HSG3M1 – Heather
Week 6. Session 2
Exploring Historical and Cultural Concepts of
Gender & Sexuality:
Masculinity and Femininity Across Culture and Time
October 2, 2012 by Madeline Rachel
Throughout history and across culture, definitions of masculinity and
femininity have varied dramatically, leading researchers to argue that gender, and
specifically gender roles, are socially constructed. Cheng (1999:296) further states that
“one should not assume that ‘masculine’ behaviour is performed only by men, and by
all men, while ‘feminine’ behaviour is performed by women and by all women”. Such
historical and cultural variations oppose the essentialist view that masculinity,
femininity and gender roles are biologically ingrained in males and females prior to
birth (Cheng, 1999). These socially constructed stereotypes surrounding masculinity
and femininity coupled with their cultural and historical variations are the focus of
this essay, leading into the sociological implications of the findings.
Whilst practices of gender roles have varied dramatically across history and
culture, the stereotypes surrounding masculinity and femininity have remained fairly
stoic (Cheng, 1999). Masculinity has been continually characterized by traits such as
“independence, confidence and assertiveness”, with these traits relating directly to
aspects of dominance, authority, power and success (Leaper, 1995:1). Femininity, on
the other hand, has often been categorized as the complete opposite of masculinity
(Leaper, 1995). Leaper (1995:1) has emphasized many stereotypically feminine
characteristics, including “understanding, compassion [ate] and affection [ate].” These
characteristics often perpetuate the gender role of the loving, nurturing mother and
domestic homemaker, emphasizing success (as opposed to the masculine success of
wealth and status accumulation) as a tidy house and well-fed children (Hoffman,
2001). Various scholarly research has highlighted how such stereotypes of masculinity
and femininity are continually perpetuated by the wider population, with Leaper
(1995) reporting there is much distaste for a masculine woman or feminine man.
HSG3M1 – Heather
Week 6. Session 2
However, regardless of the stereotypes associated with masculinity and femininity,
cultural variations of these stereotypical gender roles exist.
It has long been argued that definitions and practices of masculinity and
femininity vary across cultures (see Cheng, 1999), with evidence surrounding
variations in masculinity being drawn from Japan, the Sambia region of Papua New
Guinea, America and Latin America. Sugihara and Katsurada (1999:635) reiterate this
perspective by stating that “[c]ulture defines gender roles [and] societal values”.
Sugihara and Katsurada’s (1999:645) study of gender roles in Japanese society
characterized Japanese hegemonic masculinity as “a man with internal strength” as
opposed to the physical strength typically emphasized within Western societies’ ideal
man. In contrast, the American notion of masculinity is predominantly seen as to
include heterosexism, gender difference and dominance (Kiesling, 2005). It is this
Western notion of masculinity that is often seen to perpetuate stereotypical gender
roles, as alluded to previously (Leaper, 1995).
The masculinity shown in Latino men can be described as an exaggerated
form of American hegemonic masculinity, with a focus on physical strength,
toughness and acting as both a protector and an authority figure (Saez et. al, 2009).
These three variations alone – between Japanese, American and Latin American
masculinity – emphasize the cultural differences in masculinity. Femininity, however,
shows to some extent, even greater variation cross-culturally.
Delph-Janiurck (2000:320) suggests that femininity focuses on “social
relations… the home… [and] (re)creating feelings of togetherness”, re-emphasizing
the traditional stereotypical gender role of the nurturing, motherly homemaker. This
definition of femininity can be reiterated by Sugihara and Katsurada’s (1999:636)
study, where they found Japanese women portrayed aspects of Connell’s (1995)
emphasized femininity, in that they were “reserved, subservient and obey[ed] their
husbands.” However, these traditional traits of femininity are not the same across
cultures.
Margaret Mead’s study of the Mungdugumor and Tchambuli tribes of Papua
New Guinea stand in stark contrast to the femininity previously emphasized. The
HSG3M1 – Heather
Week 6. Session 2
Mungdugumor tribe showed both males and females as aggressive and powerful,
typically masculine traits to the Western world (Lutkehaus, 1993). The Tchambuli
tribe, in contrast, reversed the Western gender roles completely, resulting in the males
being more submissive and females acting more aggressive (Gewertz, 1984). In the
Western world and specifically Australia, variations in comparison to other cultures
could not be more obvious. Harrison (1997) emphasizes how the English tradition of
debutante balls, adapted by many religious institutions in Australia, promotes a
feminine ideal of monogamous heterosexuality, coupled with passivity, beauty,
modesty and virginity. This version of femininity stands in stark contrast to the
subservience of Japanese women, and the aggressive traits of both the Tchambuli and
Mungdugumor tribes’ women, as a cross-cultural example of varied femininity. These
examples further serve to emphasize how variable masculinity and femininity are
across cultures. However, such variations are similarly evident across historical
periods.
Historical variations in masculinity and femininity also exist, further serving to
emphasize that gender roles are a socially constructed creation. Cheng (1999:298)
reiterates this stating that, “[a]s history changes, so does the definition of
masculinity”, emphasizing how variable social constructions of gender roles are. In
the last century alone, the American version of hegemonic masculinity has witnessed
significant changes. Before the First World War, masculinity was portrayed through
the likes of Humphrey Bogart and Clark Gable, before being overturned by the
“more physical, muscular, violent and sexual” Arnold Schwarzenegger and Sylvester
Stallone (Cheng, 1999:300). The 1950s particularly portrayed masculine males as the
breadwinners and feminine females as homemakers, examples of the gender role
stereotypes continually perpetuated today (Pennell, 2001). As the years progressed,
sports stars such as Donald Bradman and, more recently, Shane Warne and Olympian
James Mangussen, began to portray typical masculinity, with more emphasis being
placed upon physique, dominance and power, than simply material wealth (Pennell,
2001). However, masculinity is not the only thing that has seen significant historical
change.
HSG3M1 – Heather
Week 6. Session 2
Femininity, however, has not changed as dramatically as masculinity,
remaining, as emphasized by Cheng (1999), the subordinated gender. Matthews (in
Baldock, 1985) emphasizes the changes that have occurred in femininity over the
twentieth century, from women portraying their femininity through submissive acts
of unpaid work to women’s emancipation and allowance in joining the workforce,
emphasizing a less submissive, more powerful and independent notion of femininity.
Whilst the feminist movement showed significant improvements to women’s rights,
historical notions of femininity – passivity, domesticity and beauty – continue to be
perpetuated in Australian society (Cheng, 1999). This emphasizes how society may
not change as fast as evidence surrounding the social construction of gender roles
arises (Cheng, 1999).
The evidence that masculinities and femininities vary diversely across culture
and historical period further emphasizes that gender roles and gender divides are
socially constructed.