps showing average income and
education levels for each sector, composed of data from the RIMISP survey, reveal that the
15
MIDEPLAN, 1992.
Ibid.
17
RIMISP survey conducted in 2009.
18
Ibid.
19
Ibid.
16
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urban centers clearly have higher levels for each. The enigma of rural activism versus urban
passivity would not be so important were it not for the serious issues at stake.
[maps showing education and income levels go here]
A pressing concern is the concentration of environmentally detrimental companies in the
urban centers. An overview of the top polluters in the region, with information taken from the
website of the governmental Register of Emissions and Transference of Contaminants, reveals
that over half of these perpetrators reside in the cities (www.conama.cl/retc).20 In addition, nearly
three-fourths of these top polluters were salmon companies or companies closely related to the
salmon industry. The adverse environmental impacts of the industry have already been
discussed. The need for collective action is not an exaggeration; the fact that participation is
lowest precisely where it is the most needed is truly disturbing. Failure to adequately resolve
such a dilemma could have tremendous ramifications for the environment and the population.
[chart of registration history goes here]
Though the situation seems bleak, the urban centers have the potential and resources
available to them to become potent forces in the environmental debate. These areas’ higher than
average income and education levels means that they possess the traditional markers of
democratic societies. In addition, the cities have historically been the bastions of political
participation. Analyzing the history of voter registration in the region reveals that the majority of
registered voters in Chiloe registered to vote in one of the main cities. In particular, the vast
majority of these voters registered in 1988 and 1989, key moments in the history of modern
Chile. In 1988 there was a national referendum to determine whether Augusto Pinochet would
extend his rule for another 8 years. Through mass participation of voters, the general was
narrowly defeated. The law then called for national elections to be held in 1990. Clearly, the
people of Chiloe have responded to significant events in the past. Though generally politically
apathetic, the public is well aware of the most pressing issues. Such a potent political force
remains dormant in Chiloe, but the implications of waking such a sleeping giant are immense.
Any environmental debates must be centered around the perpetrations committed at
present; little can be done about the mistakes of the past. The lessons learned, however, must be
applied to future environmental policy undertakings. At present, over a thousand concessions
remain on standby for the Magallanes region at the southernmost extent of Chile.21 The
Magallanes region has thus far remained untouched by the salmon industry or other exploitive
companies. The implications of the industry on this virgin region would be catastrophic, since
the full extent of the damage done at Chiloe remains to be seen. The delicate ecosystem of that
region would no doubt be affected by such an intrusion. The need for environmental action is
greater than ever.
20
21
http://www.conama.cl/retc/1279/channel.html
http://www.olach.cl/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=2616&Itemid=87
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Moreover, Chile has been lauded as the model for Latin America. Though economically
prosperous (in macroeconomic terms), Chile has been characterized by unsustainable practices
that have set a troubling precedent for the rest of the region. A successful implementation of
environmental regulations has the potential to influence similar policies among other Latin
American nations.
References
Bosco, Fernando; Jackiewicz, Edward eds. Placing Latin America: Contemporary Themes in
Human Geography. Rowman & Littlefield, Boulder 2008.
Carruthers, David. Environmental Politics in Chile: Legacies of Dictatorship and Democracy
Third World Quarterly, Vol. 22, No. 3 (Jun., 2001), pp. 343-358.
Castiglioni, Rossana. The Politics of Social Policy Change in Chile and Uruguay. Routledge,
New York 2005.
Cook, Jonathan ed., et al. Vulnerable Places, Vulnerable People. The World Bank, Washington,
D.C. 2010.
Guell, Pedro. Cuidadania, participacion y cultura. Consejo Nacional de la Cultura y las Artes,
2008.
MIDEPLAN. Participacion de la comunidad en el desarrollo social: logros y proyecciones.
Ministerio de Planificacion y Cooperacion. Chile, 1992.
Ormeno, Cesar; Saavedra, Pablo. Conflictos Ambientales. Observatorio Latinoamericano de
Conflictos Ambientales y IEP. Santiago, Chile 1996.
Paley, Julia. Marketing Democracy: Power and Social Movements in Post-dictatorship Chile.
University of California Press, Berkeley 2001.
United Nations Environment Programme. Trade Liberalisation and the Envinroment. United
Nations, New York 1999.