Evaluating the Impacts and Effectiveness of Targeted Sanctions QUALITATIVE DATA BASE This template is the basis of the qualitative data base on UN targeted sanctions. Please complete all fields and analytical categories identified in the template in a concise manner, but with sufficient background and documentation for controversial points. The core units of analysis are sanctions episodes. COUNTRY Al-Qaida and Taliban AUTHOR(S) Sue Eckert, Tom Biersteker, Peter Romaniuk 1. BACKGROUND AND OVERVIEW The withdrawal of the Soviet Union in the late 1980s did not bring an end to conflict in Afghanistan.1 The victorious mujahidin factions went on to finally defeat the communist government of Afghanistan in 1992 and subsequently fell into conflict with each other. Dismayed at the ongoing chaos and brutality, a teacher from a religious school (“madrassa”) near Kandahar, Mullah Mohammed Omar, began organizing students (“talibs”) to take up arms with the goals of restoring order and imposing an austere version of Sharia law. The Taliban as such emerged in 1994, mostly drawing upon students from madrassas based in Pakistan, where some 3 million Afghans resided in refugee camps. Sensing that the Taliban offered the best hope of achieving stability, Saudi Arabia and Pakistan provided support, which also came from opium cultivation. As the Afghan civil war escalated, by 1996, the Taliban had taken Kandahar, Jalalabad and Kabul. After the defeat of the Soviets, Usama bin Laden initially returned to Saudi Arabia from Afghanistan. He subsequently moved to Sudan in 1991, after protesting the stationing of US troops in the Kingdom during the Gulf War that year (the Saudis responded by taking away bin Laden’s passport and, in 1994, freezing his assets and revoking his citizenship). Bin Laden had been urged to move to Sudan by Hasan al Turabi, leader of the National Islamic Front. He used the initial period of his stay to maintain and extend the global network of extremists that he had forged during the Afghan war. But by the mid 1990s, his relationship with his hosts became more tenuous. The Sudanese leadership came under increasing pressure both from neighbors and from the UN Security Council, which imposed sanctions on Sudan in April 1996, relating to the presence of suspects – who had been helped by bin Laden – wanted in connection with an attempt to assassinate Egyptian President, Hosni 1 This section draws upon: Lawrence Wright, The Looming Tower: Al Qaeda and the Road to 9/11 (New York: Vintage, 2006); Ahmed Rashid, Taliban: Militant Islam, Oil and the New Great Game in Central Asia (London: I.B. Tauris, 2002) and; National Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States, The 9/11 Commission Report (2004). 1 Mubarak, in 1995. In May 1996, bin Laden returned to Afghanistan, and established himself in Jalalabad. His relationship with the Taliban was not initially harmonious and Mullah Omar had undertaken to the Saudis to keep an eye on him. After bin Laden’s August 1996 fatwa, Omar insisted that he relocate to Kandahar. Over time, however, bin Laden’s financial position began to yield benefits for Omar and the Taliban and, in turn, bin Laden was able to build an infrastructure for al-Qaida, including training camps. On 7 August 1998, following two further fatwas, al-Qaida recorded its first direct operational success, with the bombings of the US embassies in Nairobi and Dar es Salaam. While different parts of the UN system were engaged in Afghanistan throughout the early 1990s (pursuing a settlement to the civil war, or in humanitarian roles),2 the Security Council became more active in 1996. In February that year, in a Presidential Statement (S/PRST/1996/6, 15 February 1996), the Council expressed concern about peace and stability in the country. It noted the intensification of fighting around Kabul and called on combatants to permit the delivery of humanitarian aid. Similarly, the statement called on all states to halt arms sales to combatants in Afghanistan. The statement affirmed the role of the UN Special Mission in Afghanistan (established by the Secretary General, at the request of the General Assembly, in December 1993) in attempting to broker peace. It requested the safe release of the crew of two Russian aircraft captured and detained in Kandahar. It called on states to refrain from intervening in the internal affairs of Afghanistan. Further, the statement noted that, “The Security Council is deeply concerned that the continued conflict in Afghanistan provides fertile ground for terrorism, arms transfers and drug trafficking, which destabilize the whole region and beyond. It calls on the leaders of the Afghan parties to put aside their differences and to halt such activities.” A subsequent Presidential Statement (S/PRST/1996/40, 30 September 1996) reiterated these broader concerns (but without a direct reference to terrorism). These statements were followed up by a resolution (adopted unanimously) in October 1996 (S/RES/1076, 22 October 1996), which again listed this broad range of concerns. The idea for this resolution came out of a summit in Almaty attended by Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan.3 The Uzbeks indicated their support at this stage for a more robust arms embargo.4 Pakistan expressed concern that the resolution, and the call to limit arms sales to the Afghan factions, was not binding.5 Of course, others (including the 2 For a summary, see “Afghanistan and the United Nations,” http://www.un.org/News/dh/latest/afghan/unafghan-history.shtml, viewed 11 Jan 2011. 3 “Russia welcomes UN resolution on Afghanistan,” ITAR-TASS/BBC Summary of World Broadcasts, 26 October 1996. 4 “Uzbekistan ready to apply ‘maximum effort’ for UN resolution,” Interfax news agency/BBC Summary of World Broadcasts, 25 October 1996. 5 “Concern expressed over UN Security Council resolution on Afghanistan,” Radio Pakistan/BBC Summary of Word Broadcasts, 24 October 1996. 2 ousted Afghan government) alleged significant Pakistani interference.6 Paragraph 5 of S/RES/1076 reiterates that the “continuation of the conflict in Afghanistan provides a fertile ground for terrorism and drug trafficking which destablize the region and beyond.” On 7 August 1998 car bombs exploded outside of the US embassies in Nairobi, Kenya, and Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, killing 224 and 11 people, respectively. Al Qaida would later claim responsibility. The Security Council condemned these attacks – and international terrorism generally – in S/RES/1189 (13 August 1998). Neither al Qaida nor Afghanistan are mentioned specifically in the resolution. Later in August 1998, the Security Council passed a further resolution on Afghanistan (S/RES/1193, 28 August 1998; adopted unanimously). On this occasion, speakers in the Council again described Afghanistan as a haven for terrorists more generally (S/PV.3291 and S/PV.3291 (Resumption 1), both 28 August 1998). This resolution broadened and deepened the list of grievances within the international community concerning Afghanistan. For example, two Afghan employees of WFP and UNHCR had been attacked in Taliban-held territory. The Iranian Consul-General in Mazar-e-Sharif had been captured. The Taliban (mentioned by name for the first time in a Council resolution) were singled out for their egregious behavior, especially in impeding humanitarian access. The term “international peace and security” was used for the first time in the preamble. On 7 November 1998, the United States’ Attorney for the Southern District of New York issued an indictment for Usama bin Laden and Muhammad Atef (“Abu Hafs”) in connection with the embassy bombings. For years prior to the bombings, the US had made known to the Taliban that harboring bin Laden damaged their prospects of joining the international community.7 After the bombings, these efforts intensified as the US maintained contact with the Taliban to urge them to expel bin Laden. S/RES/1214 (8 December 1998; passed unanimously) again directed a wide range grievances towards the Taliban, including: their ongoing role in the Afghan conflict; sheltering terrorists; drug cultivation; the deaths of the UN workers; the captured Iranian ConsulGeneral; grave breaches of humanitarian law; discrimination against women and girls and; the failure to protect humanitarian workers. In addition, the resolution demands that the Taliban “stop providing sanctuary and training for international terrorists and their organizations, and that all Afghan factions cooperate with efforts to bring indicted terrorists to justice” (para. 13). Bin Laden is not mentioned by name in the resolution. The Taliban did not comply with S/RES/1214. US pressure on the Taliban to expel bin Laden was ultimately unsuccessful, although their dialogue included discussion of a range of 6 “UN calls on states to end supply of arms to Afghanistan,” Deutsche Presse-Agentur, 22 October 1996. US State Department Report, "U.S. Engagement with the Taliban on Usama Bin Laden," Secret, Circa July 16, 2001, 9 pp. Available at: http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB97/tal40.pdf. See also http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB97/index3.htm. Viewed 15 September 2011. As discussed in Gretchen Peters (2009) Seeds of Terror: How Heroin is Bankrolling the Taliban and al Qaeda (New York: Thomas Dunne Books/St. Martin’s Press), p.92. 7 3 alternative options for dealing with bin Laden, some raised by the Taliban (e.g. trial by Muslim religious scholars, trial by the OIC, etc.).8 In this light, S/RES/1267 (15 October 1999; adopted unanimously) was designed to increase pressure on the Taliban to expel bin Laden. 2. BEGINNING INCIDENT OR EVENT (of what prompted UNSC action in the first place) The SC’s initial statements and resolutions on Afghanistan were made in support of broader UN and regional efforts to secure peace and stability, and the international community had a long list of grievances against the Taliban. The Council’s concern about Afghanistan escalated over time. But targeted sanctions were imposed as a result of the unwillingness of the Taliban to turn over bin Laden, to allow him to be brought to justice. 3. GENERAL OBJECTIVE OF SANCTIONS (i.e., counter-terrorism (CT), nonproliferation (NP), conflict prevention (CP), human rights (HR), democracy promotion (DP)) CT. Again, although the preamble to S/RES/1267 recalls the long list of grievances against the Taliban, the operative paragraphs of the resolution (paras.2-4) make clear that the sanctions were imposed to pressure the Taliban to expel bin Laden to appropriate authorities. 4. IDENTIFICATION OF EPISODES Episode 1 – October 1999 – September 2001 (from UNSCR 1267 through UNSCR 1363); the initial development of the 1267 sanctions regime, directed against the Taliban regime for its refusal to turn over Usama bin Laden for prosecution associated with the 1998 US Embassy bombings and to cease provision of sanctuary and training for terrorists. Episode 2 – September 2001 – June 2005 (from UNSCR 1368 through UNSCR 1526); the major expansion of the regime following the attacks of 11 September 2001 to include individual financiers of terrorism, entity-managers/leaders designees of a number of groups associated with al Qaida globally. Episode 3 – July 2005 to the present (from UNSCR 1617 through UNSCR 1904 before the adoption of resolutions 1988 & 1989 on 17 June 2011 which split the AQT sanctions regime into 2 separate sanctions regimes); the period of the most significant procedural reforms at the UN level, largely in response to legal challenges, groups of like-minded member states and critics from the human rights community. 5. SANCTIONS TERMINATION? Ongoing 6. REFLECTIONS (i.e. distinctive or unique aspects of the sanctions, potential lessons) The 1267 regime is the longest-running, most high-profile targeted sanctions case in the history of the UN. It has given rise to more litigation (at the national and regional levels) and 8 See the sources listed in fn.7. 4 has been more politically sensitive than any other case. Along with S/RES/1373 (28 September 2001), resolution 1267 was the first UN Security Council resolution to be endorsed by the FATF (see SRIII and accompanying guidance).9 Moreover, the 1267 regime has played a critical and often precedent-setting role in terms of the procedures for implementing and administering UN targeted sanctions. It has yielded the largest number of designations (nearly one-half of the total of all UN targeted sanctions) and has been responsible for the development of exemption procedures (UNSCR 1452), now routinized in subsequent TS regimes. It also improved and made more transparent listing procedures (UNSCRs 1617 & 1735), created a focal point within the UN Secretariat for receipt of petitions from individuals challenging their designations (UNSCR 1730) that is also used by other sanctions regimes, notably Liberia. Finally, it introduced a system of periodic comprehensive reviews of all designees and narrative summaries of reasons for listings (UNSCR 1822) and most significant, created for the first time a review mechanism at the UN level, in the Office of the Ombudsperson although limited to just the AQT sanctions regime (UNSCR 1904) as well as introduced time limits for holds placed by Security Council members, thereby ending indefinte holds on Committee decisions. While some human rights advocates have consistently criticized the 1267 regime (and the listing and delisting procedures in particular) for failing to accord due process to listees, scholars have also noted that the Council has shown unusual flexibility in responding to these criticisms.10 7. TIMELINE (provide a general timeline for each case, identifying the origins, episodes, and where relevant, the termination of the sanctions) TIMELINE FOR COMMITTEE ACTIONS AND REFORMS Date Listing 10/1999 UNSCR 1267 imposes financial sanctions and aviation ban on the Taliban and Taliban aircraft as designated by Committee Delisting Procedural 12/1999 Committee approves list of Taliban aircraft 02/2000 Committee approves exemptions on flight ban for the Hajj 12/2000 UNSCR 1333 imposes UNSCR 1333 9 http://www.fatf-gafi.org/document/9/0,3746,en_32250379_32236920_34032073_1_1_1_1,00.html. Viewed 16 September 2001. For example, see Rosemary Foot, “The United Nations, Counter Terrorism and Human Rights: Institutional Adaptation and Embedded Ideas,” Human Rights Quarterly, Vol.29 No. 2 (2007), pp. 489-514. 10 5 01/2001 12 month financial sanctions on Usama bin Laden and associates (including al Qaida), arms embargo, operations ban on Taliban and Ariana Afghan Airlines offices and chemical ban on acetic anhydride establishes a committee of experts Committee issues first list pursuant to UNSCR 1267 and 1333 Committee approves procedures for humanitarian aid exemptions. 07/2001 UNSCR 1363 creates a Monitoring Group O1/2002 01/2002 UNSCR 1388 terminates financial sanctions and aviation ban on Ariana Afghan Airlines UNSCR 1390 establishes Consolidated List, expands listing of Usama bin Laden, Al Qaida, the Taliban and other groups undertakings or entities associated with them 08/2002 11/2002 12/2002 UNSCR 1390 introduces travel ban and exemptions contained therein; imposes the 3 sanctions measures indefinitely; requests Committee to cooperate with the Counter-Terrorism Committee (CTC) Committee announces delisting procedures through the listed individual’s or entity’s government of residence and/or citizenship Committee issues Guidelines 9 Nov 2002 Committee issues Guidelines UNSCR 1452 introduces exemptions to financial sanctions: notification with 48 hrs. NOP for basic 6 expenses; approval process for extraordinary expenses 01/2003 UNSCR 1455 emphasizes importance of identifying information 04/2003 UNSCR 1455 requires Committee to communicate list to MS every three months; requests Committee to provide Council with an assessment of member states implementation of the measures Committee revises Guidelines; includes new section on updating lists. 01/2004 UNSCR 1526 requires MS to include detailed identifying information and background information UNSCR 1526 establishes Analytical Support & Sanctions Monitoring Team (MT); requests Committee to provide Council with another assessment of member states implementation of the measures 07/2005 UNSCR 1617 requires detailed statements of case; articulates what should be contained within them; provides “associated with” criteria for those eligible for designation UNSCR 1617 requires MS to inform target; permits release of information about listing; again requests Committee to provide Council with an assessment of member states implementation of the measures; cooperation with INTERPOL to provide better tools for implementation; reiterated need for Committee to cooperate with the CTC and with 1540 Committee and to make joint briefings to the Council 7 12/2005 Committee revises Guidelines, makes technical changes to listing procedures 04/2006 Committee revises Guidelines, makes technical changes to delisting procedures. Committee revises Guidelines; includes new section on exemptions; issuance of INTERPOL-UNSC Special Notices for names on the Consolidated List Note Verbal dated 25 April 2006 sent to all Member States to inform them of the procedures for the removal of names of deceased individuals on the List, on a case by case basis 08/2006 UNSCR 1699 allowed for expansion of IUNSC Special Notices to all other sanctions committees 12/2006 UNSCR 1730 creates a focal point mechanism within the Secretariat to receive delisting requests not sponsored by states; available to listed in all other sanctions committees 12/2006 UNSCR 1735 elaborates substantive content for statements of case (SOC), allows publicly releasable portion of information of SOC, provides cover sheet for listing submissions, and creates a procedure to improve deficiencies in notification within 2 weeks of listing Provides list of considerations for delistings UNSCR 1735 extends NOP from 48 hours to 3 working days; notes Explanation of Terms (EOT) paper on arms embargo and intention to provide similar EOTs for assets freeze and travel ban 06/2008 UNSCR 1822 makes further improvements to notification process, reduces notification Extends notification to delistings; Review process to consider whether listings remain Requires mandatory statements of case, narrative summaries for all listed 8 period to 1 week; calls for a full review of all previous designations, and makes recommendations for improving the transparency of the process, releasing information to the targets and the public about the reasons for imposing targeted measures by posting narrative summaries of reasons for listing on the Committee’s website 12/2008 12/2009 UNSCR 1904 reduces notification period to 3 days; directs Committee to amend Guidelines to extend approval period for consideration of new listings; information in SOC could be used for narrative summaries appropriate, annual individuals/entities, review of individuals Mandatory notification reported to be of listing & delisting deceased; all names to be reviewed every 3 years Standards and criteria for delisting promulgated in the Guidelines, including for deceased persons Committee issues extensive and detailed new guidelines, including changes to exemption procedures New delisting process estblished; also reduces notification period to 3 days; completion of comprehensive review by 30 June 2010; 6 monthly review of individuals reported to be deceased; all names to be reviewed every 3 years; annual review of names lacking identifiers for effective implemenation Creates Office of the Ombudsperson to review individual petitions and serve as liaison between targets and the Committee; narrative summaries now posted at same time as listing; encouraged States to appoint national focal point concerning names on the List; Committee approval period for consideration of new listings was extended to 10 days from 5 days previously in its Guidelines; MT directed to provide written report on comprehensive review of all names listed as at 30 June 2010 (488 9 names); ended indefinite holds on Committee decisions; encourages States and IROs to inform Committee of relevant court decisions and proceedings. EPISODES On the following pages we provide a table for each episode you identified. Please complete all fields and analytical categories identified in the template in a concise manner. HOW MANY EPISODES DID YOU IDENTIFY? 3 EPISODE 1 August 1998 – September 2001 CONTEXT The first episode was triggered by the continued failure of the Taliban to hand over to appropriate authorities Usama bin Laden, who had been indicated in New York (on 4 November 1998) in connection with the August 1998 bombings of the US embassies in Nairobi and Dar es Salaam. Subsequently, on 4 October 1999, the US representative to the UN, Peter Burleigh, sent the Council a copy of the summary indictment, stating: “The United States Government has repeatedly requested of Taliban representatives in various parts of the world, before and after 4 November 1998, that the Taliban turn Usama bin Laden and Muhammad Atef over to United States authorities and comply in general with the demand contained in Security Council resolution 1214 (1998) of 8 December 1998 ‘that the Taliban stop providing sanctuary and training for international terrorists ... and that all Afghan factions cooperate with efforts to bring indicted terrorists to justice.’ Between August 1998 and 1999, the Taliban rejected over 20 requests from the United States to expel or turn over Usama bin Laden and members of his terrorist organization to responsible authorities in a country where he could be brought to justice.”11 11 S/1999/1021 (4 October 1999). 10 S/RES/1267 (15 October 1999; adopted unanimously) imposed targeted sanctions – a limited aviation embargo and an asset freeze – on the Taliban. The resolution provided a one month delay for the Taliban to comply. With no response, the sanctions went into effect on 14 November 1999. The Security Council Committee established under resolution 1267 (1999) appointed its first Chairman (Ambassador Arnoldo Listre of Argentina) in January 2000 for the year ending 31 December 2000 (the Vice Chairs were Mali and Ukraine). Resolution 1267 was expanded by S/RES/1333 (19 December 2000; 13-0-2 (China and Malaysia abstained)). The Council was concerned with the ongoing use of territory under Taliban control for the training of terrorists and the provision of safe haven to UBL, as well as the production of illicit drugs as financial support to the Taliban. Resolution 1333 extended the financial measures to UBL and his associates. It expanded the aviation ban, and also imposed an arms embargo and an operations ban, deciding that states shall close all Taliban and Ariana Afghan Airlines offices. The resolution imposed an embargo on the chemical acetic anhydride (which is critical to convert morphine to heroin). A list of “associates” (individuals, groups, entities that are associated with bin Laden and the Taliban) was developed, and a mechanism (“committee of experts”) to monitor implementation created. The Committee of Experts subsequently published a report in May 2001 recommending, inter alia, the creation of a sanctions monitoring mechanism for Afghanistan, i.e. an “Office of Sanctions Monitoring and Coordination – Afghanistan,” with “sanctions enforcement support teams” in each of the six neighboring states (Iran, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, China and Pakistan).12 This proposal was taken up in S/RES/1363 (30 July 2001; adopted unanimously), which established a Monitoring Group in New York and a Sanctions Enforcement Support Team of up to 15 experts, based in states neighboring Afghanistan. The Teams were never deployed, although the Monitoring Group remained in place until it was succeeded by the Monitoring Team in 2004. UNSC DECISION MAKING 1267 was sponsored by the US, UK, Russia, Slovenia and Canada and was adopted unanimously. However, both Malaysia and China expressed concerns in the Council that the imposition of sanctions would have negative humanitarian consequences for the Afghan populace.13 1333 was proposed by US, Russia, India, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan and was passed by a vote of 13-0-2. This time Malaysia and China abstained, indicating opposition to terrorism but expressing the view that sanctions would hurt innocent parties. 12 S/2001/511 (22 May 2001). 13 S/PV.4051 (15 October 1999). 11 1363 (proposed by Colombia, which chaired the sanctions committee) was adopted unanimously. However, Pakistan (not a Council member) had made known its opposition to the sanctions monitoring teams in the lead up to the debate on the resolution.14 POLITICAL WILL The Taliban had few friends and there was consensus in the Council about the imposition of sanctions. The Malaysian and Chinese abstentions on S/RES/1333 reflected concerns about the perceived humanitarian effects of sanctions but S/RES/1363 subsequently passed unanimously. Beyond Council members, representatives of the “six plus two” group of states (this group comprised Afghanistan’s neighbors Pakistan, Iran, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan and China, plus Russia and the US) spoke at some Council meetings on this issue. These states were the focus of the Monitoring Group’s attention. At the 5 June 2001 debate about the Group’s report there was some dissension between the Afghan and Pakistani representatives, and Pakistan was clearly displeased with the report.15 But this was not repeated when the Council voted on S/RES/1363 in July. PURPOSE(S) (coerce, constrain, signal) The sanctions were intended to coerce the Taliban to turn over bin Laden, to constrain bin Laden and associated individuals and entities, and to signal that terrorism – and the sheltering of terrorists – is unacceptable. AUDIENCE[S] SIGNALLED Beyond the targets of the sanctions (the Taliban, bin Laden, associated individuals and entities) the Council can be interpreted as addressing a broader audience to establish the norm that terrorism, and the sheltering of terrorists, are unacceptable. TYPE OF TARGETED SANCTIONS (the design of the measures) UNSCR 1267 imposed an indefinite aviation embargo and financial sanctions on the Taliban regime unless UBL was turned over and the Afghan territories were no longer used as terrorist camps; UNSCR 1333 expanded the aviation ban (closure of all Taliban and Ariana Afghan Airlines offices) and the assets freeze (to UBL and individuals/entities “associated” with him), as well as imposing an arms embargo and ban on the chemical acetic anhydride (used to convert morphine to heroin) but only for 12 months. COORDINATION WITHIN THE UN SYSTEM AND RELATED MULTILATERAL INITIATIVES (with other UN Agencies, SRSGs, and UN Peacekeeping forces, if applicable 14 UN Press release SC/7069 (5 June 2001). 15 S/PV.4325 and S/PV.4325 (Resumption 1) (both 5 June 2001). 12 and with IAEA and multi-party talks, if relevant) The sanctions occurred against the backdrop of a broader multilateral political effort to broker peace among the Afghan factions. Within the UN, this effort was led by the United Nations Special Mission to Afghanistan (UNSMA), created by the General Assembly in 1993. A review of UNSMA’s reporting during the period covered by this episode suggests that the Afghan factions, and the Taliban in particular, were intransigent.16 This was underscored by the Taliban’s response to the sanctions. For example, in his 20 November 2000 report to the GA and SC, the SG “deeply deplored” the Taliban’s failure to comply with S/RES/1267 and noted the host of reasons given by the Taliban (lack of evidence linking bin Laden to terrorism, norms of Pashtun hospitality, assertion that bin Laden should be tried in Afghanistan, etc.) for failing to hand over bin Laden.17 Both the UNSMA reports, and the reports of the Monitoring Group,18 describe counternarcotics efforts that occurred alongside the imposition of the sanctions, including the efforts of the “six plus two.” More generally, the reports of the Monitoring Group indicate that they consulted with a range of other multilateral bodies in the course of their work, including Interpol, the WCO and the (then) UNODCCP. There was also cooperation with ICAO and IATA regarding the collection and freezing of funds from international airlines as payment for air traffic control services to the aeronautical authority of Afghanistan which were subject to the financial sanctions measure.19 INTERACTION WITH OTHER SANCTIONS REGIMES (Unilateral measures, Regional organization measures) The US had imposed sanctions on AQ from August 1998.20 RELATIONSHIP TO OTHER POLICY INSTRUMENTS (Use of force, covert actions, tribunals, referral to ICC) IMPLEMENTATION (assessing monitoring and enforcement) The reports of the SG to the GA and SC on UNSMA’s activities, and other relevant documents, are archived here: http://unama.unmissions.org/Default.aspx?tabid=4538. 16 Report of the Secretary-General, “Report on the situation in Afghanistan and its implications for international peace and security,” A/55/633-S/2000/1106 (20 November 2000), paras. 83 and 10. 17 18 In addition to S/2001/511 (22 May 2001), see S/2002/65 (15 January 2002). 19 Office of the UN Coordinator for Afghanistan (OCHA), Vulnerability and Humanitarian Implications of UN Security Council Sanctions in Afghanistan (Islamabad, December 2000), p.29. Available at: http://www.humanitarianinfo.org/sanctions/handbook/docs_handbook/OCHA%20%20Sanctions%20in%20Afghanistan.pdf. Viewed 19 September 2011. From the US’ report pursuant to S/RES/1455 (2003): “Al Qaida has been designated pursuant to two separate Executive Orders, E.O. 13224 and E.O. 12947, as amended by E.O. 13099 of August 20, 1998, and has been designated as a “foreign terrorist organization” (FTO) pursuant to section 219 of the Immigration and Nationality Act, as amended” (S/AC.37/2003/(1455)/26, 22 April 2003, p.5). 20 13 Until the attacks of 11 September 2001, there was little concerted focus on implementation of 1267 financial measures and little information available about actions by Member States. The single Committee of Experts report prior to those attacks – in May 2001 (S/2001/511) – focuses primarily on neighboring states, indicating that the Six neighboring states had indicated that they will abide by the resolutions but noting that effectiveness of border services varied and many were in need of capacity assistance. Moreover, the experts noted that there was little support within the UN to assis Member States, recommending the formation of an Office for Sanctions Monitoring & Coordination-Afghanistan. The Committee only met twice from October 1999-December 2000, and it was not until April 12, 2000 that a Note Vebale was issued designating funds and other resources to be frozen. On 4 April 2001, the Chairman issued a report (S/2001/326) on measures taken by States in the implementation of paragraphs 5, 8, 10 and 11 of resolution 1333 (2000), containing the replies from 46 Member States. An addendum to the report, containing 20 additional replies, was issued on 21 November 2001 (S/2001/326/Add.1), bringing to 64 the total number of States that replied as at 31 October 2001. However, the Committee of Experts report noted that “compliance with the measures ... has been less than adequate.” Most attention in 2000 and early 2001 focused on the aviation ban. DIRECT IMPACTS Beyond the Monitoring Group reports, the most complete description of the direct impacts of sanctions is provided by the December 2000 OCHA report.21 That report confirms that the impact of the financial sanctions was minimal. However, the aviation ban had a serious impact on Ariana airlines and its staff. In 1999, Ariana flew only to Dubai, United Arab Emirates, and Riyadh, Saudi Arabia; also, limited cargo flights continued into China's western provinces. The 1267 sanctions reportedly forced the airline company to suspend overseas operations. In November 2001, the airline was grounded completely. Most of the Committee activities in 2000 and 2001 considered exemptions to the aviation ban. INDIRECT IMPACTS As above, beyond the Monitoring Group reports, the most complete description of the indirect impacts of sanctions is provided by the December 2000 OCHA report.22 These included a widespread perception among Afghans that the UN had set out to harm them and a short-term deterioration in the operating environment for humanitarian agencies in Talibancontrolled areas. EVASION According to Peters, “Far from being hurt by the sanctions, the Taliban seemed to have a steady supply of weapons and money.”23 Indeed, given that levels of implementation were so low, “evasion” was effectively “business as usual,” with ongoing smuggling and trafficking 21 See footnote 19, above. 22 See footnote 19, above. Indirect impacts are discussed pp. 33-35 of the report. 23 Peters, Seeds of Terror, p.92. 14 activities (of weapons, narcotics, money, etc.). For example, in its May 2001 report, the Monitoring Group cited World Bank data estimating that the “black economy” between Afghanistan and Pakistan at the time was worth $2.5 billion annually, whereas UNODCCP data suggested that smuggling between Afghanistan and it neighbors was worth $3-4 billion.24 Many observers, including the Monitoring Group, noted that Mullah Omar’s July 2000 “fatwa” against poppy cultivation had the effect of enriching the Taliban, as it drove up opium prices tenfold (in the first quarter of 2001 compared to the previous year).25 The grounding of Ariana airlines, however, cut off an important supply route for the Taliban and bin Laden,26 which they sought to replace. The Monitoring Group noted its (or anyone else’s) inability to track illegal flights into and out of Afghanistan.27 It speculated that Victor Bout may have been involved in embargo-busting to supply arms to the Taliban.28 Peters cites evidence for this claim, including that Bout was the “silent partner” of Sheikh Abdullah bin Zayed bin Saqr al Nahyan (former UAE Ambassador to the US and a member of Abu Dhabi’s ruling family), who owned the Emirati charter Flying Dolphin, which was granted permission fly humanitarian supplies into Afghanistan. According to Peters, intelligence officials (including in the US) were aware that evasion was occurring on this scale. 29 UNINTENDED CONSEQUENCES The primary unintended consequence of the sanctions was to further “radicalize” the Taliban, turning them inward and reducing the influence of relatively moderate voices within the movement (a kind of “rally-round-the-flag” effect). From all accounts, the Taliban sought international recognition for their “Islamic Emirate.”30 As a result, they saw the sanctions as a slight from the international community and consistently claimed that the sanctions should be lifted, especially the ban on Ariana airlines.31. On the day that S/RES/1267 went into effect, they fired RPGs into the premises of the US embassy and a UN office in Kabul.32 Still, in the early months of the sanctions, the Taliban showed some small signs of softening 24 S/2001/511, para. 68. S/2001/511, paras. 55-65. Gretchen Peters describes the ban as the “ultimate insider trading con” (Seeds of Terror, p.94). 25 For example, the LA Times subsequently reported that, “With the Taliban’s blessing, bin Laden effectively hijacked Ariana ... For four years ... Ariana’s passenger and charter flights ferried Islamic militants, arms, cash, and opium through the UAE and Pakistan. Members of bin Laden’s al Qaida terrorist network provided false Ariana identification that gave them free run of airports in the Middle East”: “Long before Sept 11, Bin Laden Aircraft Flew Under the Radar,” Los Angeles Times, 18 November 2001. 26 27 S/2001/511, para. 28; see also S/2002/65, para. 21. 28 S/2002/65, para. 22. 29 Peters, Seeds of Terror, pp.90-92. 30 “Taleban demands it seat after latest victory,” The Scotsman, 7 September 2000. For example, see “Afghan Taleban urge UN to lift sanctions from Afghan Ariana Airline,” BBC Monitoring Worldwide (sourced from Radio Voice of Shariah, Kabul), 17 May 2001. 31 32 Peters, Seeds of Terror, p.90. 15 their line, permitting some women to work (nurses, doctors and UN staff) and even agreeing to peace talks with their adversaries.33 But by March of 2001, when Mullah Omar ordered that the buddhas of Bamiyan be dynamited, it seems they had given up on the West and, according to several sources, sought to take measures to ensure their isolation. Unnamed UN officials in May 2001 observed that the sanctions, “are actually helping the hard-liners,” with others linking the sanctions to the hardening of the Taliban’s position and the destruction of the buddhas.34 Noting this trend, some diplomats began to be concerned that the sanctions were back-firing.35 With the escalation of sanctions measures (i.e. S/RES/1363), the Taliban similarly escalated their provocative behavior, including by targeting humanitarian workers and announcing that UN observers would be treated as “enemies.”36 In short, there is reason to think that the increasingly extreme behavior of the Taliban over this period was linked to the sanctions, which underscored to the Taliban that they would not be recognized as the legitimate rulers of Afghanistan. INTEGRATING IMPACTS AND CONSEQS EFFECTIVENESS The financial sanctions and arms embargo were ineffective. The aviation ban imposed an inconvenience on the Taliban and bin Laden but seems to have been circumvented quite easily. Far from compelling the Taliban to expel bin Laden, it is likely that the sanctions had the opposite effect, leading them to protect their troublesome guest against a common external enemy, while implementing increasingly austere measures within Afghanistan over time. EPISODE 2 September 2001 -- June 2005 (nearly 4 years) CONTEXT Following attacks against significant targets in the US on 11 September 2001, in which thousands of lives were lost (not only of US citizens, but of nationals of nearly 100 different countries), the UNSC passed several new resolutions which significantly enhanced UN action against terrorism. UNSCR 1368 (September 2001) under the agenda title “Threats to international peace and security” expressed strong condemnation of the attacks and paved “Taleban allows a “small number” of women to work,” Deutsche-Presse Agentur, 3 November 1999; Barbara Crossette, “Taliban and opposition forces are said to agree to peace talks,” The New York Times, 4 November 2000. 33 34 Geoffrey York, “If cornered, the Taliban regime will try to bite,” The Globe and Mail (Canada), 9 May 2001. 35 Anton La Guardia, “Pakistan put under pressure by Britain,” The Telegraph (London), 13 June 2001. Amin Saikal, “Aid workers the latest pawns in Taliban’s cruel game,” The Sydney Morning Herald, 23 August 2001; “Afghan Taleban to treat UN observers as enemies – Pakistani paper,” BBC Monitoring Worldwide (sourced from the Urdu-language paper Ausaf (Islamabad)) 6 August 2001. 36 16 the way for UNSCR 1373 which created the Counter-Terroism Committee (CTC). 3 other resolutions all under the agenda title “Situation in Afghanistan” were also adopted in 2001, including UNSCR 1386 adopted on 20 December 2001, which effectively authorized the use of force and intervention by NATO forces against the Taliban government of Afghanistan for its continued refusal to turn over Usama bin Laden and his associates, who had claimed credit for the attacks of 11 September. UNSCR 1373, also passed under Chapter VII, required all Member States to criminalize the provision of funds to individuals and groups engaged in the commitment of acts of terrorism, approximating an act of global legislation on the part of the UN Security Council. UNSCR 1390 was then adopted on 16 January 2002, which established the Al-Qaida/Taliban sanctions regime by enhancing the existing 1267 regime. The previous financial sanctions imposed on the Taliban under paragraph 4(b) of UNSCR 1267, the previous financial sanctions imposed on UBL and those associated with him under paragraph 8(c) of UNSCR 1333, were made indefinite, merged and expanded within the assest freeze measure under paragraph 1(a) of UNSCR 1390 (and which continued under subsequent resolutions until the 1267 Committee was split in June 2011) to include all individuals and entities associated with Al-Qaida, UBL and the Taliban, as designated by the 1267 Committee. An indefinite travel ban and arms embargo were also imposed under paragraphs 1(b) and (c) of UNSCR 1390 (and subsequent resolutions). This became known as the “Consolidated List” of individuals and entities against whom the 3 AQT sanctions measures applied, wherever they were located. UNSCR 1452 was then adopted on 20 December 2002 to provide humanitarian exemptions to the assets freeze measure, UNSCRs 1455 adopted on 17 January 2003 and 1526 adopted on 30 Janaury 2004, reiterated the AQT sanctions regime and the 3 measures imposed under UNSCR 1390 (2002). UNSC DECISION MAKING The UN Security Council acted within days of the attacks on New York and Washington, passing UNSCR 1368 and within two weeks, the more sweeping UNSCR 1373. There was very little dissent, as all P-5 members (and many other UN Member States) recognized that they each potentially faced acts of terrorism committed by groups with radical Islamist sympathies. UNSCR 1390, passed in January of 2002 also rode on this tide of unanimous support and significantly expanded the 1267 list which contained some members of the Taliban leadership out of the total 143 Taliban names on the list at the time but, before 11 September, had only contained about 13 names in the Al-Qaida section, including Usama bin Laden and 12 associates but which was expanded after 11 September to include financiers of terrorist groups (44 names were added), and to what were defined as groups associated with al Qaida (68 entities were added) notably JI in southeast Asia, Abu Sayeef in the Philippines and later AQ in Iraq, AQ in the Islamic Maghreb, and AQ in the Arabian peninsula. The 1267 list rapidly grows rapidly to over 450 names during this episode (between 2001 to 2004). POLITICAL WILL The vote on all the UNSCRs passed in the weeks immediately following the attacks of 11 September was unanimous. There was a tremendous, unprecedented outpouring of sympathy for the US across the globe (though some pockets of celebration in the Middle East, Asia and East Africa). Virtually all of the designations recommended by the US during the year 17 following the attacks of 11 September went unchallenged and were accepted (sometimes with little or no detailed information) by the 1267 Committee. The CTC established under UNSCR 1373 introduced innovative reporting and monitoring procedures and its activities were later institutionalized with the creation of the Counter Terrorism Executive Directorate (CTED) in 2003 and 2004. Every UN Member State complied with the reporting requirements and many were called before the CTC to explain lags in their policy implementation. The Monitoring Group was replaced with a Monitoring Team during this period, something that de-politicized and professionalized the monitoring of implementation with 1267 provisions. The degree of political will for expansive new counter-terrorism mechanisms during this episode was extremely strong, though there was some evidence of reporting fatigue and a growing challenge to the further expansion of the list toward the end of the episode (by late 2004 and early 2005). PURPOSE(S) (coerce, constrain, signal) Coerce -- few would deny the Council’s primary interest in coercing the Taliban to turn over Usama bin Laden and associates, but after the overthrow of the Taliban regime in 2001, they were no longer in a position to do so. Constrain –The result was that the eventual principal purpose of the episode was to constrain the ability of AQ and AQ affiliates or sympathizers to continue to support acts of terrorism through the provision of finance, arms, or ease of transit. Signal -- there was also a signalling component, particularly to financiers and potential financiers of AQ-related terrorism. The 2001 to 2004 designations of 450 names, including a number of Islamic charities, as well as prominent financiers of the Mujihideen during the 1980s and early 1990s, sent a powerful signal to potential supporters of AQ and AQ-related groups globally. There was also an important domestic politics signalling component, particularly in the US, where President Bush declared his intention to conduct a global war on terrorism, including a “financial war on terrorism,” to “starve the terrorists of their funding.” AUDIENCE[S] SIGNALLED 1. Islamic charities and individual financiers of acts of terrorism -- about the costs of engaging in the financing or support of terrorism 2. Formal sector financial institutions -- that they had to get serious about sanctions enforcement, begin widespread use of name recognition software, and strengthen internal compliance procedures 3. Domestic publics -- that something was being done to diminish the probability of additional acts of terrorism TYPE OF TARGETED SANCTIONS (the design of the measures) 1. Financial / Asset freeze 18 2. Travel ban 3. Arms Embargo COORDINATION WITHIN THE UN SYSTEM AND RELATED MULTILATERAL INITIA-TIVES (with other UN Agencies, SRSGs, and UN Peacekeeping forces, if applicable and with IAEA and multi-party talks, if relevant) The degree of internal cooperation within the UN system was limited at first, although every agency tried to get on board with regard to support of the general CT agenda. CTED coordinated assistance in training for implementation, but apprpriately with more of a focus on national level implementation under UNSCR 1373. There is some evidence of friction and lack of coordination between CTED and the 1267 Monitoring Team during this period (particularly when the CTED was first being established). The UNODC begins to get more involved, once it became clear that the closing down of formal sector financial insitutions for terrorist financing was forcing groups engaged in committing acts of terrorism underground and into criminal activities. The IMF and IBRD also become engaged in countering the financing of terrorism (CFT) issues, drawing on their expertise on AML provisions (attentive to the significant differences between AML and CFT) although these were more relevant to the implementation of UNSCR 1373 as the 1267 assets freeze did not extend to AML activities or require proof of CFT as the assets freeze measure applied to all designees by virture of their being listed. With the passage of UNSCR 1540 in 2004, criminalizing the sale of materials for WMD production to non-state actors, some coordination with the IAEA begins to emerge. In addition to coordinated activities within the UN, the G-8 offered technical assistance with implementation, the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) promulgated first 8 and then 9 special recommendations on CFT, the Egmont Group of Financial Intelligence Units increased its activities and information sharing on CFT issues, and the Wolfsberg Group of major private financial institutions offered some internal guidelines for compliance in CFT among its members. The relationships between the 1267 regime and FATF; the 1267 MT and CTED/1540 experts, were further developed in Episode 3. INTERACTION WITH OTHER SANCTIONS REGIMES (Unilateral measures, Regional organization measures) The US Department of the Treasury’s Office of Foreign Asset Control (OFAC) list has long lists of specially designated nationals engaged in terrorism (SDTs) that are more extensive than the UN list. After the attacks of 11 September, OFAC created a new list of SDGTs (individuals or groups engaged in the commitment of acts of global terrorism). The EU also maintains is own lists (through its autonomous sanctions measures), but the US lists tend to be more extensive than the EU lists. One principal reason for this is continued disagreement over the status of Palestinian groups like Hamas and Hezbollah. During the second episode, however, the EU made some concessions to US concerns and added some affiliates of Hamas and Hezbollah to the 1267 list. It is generally accurate to say that the US OFAC list tends to be a predictor of expansions of the UN list (with successive UNSC resolutions) and was most certainly drawn upon for additional names during the rapid expansion of the list during this 19 episode. RELATIONSHIP TO OTHER POLICY INSTRUMENTS (Use of force, covert actions, tribunals, referral to ICC) Use of force against the Taliban was authorized by UNSCR 1386 (2001) in the wake of the attacks in September of 2001. The threat of use of force was also certainly present prior to the attacks of September 2001 and immediately following. The use of covert action was aggressively utilized by the Bush Administration during this period, particularly with regard to the use of renditions. There was no effort to make any referrals to the ICC, presumably since the US was not a party to the treaty. IMPLEMENTATION (assessing monitoring and enforcement) Compliance with monitoring and reporting efforts at the UN level was impressive during this time period. All 191 of the (then) UN members filed official reports to the 1373 Committee indicating how they were implementing the terms of the resolution. Most countries reported multiple times (some filed as many as six reports). More than 700 reports had been filed as of March 2007. A close reading of the reports indicates that countries learned during the process, as the number of states reporting that they were relying on AML measures to address CFT issues diminished dramatically in UN reporting. This unusual level of compliance was a product of demand for the regime, the introduction of an innovative reporting and monitoring scheme at the UN level, and a genuine attempt on the part of most countries to be responsive to initiatives emanating from the US. The US at the time was widely perceived as having been a victim of terrorism, and it developed the regime from a position of relative moral authority. There was also impressive evidence of serious implementation of new policies at the national level during this time period. The Council on Foreign Relations Independent Task Force Second Report on Terrorist Financing included an appendix that examined in detail the degree of implementation of CFT measures in ten countries of the Islamic world.[i] The appendix illustrated the extent to which countries had introduced legal changes, created new institutions (such as Financial Intelligence Units), institutionalized communications to financial institutions, had actually identified and frozen funds, and initiated prosecutions for violations. Like compliance with monitoring and reporting, the national level implementation of measures necessary for the effective operation of the regime was a product of demand for the regime, external monitoring, and political will. From 2001 through 2004, most countries supported the 1267 regime and its expansion, particularly as al-Qaida and al-Qaida-affiliated attacks spread throughout the world during this period: beyond Tunisia and Indonesia to Kenya, Saudi Arabia, Morocco, Iraq, Turkey, Spain, Egypt, Pakistan, and the Philippines. More than 160 states requested and received capacity building assistance from the CTC. Most participated in regional or global capacity building activities. The CTAG reported that it provided more than 200 coordinated technical assistance programs to over 150 countries. However, reports to the 1267 Committee was not as impressive. By the end of 2004, only 131 States had submitted a report to the Committtee on the status of implementation of the AQT sanctions measures. This was due in part to the fact that some States assumed that their reports to the CTC also satisfied their obligation to report to the 1267 Committee. At the same time, a certain amount of institutional overlap began to emerge. Both the CTED and the G-8’s CTAG were engaged in facilitating technical capacity building assistance. The IMF and World Bank’s country assessment exercise appeared to replicate some of the activities of the FATF. More importantly, it was unclear to States precisely what was the role of the newly formed CTED in the 20 UN’s fight against global terrorism as opposed to the work of the 1267 Committee, as the only UNSC committtee that monitored the implemenation of sanctions measures against individuals and entities designated for their association with terrorists and terroist organizations. At one level, institutional overlap and competition is indicative of the breadth and depth of the regime during this phase. An overlapping web of institutions had been created to coordinate, deepen, and strengthen CFT efforts globally, such as when the World Bank endorsed the FATF’s 9 special recommendations on CFT as a basis for a global standard for Reports on the Observance of Standards and Codes, or when the UN Security Council resolutions called on Member States to sign the Terrorist Financing Convention. Institutional competition is not always healthy or productive, however. Coordination within the UN between the CTED’s new institutional mandate and the mandate of the 1267 Monitoring Team tended to be tentative, inconsistent, and incomplete, even though they shared office space on the same floor of the same building. This led to confusion on the part of some UN Member States about both compliance and reporting. 9Council on Foreign Relations Independent Task Force on Terrorist Financing, Appendix C: “A Comparative Assessment of Saudi Arabia with other Countries of the Islamic World,” Prepared by the Targeting Terrorist Finances Project, Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University, June 2004. DIRECT IMPACTS Financial asset freeze: from 2001-2004, up to $125 million was reported frozen (2007 MT report indicated $85 million was frozen by 36 countries - 95% of the total assets frozen were attributable to actions of 9 states). On the Taliban -- most of the $100m+ in assets frozen in the immediate aftermath of the attacks of 11 September were Afghan government assets previously under Taliban control; the Taliban were dispersed by forces of NATO and its allies in Afghanistan (the Northern Alliance) and did not begin to accumulate-resources again until after they regained territorial control in portions of the country. Not much evidence of direct effect on the Taliban, as they were able to extract resources through imposing tariffs on relief agencies, extort (or tax) drug productions, transfers, and kidnappings. On al Qaida central -- only a small percentage of the assets frozen (around 10%) were under AQ control; significantly, the last known transfer of funds from AQ central was for the Bali I bombing in 2002; by 2004, AQ was complaining about its lack of access to financial resources and inability to transfer funds; there is no evidence of the use of formal sector financial institutions for the transfer of funds used in an act of terrorism since 2001 On Financiers of terrorism -- those who were designated and resident in Europe had their assets frozen; interviews with the Somali Swedes and associates of the al Takwa group in Switzerland suggest the effectiveness of the asset freeze; they denied their financing of AQ, but maintained their basic cause was justified; the fact that a number of them pursued litigation in European and American courts attests to the direct impact of the asset freeze; the freezing of funds of selected charitable organizations reduced giving levels to Islamic charities or closure of several NPOs (al Haramain, Barakaat group, BIF). On related groups -- most of the acts of terrorism committed during this episode were located 21 in the developing world against relatively soft targets; there was a displacement of AQ and AQ affiliated attacks away from North America and Europe (at least until March 2004) and most of the related groups relied on raising their own funds, often from petty criminal activities during the second episode Travel ban There is very little evidence of enforcement of the travel ban against principal targets in the Afghanistan / Pakistan area, but few flagrant violations; Switzerland prevented travel by designees residing in its territory Arms embargo Given the global scope of the arms embargo and the difficulty of enforcement, there appear to be very few direct impacts of the arms ban; decentralized cells and affiliated groups need only a small amount of weapons and explosive material is readily obtained, due to its multiple uses INDIRECT IMPACTS There is evidence that donors to Islamic charities began to exercise greater due diligence in their charitable giving once a number of prominent charities were designated. As the formal sector became more regulated, it forced AQ into alternative methods to raise/move funds making it more risky and costly, but also forcing activity underground and into self-financing of AQ cells through criminal activities (credit card fraud, drugs, etc) and the movement of cash. Greater focus on informal sectors led to registration/regulations of informal value transfer systems. Reduced AQ support of the Taliban over this episode has also resulted in the Taliban resorting to taxation and drugs. EVASION AQ changed its basic strategy away from serving as the base in physical terms (as a location for training, financing, and directing attacks) to a virtual base, claiming credit for attacks inspired by AQ or declared by their perpetrators as AQ-related; attacks are carried out by related groups, and there is only limited evidence of direction from AQ during this period; funds were raised by decentralized cells increasingly from criminal activities, rather than direct solicitations and charities diversion UNINTENDED CONSEQUENCES Decline in giving to Islamic charitable organizations (targeting of the Barakaat group of companies – 34 were listed in 2001) shut down all remittances into Somalila, including UN/humanitarian efforts) Legal challenges, particularly in the courts of Europe, begin to challenge the legitimacy of the instrument of targeted sanctions itself; corrosive effect of the perceived lack of fairness Sweeping designation of any company with the name al-Barakaat in its title temporarily closed down the remittance transfer system to Somalia, exacerbating an already difficult situation there 22 The rapid development of the CFT regime resulted in an institutionalization of the instrument of targeted financial sanctions (both in Member States and in their financial institutions) and increased capacity to utilize financial sanctions for other purposes (see reference to this in the Libya II case) INTEGRATING IMPACTS AND CONSEQS Intended consequences Unintended consequences Direct impacts On Somali public On listed firm (al Barakaat) (decline in transfer of remittances to Somalia) Indirect impacts Increase in due diligence regarding charitable giving Decline in charitable giving to Muslim charities globally EFFECTIVENESS Asset Freeze -- was effective during this episode Taliban, AQ central and related groups were constrained in their access to resources and traditional means of (formal sector) transfer; increasingly forced to use clandestine means to raise funds for the commitment of acts of terrorism (both costlier and riskier); some argue that driving them underground makes it more difficult to detect, but by forcing them into criminal activity, there is an increased likelihood that traditional policing efforts will detect some of their activities; their capacity has generally been degraded Designated financiers had their assets frozen and appear to have changed their behavior (if not their sentiments) There is evidence of increased due diligence among donors to Islamic charities (concerned that they might end up being designated) Travel Ban -- of limited effectiveness for reasons cited above (difficulty of enforcement in critical regions). Also the perceived “rush” to designate names (450 during this episode) resulted in the designation of many names which lacked adequate identifiers for effective implementation. This also affected effective implementation of the other 2 measures, in particular the assets freeze measure. Arms Embargo -- of limited effectiveness for reason cited above (difficulty of enforcement, small number of traditional arms needed for commitment of acts of terrorism) EPISODE 3 July 2005 – June 2011 CONTEXT 23 Episode 3 begins with the July 2005 adoption of UNSCR 1617, which initiated procedural developments and transparency in the work of the 1267 Committee, including setting out for the first time, the criteria for listing. This was followed by the December 2006 adoption of UNSCR 1730, which as described in the first two paragraphs of the resolution, established a focal point mechanism within the Secretariat (Security Council Subsidiary Organs Branch), to receive de-listing requests and directed the relevant sanctions committees to revise their guidelines accordingly. In this third episode, multiple resolutions including 1735 (2006), 1822 (2008) and 1904 (2009) focused primarily on addressing critiques of the 1267 regime by providing comprehensive and regular reviews of the names on the Consolidated List, more information regarding the basis for inclusion on the list, and advancing the due process procedures to be fair and clear. It was also a period within which the UNSC encouraged greater interaction and cooperation with relevant UN agencies and international organizations to assist States in their implementation of the AQT sanctions measures. UNSC DECISION MAKING ● UNSCR 1617 - adopted unanimously ● UNSCR 1699 - adopted unanimously ● UNSCR 1730 - adopted unanimously, sponsored by US and France ● UNSCR 1735 - adopted unanimously ● UNSCR 1806 - adopted unanimously ● UNSCR 1822 - adopted unanimously ● UNSCR 1904 - adopted unanimously POLITICAL WILL Views within the Security Council regarding reforms to ensure fair and clear procedures have been mixed. Given that most legal challenges have come from European countries, the UK and France have consistently supported reforms, strongly abetted by the EU elected UNSC members like Denmark, Belgium and Austria, while Russia has reluctantly gone along after the US indicated support. China has not taken an active role. PURPOSE(S) (coerce, constrain, signal) Principal purposes of sanctions: coerce, constrain, signal (with strong deterence factor) AUDIENCE[S] SIGNALLED While audiences noted previously ( Islamic charities, individual financiers of acts of terrorism, and formal sector financial institutions) continued, most of the emphasis in this episode focused on signalling selected national constituencies, in particular courts and due process advocates, that the UN process was capable of reform through fair and clear procedures. TYPE OF TARGETED SANCTIONS (the design of the measures) Type of targeted sanctions imposed (see previous episodes, as there were no new sanctions imposed but rather changes in the processes of the Committee) 1. Asset freeze 2. Travel ban 24 3. Arms embargo The sanctions in this episode continued to focus on freezing the assets of, preventing the entry into or transit through their territories by, and preventing the direct or indirect supply, sale and transfer of arms and military equipment to any individual or entity associated with Al-Qaida, Usama bin Laden and/or the Taliban as designated by the Committee. COORDINATION WITHIN THE UN SYSTEM AND RELATED MULTILATERAL INITIATIVES (with other UN Agencies, SRSGs, and UN Peacekeeping forces, if applicable and with IAEA and multi-party talks, if relevant) Internal cooperation was enhanced under UNSCR 1617 (2005) which provided for joint briefings to the SC by the 1267 Committee, CTC and 1540 Committee Chairs. The resolution also stressed the need for close cooperation (for example exchange of information and coordinated visits) amongst the expert groups that assist these 3 Committees. This cooperation was reinforced under the Counter-Terrorism Implementation Task Force (CTITF) set up by the UNSG in 2005 which coordinates the coherence of efforts of the UN system and the 31 entities under its umbrella, including the 1267 MT, CTED and 1540 expert group. UNSCR 1617 also paved the way for closer cooperation between the 1267 Committee and INTERPOL which resulted in the issuance of INTERPOL-UNSC Special Notices for all names on the Consolidated List, which were made available to the public on INTERPOL’s website as well as to national law enforcement authorities (MT 11th, p9). The Special Notices are useful implementation tools as they contain information not provided on the list, for example physical descriptions and photographs, where available. This was followed by UNSCR 1699 (2006) which extended the same tools and cooperation with INTERPOL to all the other sanctions committees. UNSCR 1617 also provided for enhanced cooperation with the FATF regarding implementation of SR III, which has been revised, with the assistance of the Monitoring Team, to bring it more in line with the AQT assets freeze measure. UNSCR 1730 (2006) , established a focal point mechanism within the Secretariat, to receive de-listing requests directly from listed parties, allowing them to bypass unhelpful States, and thereby ensuring access to all sanctions committees. UNSCR 1735 (2006) also provided that the Monitoring Team expand its cooperation with FATF to FATF-style regional bodies, increase its cooperation with INTERPOL, ICAO, IATA and WCO, in order to provide the Committee with better tools. The resolution also reiterated the need for ongoing cooperation with the CTC and 1540 Committees and their expert groups and continued the joint briefings to the UNSC. UNSCR 1822 (2008) called for continued cooperation between the Committee, the Government of Afghanistan and UNAMA, bearing in mind UNSCR 1806 (2008) – see section below – better use of INTERPOL tools such as its 24/7 database and lost and stolen passports database, enhanced cooperation with the UNODC (including through the organization of subregional workshops with CTED and 1540 experts) and supported the MT’s role as part of the UN CTITF (Annex 1 f). UNSCR 1904 (2009) reiterated the call for cooperation between the Committee, the Government of Afghanistan and UNAMA under UNSCR 1806 (2008) and the provisons 25 regarding cooperation with INTERPOL, UNODC, CTED & 1540 expert groups and CTITF. INTERACTION WITH OTHER SANCTIONS REGIMES (Unilateral measures, Regional organization measures) The Monitoring Team and the Somalia Expert Group jointly chaired the MT’s 4th regional Meeting on Somalia in Entebbe, Uganda in November 2010 (MT’s 11th report – S/2011/245 paragraph 74). These regional meetings are organized to provide interaction and exchange of information between the intelligence and security services of countries relevant tothe targeted region. The Somalia/Eritrea Sanctions Committee also designated 2 individuals on 12 April 2010 who were already designees on the Consolidated List (Hassan Dahir AWEYS listed by the 1267 Committee on 9 Nov 2001 and Hassan Abdullah Hersi AL-TURKI listed by the 1267 Committee on 6 July 2004). RELATIONSHIP TO OTHER POLICY INSTRUMENTS (Use of force, covert actions, tribunals, referral to ICC) Interrelationship of UN sanctions against the Taliban increasingly a political issue as Afghans reestablish control and seek to dialogue with warring factions. Removal from the 1267 Consolidated List has moved center-stage in discussions. Taking note of this, the SC in UNSCR 1806 adopted on 20 March 2008, called for cooperation between the Afghan Government, UNAMA, neighbouring and regional partners, with the 1267 Committee against the Taliban, Al-Qaida and other extremist groups in promoting peace and prosperity in Afghanistan. IMPLEMENTATION (assessing monitoring and enforcement) The Monitoring Team established under UNSCR 1526 (2004) and extended by subsequent resolutions [UNSCR 1617 (2005), UNSCR 1735 (2006), UNSCR 1822 (2008) and UNSCR 1904 (2009)] continues to assess and evaluate implementation of the sanctions. The Team provides reports to the Committee on issues affecting implementation of the sanctions measures and has submitted 11 such reports to-date. The combined effect of UNSCRs 1617, 1735, 1822 and 1904 have led to the provision of documents such as statements of case, cover sheet for listing submissions and narrative summaries of reasons for listing, which serve to provide Member States with as much information as possible on each list entry.These processes do not exist in the other sanctions regimes. UNSCR 1617 also sets out the “asociated with” criteria for listing (paragraph 2) and UNSCR 1735 provides the considerations for delisting (paragraph 14). Though not all the mandated reviews under UNSCRs 1822 and 1904 have taken place (due to time constraints), a comprehensive review of 488 names on the list has led to the removal of 45 names (14 individuals and 21 entities associated with Al-Qaida and 10 individuals associated with the Taliban). In addition, as a result of the deceased persons review under UNSCR 1904, 11 names were removed (6 individuals associated with Al-Qaida and 5 individuals associated with the Taliban). The review process has also provided information that will result in more than 400 updates to the names on the list, which may resolve some of the problems related to lack of adequate identifiers for effective implementation by Member States. In addition, other reviews have been provided (defunct entities, entries lacking identifiers for effective implementation, entries not reviewed in the past 3 years) which are 26 aimed at ensuring that the list is as updated as possible and that the listings remain appropriate. These reviews also do not exist in the other sanctions regimes. Finally, the Office of the Ombudsperson was created under the AQT sanctions regime to assist the Committee in its consideration of delisting requests. This office was established in UNSCR 1904. This new process allows for information gathering and dialogue between the listed parties and an independent office, in collating the relevant and necessary information for each delisting request. DIRECT IMPACTS The asset freeze is generally considered to have had the greatest impact. AQ has largely been cut off from the formal financial sector, with cross-border funding of AQ operations more difficult. Indications in 2011 AQ magazine, Inspire, that AQAP is suffering from shortage of funds and is in need of revenue. 11th Monitoring Team Report points to the difficulty that public figures and senior government officials encounter due to the listing. (MT 11th Report, p 10) The Committee is currently considering de-listing proposals for over a third of all listed Taliban. This signals a success for the sanctions regime indicating that a significant number of Taliban have apparently changed their behaviour. (MT 11th Report, p 11) To Do: examine reports of information seized from bin Laden’s compound (e.g.: “The documents show that Anbar Province AQI was self-financing, contrary to speculation that it could only function with international donations. The group was so profitable that it sent revenue to associates in other provinces of Iraq and perhaps further afield. The group raised millions of dollars annually from simple theft and resale of such high-ticket items as cars, generators, and electrical cable. Roadside shakedowns garnered more money and goods, including even a truckload of pajamas. A central unit of AQI's hierarchy required operatives to keep records of even the smallest outlay and to turn over their "take" to upper-level leaders who made spending decisions. Attacks by AQI carried recurring overhead costs. These included salaries for operatives, safe houses, transportation, weapons, and a crude form of life insurance for the wounded or for families of those killed. In contrast, most civilian households in Anbar lacked any form of insurance.” http://sitrep.globalsecurity.org/articles/110527763-glimpse-of-bin-ladentechnique.htm?sms_ss=email&at_xt=4de279c1753389ff%2C0 MT (11th) Report also states that the “travel ban has increased in impact” as states take action to increase their border security INDIRECT IMPACTS The removal of their names from the Consolidated List is one of the key demands of the Taliban, suggesting that the sanctions and the creation of the Consolidated List is having an indirect impact in the Afghan political negotiations and peace process. (Perhaps under unintended consequences as well?) 27 EVASION Transfer of assets through alternative banking methods and greater use of fraudalent, forged or lost/stolen travel documents to allow for travel. UNINTENDED CONSEQUENCES While most of the legal challenges relate to designations made in the immediate aftermath of 9/11, the perceptions that UNSC sanctions do not adequately protect individual rights or afford due process has had an overall corrosive effect on the legitimacy of the targeted sanctions instrument. Court challenges persist and will likely continue since the Security Council is unlikely to take further action in June 2011 to strengthen a UN review mechanism beyond some procedural changes and possibly extending the scope of the Ombudsperson’s mandate. However, the AQT sanctions regime still has the lead over all other sanctions regimes in terms of transparency and enhanced Committee processes for listing and delisting. INTEGRATING IMPACTS AND CONSEQS To be done... EFFECTIVENESS Asset Freeze -- moderately effective during this episode Taliban, AQ central and related groups were constrained in their access to resources and traditional means of (formal sector) transfer; increasingly forced to use clandestine means to raise funds for the commitment of acts of terrorism (both costlier and riskier); some argue that driving them underground makes it more difficult to detect, but by forcing them into criminal activity, there is an increased likelihood that traditional policing efforts will detect some of their activities; their capacity has generally been degraded Designated financiers had their assets frozen and appear to have changed their behavior (if not their sentiments) There is evidence of increased due diligence among donors to Islamic charities (concerned that they might end up being designated) There have been few results to point to in assets frozen or individuals stopped at the border (MT 11th Report, p 9) Key impact of the sanctions is likely to be as a deterrent, particularly on potential financiers of Al-Qaida or the Taliban, for whom the consequences of sanctions can be acute. (MT 11th Report, p 9) On the basis of 3 objectives to: 1) Coerce/change behavior, the assets freeze was NOT effective against the Taliban (did not hand over UBL, or AQ or AQ Associated groups, although the sanctions did force the use of alternative means to raise and move funds. Sanctions therefore not 28 generally viewed as effective in changing AQ/AQA behavior to give up terrorism. However, the increased focus on delisting of Taliban names has appeared to have led to some change of behaviour on the part of non-hard core Taliban as evidenced in their increased cooperation with the Government of Afghanistan and participation in the peace process. 2) Constrain access to funds, assets freeze generally not effective against the Taliban (because they have rebounded, re-secured territory, and ingeniously found ways to support themselves), but has been effective in denying AQ/AQA access to formal sector financial institutions and other resources (evidence of to suggest reduction in funds from deep pocket donors, charities), which has had a preventive/deterrent effect overall. Evidence of disruption of plots from financial intelligence) 3) Signal Stigmatize-isolate, assets freeze has been effective in demonstrating international community’s resolve against funding terrorism (message sent to donors to exercise due diligence in making sure that their charitable gifts are not diverted for the commitment of acts of terrorism - intentional signal to prompt self-regulatory behavior.) Travel Ban -- of limited effectiveness , with significant difficulty enforcing in critical regions. Travel ban primarily serves symbolic purposes, as there appear to be little evidence of implementation (many border officials do not have access to updated names and information of designees, listed individuals have used forged, altered or false travel documents, and inadequate identifiers continue to be reported as problematic by national officials). Arms Embargo -- limited implementation (global embargo, not delimited territorially)and effectiveness (difficulty of enforcement, small number of traditional arms needed for commitment of acts of terrorism, and lack of arms has not been critical factor). MT 11th report, however, notes partial success in that it has helped to ensure that listed parties operate below their full military potential. (p 23) ADD TABLES FOR EPISODES IF NECESSARY…… ADDITIONAL BACKGROUND MATERIAL In the following box you may add background or reference material that is too generic for inclusion elsewhere in the template. 29