English II: Summer Reading
Due: The end of the second week of school
Part One: Non-Fiction Articles
Attached to this packet are four non-fiction pieces related to American exceptionalism, or the
idea that America has a unique identity and destiny to follow. While reading each article,
complete a “What The Author Says & What I Think” chart where you summarize each chunk
and then write a response to the summary. During the first month of school, students will use
these notes to write an essay about American identity.
Directions: “What The Author Says & What I Think”
1. On a piece of notebook paper, create two-column notes
2. Title the left side “What the Author Says” and title the right side “What I Think”
3. After reading each chunk, which are numbered for you, write a short summary of what the
author says in the left column and write your thoughts, personal connections, questions in the
right column.
Bibliography
Hand, Learned. “I Am an American Day Address.” 1944.
Quindlen, Anna. “A Quilt of a Country.” Newsweek. IBT Media Inc. 9 Sept. 2001. Web. 24 Feb.
2014. <http://www.newsweek.com/quilt-country-151869>
Roosevelt, Franklin Delano. “State of the Union Address.” 1941.
Washington, George. “Farewell Address.” 1796.
Part Two: Dystopian Fiction
On the back of this handout is a list of dystopian novels. Pick one dystopian novel to read and
complete one of the three assignments given below. Reading this is novel is essential is it will
be used to write a compare and contrast essay about dystopian fiction during the first 9 weeks.
Option A:
Book choices for character: Select a character and then choose five books for him or her,
thinking about what he or she might like and also what you think they need to know more about.
Scan library shelves, the Internet, or use the library’s computer card file. Why did you select the
nonfiction books you did? What do you hope your character will like about or get out of the
fiction? (20 word explanation per book)
Option B:
Mix CD; Create a playlist of at least 10 songs that feel the tone or mood of the novel. If
possible, put the playlist on a CD or flashdrive to share appropriate songs with the class. For
each song selected, write an explanation of why that song was selected.
Option C:
Storyboard: Create a six panel storyboard with each panel showing a moment in the story that
corresponds to a different part of Freytag’s Pyramid (exposition-inciting moment-rising actionclimax-falling action-resolution/denouement).
List of Dystopian Novels
Young Adult Dystopian Novels
-The Giver series, by Lois Lowry
-Feed, by M.T. Anderson
-Uglies series, by Scott Westerfield
-Ship Breaker, by Paolo
Bacigalupi
-The House of the Scorpion, Nancy Farmer
-Divergent series, by Veronica Roth
-Matched trilogy, by Ally Condie
-Legend series, by Marie Lu
-Gone series, by Michael Grant
-Delirium series, by Lauren Oliver
-The Selection, by Kiera Cass
-Birthmarked, by Caragh M. O’Brien
-How I Live Now, by Meg Rosoff
-The Eleventh Plague, by Jeff Hirsch
-The Hunger Games trilogy, by Suzanne Collins
-The Maze Runner series, by James Dashner
-Among the Hidden series, by Margaret Peterson Haddix
Classic Dystopian Novels
-Brave New World, by Aldous Huxley
-Fahrenheit 451, by Ray Bradbury
-Neuromancer, by William Gibson
Atwood
-Oryx and Crake, by Margaret Atwood
Atwood
-Ender’s Game, by Orson Scott Card
-V for Vendetta, by Alan Moore
Washington, George. “Farewell Address.” 1796.
-1984, by George Orwell
-Alas, Babylon, by Pat Frank
-The Handmaid’s Tale, Margaret
-The Year of the Flood, Margaret
-Watchmen, by Alan Moore
-Never Let Me Go, Kazuo Ishiguro
Against the insidious1 wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me, fellow-citizens)
the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake, since history and experience prove
that foreign influence is one of the most baneful2 foes of republican government. But that
jealousy to be useful must be impartial3; else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to
be avoided, instead of a defense against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation and
excessive dislike of another cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side,
and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots who may
resist the intrigues of the favorite are liable to become suspected and odious, while its tools and
dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people, to surrender their interests.
The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is in extending our commercial
relations, to have with them as little political connections as possible. So far as we have already
formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop. Europe has a
set of primary interests which to us have none; or a very remote relation. Hence she must be
engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns.
Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves by artificial ties in the ordinary
vicissitudes4 of her politics, of the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or
enmities5.
Our detached and distant situation invites us to pursue a different course. If we remain one
people under an efficient government, the period is not far off when we may defy material injury
from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we
may at any time resolve upon to be scrupulously6 respected; when belligerent7 nations, under
the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation;
when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel.
Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit our own to stand upon foreign
ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace
and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor or caprice?
It is true our policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world; so
far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as capable of
patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than
to private affairs, that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat it, therefore, let those
engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But, in my opinion, it is unnecessary and
would be unwise to extend them.
Hand, Learned. “I Am an American Day Address.” 1944.
1
Insidious: stealthy
Baneful: evil
3
Impartial: treating rivals equally
4
Vicissitudes: an unwelcome change in circumstances
5
Enmities: hatred
6
Scrupulously: carefully
7
Belligerent: hostile and aggressive
2
We have gathered here to affirm8 a faith, a faith in a common purpose, a common conviction, a
common devotion. Some of us have chosen America as the land of our adoption; the rest have
come from those who did the same. For this reason we have some right to consider ourselves a
picked group, a group of those who had the courage to break from the past and brave the
dangers and the loneliness of a strange land. What was the object that nerved9 us, or those
who went before us, to this choice? We sought liberty; freedom from oppression, freedom from
want, freedom to be ourselves. This we then sought: this we now believe we are by way of
winning. What do we mean when we say that first of all we seek liberty? I often wonder whether
we do not rest our hopes too much upon constitutions, upon laws and upon courts. These are
false hopes; believe me, these are false hopes. Liberty lies in the hearts of men and women;
when it dies there, no constitution, no law, no court can even do much to help it. While it lies
there it needs no constitution, no law, no court to save it. And what is this liberty which must lie
in the hearts of men and women? It is not the ruthless, the unbridled10 will; it is not freedom to
do as one likes. That is the denial of liberty, and leads straight to its overthrow. A society in
which men recognize no check upon their freedom soon becomes a society where freedom is
the possession of only a savage11 few; as we have learned to our sorrow.
What then is the spirit of liberty? I cannot define it; I can only tell you my own faith. The spirit of
liberty is the spirit which is not too sure that it is right; the spirit of liberty is the spirit which seeks
to understand the mind of other men and women; the spirit of liberty is the spirit which weighs
their interests alongside its own without bias; the spirit of liberty remembers that not even a
sparrow falls to earth unheeded; the spirit of liberty is the spirit of Him who, near two thousand
years ago, taught mankind that lesson it has never learned but never quite forgotten; that there
may be a kingdom where the least shall be heard and considered side by side with the greatest.
And now in that spirit, that spirit of an America which has never been, and which may never be;
nay, which never will be except in the aspirations of us all; in the spirit of that America for which
our young men are at this moment fighting and dying; in that spirit of liberty and of America I ask
you to rise and with me pledge our faith in the glorious destiny of our beloved country.
Roosevelt, Franklin Delano. “State of the Union Address.” 1941.
8
Affirm: state as fact
Nerved: prepare oneself mentally for a demanding situation
10
Unbridled: uncontrolled
11
Savage: untamed or cruel
9
For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy. The
basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. They
are:
Equality of opportunity for youth and for others.
Jobs for those who can work.
Security for those who need it.
The ending of special privilege for the few.
The preservation of civil liberties for all.
The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of
living.
These are the simple, basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and
unbelievable complexity of our modern world. The inner and abiding12 strength of our economic
and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.
Many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. As
examples:
We should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment
insurance.
We should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.
We should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment
may obtain it.
I have called for personal sacrifice. I am assured of the willingness of almost all Americans to
respond to that call.
A part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes. In my Budget Message I
shall recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation
than we are paying today. No person should try, or be allowed, to get rich out of this program;
and the principle13 of tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly
before our eyes to guide our legislation.
If the Congress maintains these principles, the voters, putting patriotism ahead of pocketbooks,
will give you their applause.
12
13
Abiding: long-lasting
Principle: fundamental truth
In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four
essential human freedoms.
The first is freedom of speech and expression--everywhere in the world.
The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way--everywhere in the
world.
The third is freedom from want--which, translated into world terms, means economic
understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants-everywhere in the world.
The fourth is freedom from fear--which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide
reduction of armaments14 to such a point and in such thorough fashion that no nation will be in
a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor--everywhere in the
world.
14
Armaments: military weapons and equipment