1NC
1st off
a. Interpretation and violation---the affirmative should defend legalization of
prostitution, online gambling, marihuana, the sale of human organs, or physician
assisted suicide
Most predictable—the agent and verb indicate a debate about hypothetical
government action
Jon M Ericson 3, Dean Emeritus of the College of Liberal Arts – California Polytechnic U., et al., The
Debater’s Guide, Third Edition, p. 4
The Proposition of Policy: Urging Future Action In policy propositions, each
topic contains certain key elements, although they have slightly
different functions from comparable elements of value-oriented propositions. 1. An agent doing the acting ---“The United States” in
“The United States should adopt a policy of free trade.” Like the object of evaluation in a proposition of value, the agent is the
subject of the sentence. 2. The verb should—the first part of a verb phrase that urges action. 3. An action verb to follow should in the
should-verb combination. For example, should adopt here means to put a program or policy into action through
governmental means. 4. A specification of directions or a limitation of the action desired. The phrase free trade,
for example, gives direction and limits to the topic, which would, for example, eliminate consideration of increasing tariffs, discussing diplomatic recognition, or
discussing interstate commerce. Propositions of policy deal with future action. Nothing has yet occurred. The
entire debate is about whether
something ought to occur. What you agree to do, then, when you accept the affirmative side in such a debate is to offer sufficient and compelling
Debate over a controversial point of action creates argumentative stasis—the
resolution is key to decision making
Steinberg and Freely 08
(David L., lecturer of communication studies – University of Miami, and Austin J.,Boston based attorney
who focuses on criminal, personal injury and civil rights law, “Argumentation and Debate: Critical
Thinking for Reasoned Decision Making” p. 45//wyoccd)
Debate is a means of settling differences, so there must be a difference of opinion or a conflict of
interest before there can be a debate. If everyone is in agreement on a tact or value or policy, there is
no need for debate: the matter can be settled by unanimous consent. Thus, for example, it would be pointless to
attempt to debate "Resolved: That two plus two equals four," because there is simply no controversy about this statement. (Controversy is an
essential prerequisite of debate. Where
there is no clash of ideas, proposals, interests, or expressed positions on
issues, there is no debate. In addition, debate cannot produce effective decisions without clear
identification of a question or questions to be answered. For example, general argument may occur about the broad topic
of illegal immigration. How many illegal immigrants are in the United States? What is the impact of illegal immigration and immigrants on our
economy? What is their impact on our communities? Do they commit crimes? Do they take jobs from American workers? Do they pay taxes?
Do they require social services? Is it a problem that some do not speak English? Is it the responsibility of employers to discourage illegal
immigration by not hiring undocumented workers? Should they have the opportunity- to gain citizenship? Docs illegal immigration pose a
security threat to our country? Do illegal immigrants do work that American workers are unwilling to do? Are their rights as workers and as
human beings at risk due to their status? Are they abused by employers, law enforcement, housing, and businesses? I low are their families
impacted by their status? What is the moral and philosophical obligation of a nation state to maintain its borders? Should we build a wall on the
Mexican border, establish a national identification can!, or enforce existing laws against employers? Should we invite immigrants to become
U.S. citizens? Surely you can think of many more concerns to be addressed by a conversation about the topic area of illegal immigration.
Participation in this "debate" is likely to be emotional and intense. However, it is not likely to be
productive or useful without focus on a particular question and identification of a line demarcating sides
in the controversy. To be discussed and resolved effectively, controversies must be stated clearly. Vague
understanding results in unfocused deliberation and poor decisions, frustration, and emotional distress,
as evidenced by the failure of the United States Congress to make progress on the immigration debate during the summer of 2007.¶ Someone
disturbed by the problem of the growing underclass of poorly educated, socially disenfranchised youths might observe, "Public schools are
doing a terrible job! They are overcrowded, and many teachers are poorly qualified in their subject areas. Even the best teachers can do little
more than struggle to maintain order in their classrooms." That same concerned citizen, facing a complex range of issues, might arrive at an
unhelpful decision, such as "We ought to do something about this" or. worse. "It's too complicated a problem to deal with." Groups
of
concerned citizens worried about the state of public education could join together to express their
frustrations, anger, disillusionment, and emotions regarding the schools, but without a focus for their
discussions, they could easily agree about the sorry state of education without finding points of clarity or
potential solutions. A gripe session would follow. But if a precise question is posed—such as "What can
be done to improve public education?"—then a more profitable area of discussion is opened up simply
by placing a focus on the search for a concrete solution step. One or more judgments can be phrased in the form of
debate propositions, motions for parliamentary debate, or bills for legislative assemblies. The statements "Resolved: That the federal
government should implement a program of charter schools in at-risk communities" and "Resolved: That the state of Florida should adopt a
school voucher program" more clearly identify specific ways of dealing with educational problems in a manageable form, suitable for debate.
They provide specific policies to be investigated and aid discussants in identifying points of difference.¶ To
have a productive debate,
which facilitates effective decision making by directing and placing limits on the decision to be made,
the basis for argument should be clearly defined. If we merely talk about "homelessness" or "abortion"
or "crime'* or "global warming" we are likely to have an interesting discussion but not to establish
profitable basis for argument. For example, the statement "Resolved: That the pen is mightier than the sword" is debatable, yet fails
to provide much basis for clear argumentation. If we take this statement to mean that the written word is more effective than physical force for
some purposes, we can identify a problem area: the comparative effectiveness of writing or physical force for a specific purpose.¶
Although
we now have a general subject, we have not yet stated a problem. It is still too broad, too loosely
worded to promote well-organized argument. What sort of writing are we concerned with—poems, novels, government
documents, website development, advertising, or what? What does "effectiveness" mean in this context? What kind of physical force is being
compared—fists, dueling swords, bazookas, nuclear weapons, or what? A more specific question might be. "Would a mutual defense treaty or a
visit by our fleet be more effective in assuring Liurania of our support in a certain crisis?" The basis for argument could be phrased in a debate
proposition such as "Resolved: That the United States should enter into a mutual defense treatv with Laurania." Negative
advocates
might oppose this proposition by arguing that fleet maneuvers would be a better solution. This is not to say
that debates should completely avoid creative interpretation of the controversy by advocates, or that good debates cannot occur over
competing interpretations of the controversy; in fact, these sorts of debates may be very engaging. The
point is that debate is best
facilitated by the guidance provided by focus on a particular point of difference, which will be outlined in
the following discussion.
b. Vote neg
Preparation and clash—changing the topic post facto manipulates balance of prep,
which structurally favors the aff because they speak last and permute alternatives—
strategic fairness is key to engaging a well-prepared opponent
Topical fairness requirements are key to effective dialogue—monopolizing strategy
and prep makes the discussion one-sided and subverts any meaningful neg role
2nd off
Solves
ACLU 13 (American Civil Liberties Union, June, “The War on Marijuana in Black and White”,
http://apps.washingtonpost.com/g/documents/local/aclu-report-on-marijuana-arrests/461/ mj)
If both legalizing marijuana use and possession through taxation and regulation and depenalization are unobtainable, states
can take
steps toward reducing marijuana arrests by decriminalizing marijuana possession for adults and youth.
152 Decriminalization replaces all criminal penalties for marijuana use and possession with civil
penalties. Massachusetts provides a useful case study on the impact that decriminalization can have on reducing marijuana
arrests. 153 In 2009, Massachusetts decriminalized adult possession of an ounce or less of marijuana for personal use, with a
maximum civil penalty of a $100 fine and forfeiture of the marijuana (anyone under 18 must also complete a drug awareness program). In
2008, the year before decriminalization took effect, Massachusetts arrested 8,502 people for marijuana possession; in 2009,
that figure dropped to 1,240 — an 85% decrease — and dropped again to 1,181 in 2010. See Figure 26. Indeed, the arrest rate
for marijuana possession in Massachusetts (18 per 100,000) is the lowest in the country. Despite being one of the 15 most
populous states, in 2010 Massachusetts made the third fewest total marijuana possession arrests nationwide behind only North Dakota and
Vermont. Not surprisingly, marijuana arrests now make up less than 10% of all of drug arrests in Massachusetts,
by far the smallest percentage of any state in the country. Although the racial disparities in marijuana possession arrests did not improve — in
fact, they grew worse: the arrest rate in 2010 was 61 per 100,000 Blacks and 16 per 100,000 whites, a ratio of 3.81 — the actual number of
Blacks arrested declined 83% between 2008 and 2010 (while the number of whites arrested dropped 87%).
Decriminalization Solves
Ritter 13 [Dan Ritter has a degree from Champlain College,“Big Pharma and Big Tobacco won’t control
the Marijuana Industry,” Wall St. Cheat Sheet, 10/12/2013, date accessed: 8/07/2014
http://wallstcheatsheet.com/stocks/big-pharma-and-big-tobacco-wont-control-the-marijuanaindustry.html/?a=viewall, R.T.]
The decriminalization of marijuana possession offences offers an opportunity to observe changes in
these states after the law has been put into effect. For example, changes in the overall patterns of use, costs borne by the
individual user, and the cost to the justice and health systems can be observed to determine if the change in the law has had a significant effect
on any of these issues. While some of these
changes have been studied, the data which would be helpful to more fully explore
is generally
noted that the use of marijuana in these states has not risen significantly in relation to nondecriminalized states (Single, 1989; NationalResearch Council of the National Academy of Science, 1982). These states also saw
a predictable decline in marijuana possession cases. In California, the total cost of marijuana law enforcement dropped 74%,
these changes has not been available or even forthcoming. However, a few general findings may be noted. For example, it
from $17 million to $4.4 million (Single, 1989; National Research Council of the National Academy of Science, 1982). Since the majority of drug
cases in both the United States and Canada have been marijuana possession charges, these changes are not surprising or unexpected. In terms
of the impact of decriminalization on the individual cannabis possession offender, the visible changes have been largely due to the direct
influence of the law. Since these users in the decriminalized states are typically no longer 'criminalized' (in the sense that they may be subject
to fingerprinting, photographing, incarceration or having their offence recorded as a serious infraction of the law), they receive the benefit of
being able to hide their infraction much as someone would hide a speeding ticket. However, there
is a distinct lack of research
looking at the indirect effect of receiving a possession charge in decriminalized states, similar to the lack
of research we find in jurisdictions where there has been no decriminalization of marijuana possession.
For example, while short-term decreases in the number of marijuana possession offences, with a resultant decrease in the costs of enforcing
the law are easily observed, other effects, such
a reduced ability to find or retain employment after a possession
charge, or changes in the users' family or friendship environments, have not been studied in
decriminalized states, nor have there been many studies examining the often unintended consequences
of receiving such a charge in jurisdictions which do allow for more severe penalties for marijuana
possession.
3rd off
Counterplan text : The United States should decriminalize marijuana
Solves
ACLU 13 (American Civil Liberties Union, June, “The War on Marijuana in Black and White”,
http://apps.washingtonpost.com/g/documents/local/aclu-report-on-marijuana-arrests/461/ mj)
If both legalizing marijuana use and possession through taxation and regulation and depenalization are unobtainable, states
can take
steps toward reducing marijuana arrests by decriminalizing marijuana possession for adults and youth.
152 Decriminalization replaces all criminal penalties for marijuana use and possession with civil
penalties. Massachusetts provides a useful case study on the impact that decriminalization can have on reducing marijuana
arrests. 153 In 2009, Massachusetts decriminalized adult possession of an ounce or less of marijuana for personal use, with a
maximum civil penalty of a $100 fine and forfeiture of the marijuana (anyone under 18 must also complete a drug awareness program). In
2008, the year before decriminalization took effect, Massachusetts arrested 8,502 people for marijuana possession; in 2009,
that figure dropped to 1,240 — an 85% decrease — and dropped again to 1,181 in 2010. See Figure 26. Indeed, the arrest rate
for marijuana possession in Massachusetts (18 per 100,000) is the lowest in the country. Despite being one of the 15 most
populous states, in 2010 Massachusetts made the third fewest total marijuana possession arrests nationwide behind only North Dakota and
Vermont. Not surprisingly, marijuana arrests now make up less than 10% of all of drug arrests in Massachusetts,
by far the smallest percentage of any state in the country. Although the racial disparities in marijuana possession arrests did not improve — in
fact, they grew worse: the arrest rate in 2010 was 61 per 100,000 Blacks and 16 per 100,000 whites, a ratio of 3.81 — the actual number of
Blacks arrested declined 83% between 2008 and 2010 (while the number of whites arrested dropped 87%).
Decriminalization Solves
Ritter 13 [Dan Ritter has a degree from Champlain College,“Big Pharma and Big Tobacco won’t control
the Marijuana Industry,” Wall St. Cheat Sheet, 10/12/2013, date accessed: 8/07/2014
http://wallstcheatsheet.com/stocks/big-pharma-and-big-tobacco-wont-control-the-marijuanaindustry.html/?a=viewall, R.T.]
The decriminalization of marijuana possession offences offers an opportunity to observe changes in
these states after the law has been put into effect. For example, changes in the overall patterns of use, costs borne by the
individual user, and the cost to the justice and health systems can be observed to determine if the change in the law has had a significant effect
on any of these issues. While some of these
changes have been studied, the data which would be helpful to more fully explore
is generally
noted that the use of marijuana in these states has not risen significantly in relation to nondecriminalized states (Single, 1989; NationalResearch Council of the National Academy of Science, 1982). These states also saw
a predictable decline in marijuana possession cases. In California, the total cost of marijuana law enforcement dropped 74%,
these changes has not been available or even forthcoming. However, a few general findings may be noted. For example, it
from $17 million to $4.4 million (Single, 1989; National Research Council of the National Academy of Science, 1982). Since the majority of drug
cases in both the United States and Canada have been marijuana possession charges, these changes are not surprising or unexpected. In terms
of the impact of decriminalization on the individual cannabis possession offender, the visible changes have been largely due to the direct
influence of the law. Since these users in the decriminalized states are typically no longer 'criminalized' (in the sense that they may be subject
to fingerprinting, photographing, incarceration or having their offence recorded as a serious infraction of the law), they receive the benefit of
being able to hide their infraction much as someone would hide a speeding ticket. However, there
is a distinct lack of research
looking at the indirect effect of receiving a possession charge in decriminalized states, similar to the lack
of research we find in jurisdictions where there has been no decriminalization of marijuana possession.
For example, while short-term decreases in the number of marijuana possession offences, with a resultant decrease in the costs of enforcing
the law are easily observed, other effects, such
a reduced ability to find or retain employment after a possession
charge, or changes in the users' family or friendship environments, have not been studied in
decriminalized states, nor have there been many studies examining the often unintended consequences
of receiving such a charge in jurisdictions which do allow for more severe penalties for marijuana
possession.
Case
Cannabis production trades off with opium production---comparative studies prove
UNODC 11 [United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime June 11 “Afghanistan Cannabis survey 2010”
https://dl.dropboxusercontent.com/u/64663568/library/Afghanistan_Cannabis_Survey_2010.pdf] JLB
As in 2009, in 2010 most of the large scale cannabis cultivation occurred in the Southern region where most of the opium cultivation (82%) was
found in 2010. All five of the Southern provinces (Hilmand, Kandahar, Uruzgan, Zabul and Day Kundi) were affected by cannabis cultivation.
There is a clear geographic association between opium and cannabis cultivation at the provincial level.
This association exists at a household level, too, with almost two thirds of cannabis-growing households (61%) also
reporting poppy cultivation in the preceding season. The link between cannabis and opium cultivation
appears to exist at the trading level as well. Information gathered during 2010 surveyor debriefings indicated that a large
proportion of cannabis traders trade also opium. A dedicated survey to measure the extend of cultivation and production of
cannabis in Afghanistan was undertaken only in the last two years, 2009-2010. However, information on cannabis cultivation was also collected
during the Annual Opium Surveys from 2005 to 2010 where, information was collected on farmers’ intentions to cultivate cannabis in that year.
Some information on trends over that period can be drawn from that source, although there are some limitations. The village level interviews
undertaken during the opium survey were conducted during the opium cultivation period (spring) and before cannabis, a summer crop was
planted. Thus, the reporting was based on farmers intention rather than actual cultivation as farmers could still change their decision on the
summer cultivation. Furthermore, the existence of cannabis cultivation could not be verified by the surveyors during the opium surveys since
the crop was not yet visible on the fields. Given these limitations, an accurate area estimate of cannabis cultivation could not be made on the
basis of interviews done during the opium poppy survey, but some conclusions can be drawn: • During the period under review (2005-2010),
the proportion of villages reporting cannabis cultivation was always much smaller than the proportion of
opium-cultivating villages. Typically, the samples showed about two to four times more opiumcultivating than cannabis-cultivating villages. • The lower proportion of cannabis-cultivating villages and
the smaller area of cannabis cultivated per village compared to opium cultivation, indicate that the level
of cannabis cultivation in the years 2005 to 2010 was well below the level of opium cultivation in the
same period. • The proportion of villages in the sample reporting cannabis cultivation in the Southern region dramatically increased
between 2005 – 2009, slightly decreased in 2010, while the number of cannabis cultivating villages in the Northern region decreased between
2005 – 2009, and slightly increased in 2010. Due to the low number of cannabis villages found in all years, it is difficult to assess whether these
proportional changes indicate a change in cannabis cultivation in absolute terms in these regions. The information on cannabis collected
through the Annual Opium Surveys cannot be compared with the information collected during the two cannabis survey as the opium survey
covers all provinces of Afghanistan whereas the cannabis survey covers only provinces identified as the ‘cannabis risk area’. In addition, only a
small proportion of villages included in the opium surveys reported cannabis cultivation and this limited the reliability of the information
collected on cannabis.
That makes terrorism and instability inevitable
Piazza 12 [Piazza, J. Department of Political Science @ Penn State University. 14 March 2012. “The
Opium Trade and Patterns of Terrorism in the Provinces of Afghanistan: An Empirical Analysis”
http://www.personal.psu.edu/jap45/Piazza%20Drugs%20and%20Terrorism%20in%20Afghan%20Provin
ces%20TPV.pdf] JLB
Third, the
drug trade is a destabilizing force that contributes to the weakening of political, civil,
financial, and judicial system and the increase of corruption in countries, thereby degrading popular
legitimacy and eroding public trust. This alienates the Afghan population from government authorities
and erodes the authority of the state. It leaves civilians prey to radicalization and increases their
tolerance for armed forces fighting against the status quo. For example, popular dissatisfaction with poor
security – within which the burgeoning opium trade played a significant part – is widely credited as helping
push the Afghan people into the arms of the nascent Taliban movement. The Afghan narcotics economy
also results in the degradation of healthy legal, civic, and economic infrastructures. This creates the
opportunity for terrorist moments to substitute their own structures. For example, Felbab-Brown discusses at
length the importance of money laundering, informal black market credit, and illegal transnational financial transactions to the vitality of the Al
Qaeda movement in Afghanistan. While the Taliban concentrates on taxation and protection rackets to extract resources from the Opium
economy, according to Felbab-Brown, Al Qaeda launders drug money through its network of hawala international financial transfer systems.
These are traditional informal networks of creditors, found throughout the Islamic world, that allow customers to transfer funds transnationally
without relying on written records or formal reporting. The absence of reliable banking credit, wire transfer services, enforceable contracts, and
communications has led to the prevalence of hawala networks, which are ripe for use by drug traffickers.