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Chapter 1: Theories Underpinning The
Lyford Model
Our Lyford model is underpinned by a strategic diversity of theories, frameworks, models
and principles about human development, psychology and sociology, teaching and learning,
and particularly about classroom management. Their inclusion was informed and determined
by our collective experiences, action research activities and the academic literature, and
represents a challenging amalgam of our worldviews! We acknowledge of course that you
hold your own worldview, but urge you to think deeply when choosing the theories,
frameworks, models and principles that underpin your emergent professional philosophy,
theoretical approach to, and plan/s for classroom management. The theories informing the
Lyford model are: Humanist theory; Knowledge acquisition theory; Ecological systems
theory; Sociocultural theory; Psychoeducational theory; and Cognitive behavioural theory.
Humanist Theory underpinning the Lyford Model
Humanist theories focus on the self and self-development, as well as broader social change,
and became popular in the 1970s and 1980s. In the field of learning and education Abraham
Maslow’s Hierarchy of Needs (Maslow 1987) is a preeminent humanist theory. Carl Rogers’
substantial contribution was to highlight the importance of relationships in effective learning;
the need for students to trust their teachers and for teachers to be empathetic in return (Rogers
1980). Paolo Freire has also been hugely influential as his humanism took on broader
dimensions (Freire 2000). He encouraged greater awareness of the political and economic
processes that affect systemic disadvantage. He is regarded as the father of transformative
education. Freire’s work with poor farmers in Brazil demonstrated the power of education to
change lives. Personal change can occur through strategic reflection and action. Action
research, promoted by people like Kemmis and McTaggart (1988), is now an embedded
framework in the professional development expectations of most teachers. The following
Figure 1 is a common representation of an action research sequence.
Figure 1 The plan, act and observe, and reflect cycle of action research
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Figure 1 a repeating spiral of planning, acting and observing, and reflecting, is helpful
because it guides ways to change and improve teaching practices. A most significant concept
is to put the researcher (in your case, you as a developing teacher practitioner) at the centre of
the action. It signals that sometimes strategies can be implemented, but need further
reflection and further action before an action research sequence can be complete. In the
Lyford model the outer layer of the main section (the classroom management plan) has the
action research process cycling around the core theories and practices. This emphasises the
importance of the ongoing development of teaching and learning practices and the need to
continually reflect upon and seek change to practices.
Knowledge Acquisition Theory underpinning the
Lyford Model
The branch of philosophy known as epistemology is devoted to examining the nature of
knowledge, how we acquire it, how we put it into practice and how it informs our being – our
identity. This is a topic you will revisit time and again during your studies to become a
teacher, but here we want to explain knowledge acquisition as it has influenced our model. Its
roots are in phenomenology and we focus on ideas put forward by Hubert and Stuart Dreyfus
(Dreyfus & Dreyfus 1986). They presented a matrix that consisted of: novice; advanced
beginner; competent performer; proficient performer; and expert.
We concur with the conceptualisation of the journey from the beginning of learning
something new through to becoming an expert. In this conceptualisation being an expert is
not the end point for learning. In this view a novice will first learn a context independent set
of rules and attempt to apply those rules in a formulaic way in context. For example, when
we learn to plan a lesson for the first time there is a procedure to follow; a set of questions to
answer. Lessons have an introduction, a series of steps and a conclusion. In Australia, lessons
in schools follow set outcomes derived from curriculum documents and frameworks. Before
a novice teacher sets foot in the classroom, this context independent set of rules or procedures
is learned.
Advanced beginners begin to apply their new knowledge. This provides the opportunity to
see the different relevant bits of information needed and can be context dependent and
context independent. At this stage the set of rules are applied judiciously. Pre-service teachers
will teach individual and sometimes isolated lessons with small groups as a beginning point
in their acquisition of teaching competencies. Usually at this level in professional contexts,
there is an instructor/mentor carefully overseeing any performance and the learner does not
have full responsibility for the task.
Increasingly as new knowledge is acquired and current knowledge applied, a learner is likely
to become a competent performer. It is at this level that learners may become increasingly
uncomfortable – not necessarily more comfortable! This is because as we learn more about a
new set of skills we become aware of the more we need to know! This is true of complex
scenarios such as learning to become a effective teacher, where there is so much to learn, and
so many elements to take account of. The choices of what to prioritise and what to take notice
of can seem overwhelming. Flyvbjerg (2001) comments, ‘The lack of terra firma for the
choice of a plan, combined with a competent performer’s need to have a plan, produces a new
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and important relationship between performer and surroundings: a relationship of
involvement’ (p. 13). At this level there is a greater degree of responsibility as the competent
performer engages in choices about how to operate.
For Dreyfus and Dreyfus (1986), the difference between a competent performer and
proficient performer becomes more marked, because the choices become more than
conscious, systematic decision making. Proficient performers are more deeply involved and
are able to shift and change their actions based on experience. They have a better
understanding of what needs to come to the fore and what elements can take a back seat.
Thinking and action is less sequential and more fluid. Here they seize on intuition as a way to
describe proficient performers’ ways of doing things, and see intuitive action as a more
sophisticated, finely honed way to operate. Dreyfus and Dreyfus refer to this as ‘holistic
similarity recognition’ (p. 28). This intuition is based on both experience and knowledge. It is
not guesswork but an additional operation to what is already known.
Finally, at the expert level, performance becomes effortless. ‘Experts operate from a mature,
holistic well-tried understanding, intuitively and without conscious deliberation’ (Flyvbjerg
2001, p. 19). In modern parlance this could be referred to as operating ‘in the zone’. It refers
to a deep understanding of what needs to be done as a result of cumulative experiences in a
wide range of contexts. Dreyfus and Dreyfus do make the point, however, that when things
are proceeding normally, experts are not solving problems as such, they do what works
normally. Once a new element or challenge presents itself then experts will use a
combination of deliberative consideration and intuition. They argue that what experts do is
critically reflect on their intuition, and even then decisions may not always work out.
It is outside the scope of this book to discuss the criticisms of knowledge acquisition theory
in depth, but suffice to say that in a complex task such as teaching, with countless elements
shifting and changing, there will always be new elements to consider, new ideas to take
account of and new issues to deal with. In that sense we can at times feel like novices, and at
times like experts. School environments have changed dramatically over the last twenty
years, and the challenges facing us as educators are greater; we can never stop learning and
we can never be perfect teachers. There are of course expert teachers out there, and it is to
these teachers we must turn to understand more about what makes an expert teacher.
Ecological Systems Theory underpinning the Lyford
Model
Ecological systems theory leads the more contemporary move away from the Piagetian ‘ages
and stages’ approach to learning and teaching. This theory is informed by Urie
Bronfenbrenner’s (1979) social ecological model in which he proposed that human
development and the environments in which it occurs are inextricably linked. Bronfenbrenner
provided a visual image that helps illustrate the relational influences on learning events. Selfevident is the child at the centre of his ecological model. In Bronfenbrenner’s model, school
is part of the mesosystem, alongside family and religion. Here there is a bi-directional
influence as these elements are in close proximity to a child’s experiences. The child can
influence these elements as the elements can influence the child. Another layer, the
exosystem, contains community, culture and society and although a child may not be so
directly involved, this layer can also influence a child’s development. Issues reverberating
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from the wider community can also have an influence and Bronfenbrenner described this as
the macrosystem. Cultural beliefs and societal practices as well as global influences play a
part here.
Teachers do need to be aware of how these influences impact upon a student’s ability to
learn, concentrate and be motivated in the classroom. In terms of classroom management,
familial influences and global influences can affect the ways students in classrooms interact
with each other and these can impact on individual emotional wellbeing.
The notion of ecology is used in our model to emphasise the complex and sensitive
relationship that involves every element in the context of a child’s life. For example, the
degree to which strong study practices and positive expectations for success are modelled at
home will influence how a student tackles academic tasks at school. What happens at school
will have a direct impact on what happens at home, and so, ‘behaviour evolves as a function
of the interplay between person and environment’ (Bronfenbrenner, 1979 p. 16).
Bronfenbrenner continued to update and improve his model. He introduced proximal
processes as a concept (Bronfenbrenner & Morris 1998) and saw these as the engines of
development. Children develop through their experiences with their immediate environment
where competence signals the effective acquisition of new knowledge and dysfunction refers
to the difficulties of adjusting behaviour. Two examples will illustrate how an ecological
approach helps teachers understand the complex issues that are at play in a classroom’s
relational dynamics...
Some children were adversely affected by the continual bombardment of images after 11
September, 2001 when the twin towers in New York came crashing down. Ongoing media
debate and commentary about terrorism and the role of fundamentalist Muslim groups can
affect relationships between Muslim and non-Muslim students and more broadly may also
influence the ways children and youth from different ethnic and cultural backgrounds
interact. Teachers are required to be aware of these global and local issues, have knowledge
about them and unpack the complexities of these issues in the context of classrooms.
The second example is about climate change. Recent research argues that the focus on
climate change and the doomsday scenarios sometimes discussed in quite graphic detail in
the media are affecting children’s wellbeing and in some cases leading to increases in
childhood depression (Tucci, Mitchell & Goddard 2007). On the one hand, it is incumbent on
teachers to deal with this issue in the classroom. On the other, teachers have a responsibility
to recognise the influences these global concerns can have on individual students. It is clear
that developmentally, children and youth understand these issues differently and the way
teachers tackle these issues and present them in classrooms requires great sensitivity.
One very significant change since Bronfenbrenner published his seminal work in 1979 is that
the Internet now provides a much closer link to global issues. Students can tap into the global
world in unprecedented ways. Technology allows students to communicate with others in an
instant. This immediacy brings into much sharper relief the ecological influences on student
learning in the contemporary environment.
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Sociocultural Theory underpinning the Lyford
Model
School, by its very nature, is a site of social and cultural transformation. It aims to produce
effective local and global citizens in a changing world (see, for example, the Melbourne
Declaration on Educational Goals for Young Australians 2008). Furthermore schools must
‘ensure that socioeconomic disadvantage ceases to be a significant determinant of educational
outcomes’ and ‘ensure that schooling contributes to a socially cohesive society that respects
and appreciates cultural, social and religious diversity’ (Melbourne Declaration on
Educational Goals for Young Australians 2008, Goal 1). This goal signals two points …
The first point is that it acknowledges there is still a correlation between socioeconomic
conditions (the wealth or otherwise of families, their own educational background, their
cultural and linguistic heritage) and educational outcomes. In other words children and youth,
whose parents are well off, are English-speaking and have an Anglo, Celtic or European
heritage, are likely to do better at school. Sociocultural theories have tried to explain this
phenomenon.
In the 1960s it was a student’s home background that was scrutinised. In a ‘blame the victim’
approach, poor educational outcomes were the fault of poor home conditions, lack of parental
education, lack of resources in the home, and so on. Theories in the 1970s and 1980s (see, for
example, Connell 1982; Walker 1988; Willis 1977) argued that schools were an active
participant in reproducing economic disadvantage rather than agents to counter disadvantage.
These ‘reproduction’ theories suggested that when there was dissonance between the cultures
of home and school, successful school outcomes were less likely. During this time it was
suggested that schools, with largely white, English-speaking, middle class male teachers
masked a wider hidden curriculum (see, for example, Giroux & Purpel 1983; Jackson 1968;
Kozol 1991). This hidden curriculum embedded a particular set of cultural values, social
practices and ways of communicating that contributed to some students being privileged over
others. Ever since, curricula development, together with the cultural assumptions, values,
attitudes and social practices of teachers have been the focus of analysis in an attempt to
‘level the playing field’ for all students.
The second point is that, Goal 1 in the Melbourne Declaration acknowledges that schools
have a part to play in developing citizens for a culturally diverse nation. Australia is very
culturally, economically and racially diverse. This diversity continues to increase so it is
incumbent upon schools to present curricula that are more equitable, and also to educate
students to value and appreciate the diversity within their classrooms and the wider
Australian community. More recently, however, there has been a backlash against this
curriculum approach that has attempted to become more culturally inclusive. In Australia the
most vocal critic has been Kevin Donnelly (2007a). In his strong repudiation of a more
culturally inclusive education approach, Donnelly argued that our curriculum has
consequently been systematically ‘dumbed down’.
Cognisant of the above two points, we posit that sociocultural theories play an important part
in examining classroom management practices. They act as a link between the more
traditional behavioural and psychoeducational theories (explained in chapter 2) coming as
they do from a more individualistic and psychological perspective, and evidence the need to
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more closely examine curriculum development and implementation as integral to classroom
management practice.
We will now identify some of the sociocultural theories that influence interrelationships in
the classroom and what impact these may have on the teaching and learning nexus. These
influences interact in complex ways and Australian classrooms are not immune from the
social dynamics of wider society. Bronfenbrenner explained this by including in his model
the macro-system, which broadly refers to the cultural and subcultural aspects of people’s
lives. (You may also like to refer to an update, Bronfenbrenner & Evans 2000). Teachers and
students can be seen as cultural beings embedded, as they are from birth, in the traits, mores,
values and attitudes of their own cultures.
Giddens (1989, p. 31) gives one useful definition of culture:
‘Culture’ concerns the way of life of the members of a given society – their habits and
customs, together with the material goods they produce. ‘Society’ refers to the system of
interrelationships, which connects together the individuals who share a common culture.
In more recent years, sociocultural theories have paid greater attention to areas more
traditionally psychologically focused, such as issues of identity and subjectivity and are
examining processes of identification in terms of broader sociological concepts such as class,
race, ethnicity and gender. Avtar Brah’s definition of culture is representative of this
emphasis, that is ‘Culture is the play of signifying practices; the idiom in which social
meaning is constituted, appropriated, contested and transformed; the space where the
entanglement of subjectivity, identity and politics is performed’ (1996, p. 234). It is here that
postmodern ideas of breaking down boundaries between different disciplines have had the
greatest impact. Identity, subjectivity, efficacy and resilience can now be discussed from both
psychoeducational and sociocultural perspectives as both cognitive and social processes.
One main sociocultural influence informing classroom practices is the diverse range of
beliefs, attitudes and values about relationships and behaviour. Some (groups of) students
often have quite definite views on other students based on gender, class or ethnic, racial and
religious markers. It is also likely that popular culture, images and trends will influence
students’ interactions. Teachers may also hold diverse views based on similar social and
cultural markers. It is clear then that this diversity is likely to impact upon personal,
classroom and school interrelationships. At the same time, there is a desire to normalise
children; make them all literate and numerate in English, help them improve their health and
wellbeing, provide basic information in science, technology, and human society, as well as
teach ways to become productive Australian citizens. For many schools with diverse class
and school populations this can be an almost insurmountable challenge if school values come
up against family values.
Influencing this even further is the history of Australian migration and how attitudes towards
migrants have changed. These attitudes have been embedded into shifting government
policies over time. Between the 1970s and mid 1990s, there was bipartisan support for the
government's multicultural policy where the emphasis was on respecting and celebrating a
variety of ethnic practices within the wider Australia society. We sometimes forget that what
prompted the introduction of the multicultural policy was that migrants from a range of
countries made (and continue to make) an enormous contribution to the wealth and
development of Australia. They deserved to be recognised and respected for their
contribution. From 1996 to 2007 (during the years of the Howard Liberal federal
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government) this emphasis shifted to one of integration. The multicultural policy was slowly
dismantled. In 2010 the Labor federal government introduced a policy of social inclusion. It
is not entirely clear how this differs from previous policies, except that there is greater
emphasis on providing support for economic equity (Ford 2009).
Australia continues to change, and global events have had an impact upon debates about
migration. There are many people in Australia who debate migration from an ethnic or racial
viewpoint. These views could be constructed along a continuum ranging from those who feel
comfortable with the pluralist nature of contemporary Australian society, to those who feel
uncomfortable with certain social groups, to those who actively dislike the diversity of
cultures and ethnicities in Australia. Children are aware of these larger debates as they hear
their parents talk and see the ways different people are treated on the news, in the media, in
schools and in public spaces.
Related to the sociocultural considerations of attitudes and values on social dynamics within
and outside classrooms is another important factor – power relationships. It is clear we
operate in a hierarchical society of unequal relations of power marked by, among other
things, gender, class, ethnicity, race, age, ability, body image and sexuality in the social
context of the broader community. There is also an unequal power relation between teachers
and students in classrooms and schools that is primarily based on age and status. In
Australian culture children have a comparatively low status, and in the school setting teachers
are in positions of authority because of their age and knowledge. There are two issues here...
The first is the lack of understanding in the past about how students comprehend and interact
with these wider social factors. There have been widespread assumptions that children do not
recognise differences and are accepting of others in the classroom. In reality, even very
young children appear to be aware of the unequal power relations in society, based on age,
gender, ethnicity, race, ability and class. They use this knowledge in their day-to-day
interactions with other students in the classroom and the playground. A study by van Ausdale
and Feagin (2002) demonstrated this process of increasing awareness that is occurring in
child-care centres with three- and four-year-olds.
The second issue is that teachers may not recognise the larger sociocultural dynamics that
may influence classroom interactions, not only between students, but between staff and
students. It is naive to assume that teachers are not culturally biased, because it is impossible
to leave our own cultural experiences at the classroom door. What we can hope for is that
teachers are ever mindful of those biases and strive to reduce them as much as possible in
their dealings with students. If teachers recognise that broader sociocultural influences may
be involved in conflicts and difficulties within schools, then this must be addressed through
curriculum content changes, and taken into account in the development of classroom
management plan/s.
The ways young people understand their own cultures and society, as well as those of others,
and the influences this has on their own sense of self is an important aspect of sociocultural
theorising. A key concept that emerged from the theorising of William Glasser and Rudolf
Dreikurs (see chapter 2) is belonging; and this concept has been taken up more recently in
government policies around social inclusion. We argue here that a fuller understanding of the
concept of belonging and how it plays out for individuals and between groups in schools can
only be achieved by looking at psychologically and socioculturally inspired theories, and then
translating those considerations into educational planning and programming in and across the
school.
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We put the position that ecological theory acts as an overarching theory that can encompass
sociocultural and psychological theorising, but we draw on sociocultural theories to explain
the complexity of social dynamics. Sociocultural factors in the classroom will inform student
behaviour in a variety of ways and have an impact on the classroom social dynamics as well
as upon the quality of teaching and learning that takes place. In the context of classroom
management this is important because sometimes conflicts arise out of broader societal
tensions. These can be around gender, class, ethnicity, race, nationality, language and even
about body image and body size. Teachers must aim to build a social milieu in the classroom
where every student feels he/she is safe, belongs and can learn comfortably.
Psychoeducational Theory underpinning the Lyford
Model
Psychoeducational theories (together with behavioural theories) have traditionally informed
classroom management. As will be further explained in chapter 2, they continue to have a
major influence, and this section can be read in conjunction with the explanations of Rudolf
Dreikurs’ Goal Centered Theory and William Glasser’s Choice Theory that are located there.
We too see their value as they provide a wealth of sensible principles for achieving effective
interactions with students. The focus of psychoeducational theories is the individual child,
what teachers can do to understand and support them in the classroom, and how they can best
teach them to behave appropriately so that effective learning takes place. Psychoeducational
theories are best introduced through their five interrelated key elements: belief systems; needs
satisfaction; links between beliefs, thoughts, emotions and behaviour; democracy and
autonomy; and preventative emphasis.
Belief Systems
Beliefs (values and attitudes) can be examined from a psychoeducational viewpoint. Beliefs,
particularly about the self, determine the typical manner in which people go about solving the
lifelong challenge to meet their social needs. Because everyone is exposed to different
experiences in their childhood, each person develops unique views and behaves differently in
pursuit of needs satisfaction. As children grow, they adapt their behaviour to differing
circumstances.
Many children grow up in homes where there is support to develop positive beliefs that lead
them to see the world as safe; where they are respected. Unfortunately, other children have to
learn to cope with more challenging situations. These children develop more negative beliefs
about the world, and their own worth and ability. The beliefs children develop through early
experience then establish the positions from which they embark on new interactions with
other elements of their growing world, including teachers, other children and new learning
experiences. It has been suggested that behaviour corresponding to a child’s beliefs is likely
to produce responses or experiences that confirm the original belief. In the main, many
children experience some encouraging and some discouraging circumstances, which can lead
them to develop complex personal belief systems, and which may give rise to considerable
variation in behaviour between children in seemingly similar circumstances.
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Belief systems developed from early experiences are seen by psychoeducationalists as
fundamental driving forces within an individual’s personal ecology and that positive
behaviour is best developed through the purposeful encouragement of positive beliefs.
Negative behaviours require responses designed to lead the child ultimately to challenge
negative beliefs on which such behaviours are based. That is, teachers’ responses should be
predictable and should not confirm the negative belief. Lasting changes in behaviour will
occur once children alter their belief systems to perceive themselves, and the world with
which they interact, in a more positive light. Psychoeducational theories seek to enable
teachers to understand the purpose of student behaviours and the beliefs on which they are
based. Teachers can then systematically teach more constructive, alternative behaviours that
enable students to meet their needs and, through experiential learning, challenge them to reevaluate their belief systems.
Psychoeducational theorists see beliefs about the self, particularly self-concept, self-efficacy
and self-esteem, as crucial in shaping the way individuals interact with their world.
According to all major theories of psychological development, self-beliefs are formed
predominantly in early childhood in response to children’s early interactions with significant
others in their lives; principally, family members. These early views of the self are not set in
concrete. They are seen as subject to modification throughout life as new experiential
evidence becomes available that embellish or sometimes contradict earlier views. Although
potentially subject to change, the tendency for ecological interactions to reinforce beliefs
rather than challenge them, in the manner of a self-fulfilling prophecy, militates against major
change once beliefs about the self have become reasonably definite.
Psychoeducational theorists also contend, however, that individuals can change the way they
interact with the world. Such theorists see past experience as formative for current behaviour,
but current behaviour as future-oriented. In other words, although the past has contributed to
our current situation, principally by guiding our perceptions and evaluations, we are not
driven by past experiences. By changing the way we see ourselves, and by learning new skills
in interacting with the world, we can re-determine our future interactions. Students who
believe in their ability to solve problems and who evaluate themselves highly are more likely
to behave appropriately. Thus the provision of an educational environment that empowers
students to meet their needs through desired behaviour leads to fewer disruptive incidents.
Positive behaviour is promoted through personal encouragement and empowerment.
Needs Satisfaction
Alfred Adler’s theory (see chapter 2) is based on the notion of needs satisfaction wherein that
each of us learns through experience to behave the way we do in order to satisfy our basic
needs. In infancy these needs are predominantly physiological. Once these needs have been
met, or patterns of behaviour have been established that enable the child to meet physical
needs as they arise, social needs take precedence. How each individual solves the problem of
relating to others in satisfying ways forms the foundation of the individual’s ‘style of life’, or
their guiding belief system. Principal among the social needs individuals strive to satisfy is
the need to belong, which means: to matter; to be significant; and to count in some way with
other people. Positive or negative behaviour can enable an individual to be of significance in
any group. Children who misbehave are seen as pursuing the satisfaction of the same need as
children who behave productively; their manner of doing so is simply driven by a different
set of beliefs developed through different life experiences.
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Adler saw the early correction of negative ways of satisfying needs as important, since these
tend to develop into patterns of behaviour. In other words, the younger the child, the more
malleable is the belief system and behavioural pattern. Adler thought that patterns of
behaviour once established, remain relatively stable throughout life. With increasing age,
behavioural change becomes correspondingly more difficult, although still possible if belief
constructs are successfully challenged.
Links between beliefs, thoughts, emotions and behaviour
Congruence between beliefs, thoughts, emotions and behaviour (and indeed the confirmatory
reaction from others around us) forms a cornerstone of psychoeducational theory. Adler
referred to this phenomenon as the ‘unity of personality’ in his definition of style of life.
According to Adler, the beliefs individuals form about themselves and their role in relating to
others colour their perceptions of events. Thoughts provide the pseudo-logical rationalisation
that maintains congruence between perception, evaluation and behaviour. Emotions are
outcomes of these thought processes and provide the energy or impetus to act. Consequences
of our actions or behaviour are then perceived and evaluated in accordance with the same
belief systems. These consequences and our evaluations (largely as emotional reactions) are
remembered, and these memories form further building blocks in the development of our
style of life.
Balson (1996) believed that children make the best choices of which they are capable in view
of their perception of situations. They have learned to justify and to be logical about their
inadequate behaviour. The teacher’s attention should not be focused on the behaviour but the
faulty assumptions and mistaken views which the student holds. While those assumptions and
beliefs are faulty, they constitute the reality which determines the goals towards which the
student’s behaviour is directed. Dreikurs, Grunwald and Pepper (1998) referred to the process
of rationalising perceptions, beliefs, emotions and actions as ‘private logic’, while Glasser
(2000a) saw the process as a kind of reconciliation between an individual’s idealised world
and the world s/he perceives. Psychoeducationalists see individuals operating as wholly
integrated persons in all aspects of behaviour and thought, and reject any notion of treating
subcomponents separately. Thus beliefs, thoughts and feelings are seen as interconnected and
integrated with behaviour, which is always directed towards satisfying a need in the best way
individuals believe they can in the prevailing circumstances.
Democracy and Autocracy
Psychoeducational theories emphasise the necessity to establish democratic methods of
classroom management in order for students to learn from social reality and to take
responsibility for their behavioural choices. Dreikurs, Balson and Glasser all recommend
democratic approaches as more likely to enable students to meet their basic needs.
Glasser emphasises that classroom structure influences the manner in which children are able
to satisfy their need for power. Autocratic classrooms rely on coercion to maintain order and
are, by definition, disempowering. Such social structures afford students little opportunity to
meet their need for power independently, other than by the benevolence of the teacher.
Students who do not expect teachers to be benevolent may thus believe they have little choice
but to satisfy this need by challenging the teacher’s authority.
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Glasser’s distinction between ‘boss’ and ‘lead’ teachers demonstrates his commitment to
democratic principles that lead to power sharing. Dreikurs and Balson contend that autocratic
classrooms invite some students to defy teacher authority by challenging for power, and that
democratic classrooms more appropriately reflect the prevailing social reality in
contemporary Western society. Their further contention is that teachers who rely on
autocratic methods must do so through bluff. Autocratic power relies on the ability to coerce,
and since teachers’ coercive powers are limited ultimately to exclusion from school, teachers
have little they can truly do when students defy authority. Miller’s (2001) research suggests
that children respond favourably to democratic classroom structures and that this approach
assists the development of self-direction.
Preventative Emphasis
Psychoeducational theories aim predominantly to prevent behaviour problems, largely
through needs satisfaction, developing positive self-efficacy through empowering the student,
and positive self-esteem through caring and encouragement. Preventative approaches are
intended to be built into regular classroom routines and to become largely automatic and
minimally disruptive. This is a departure from older models of behavior management that
focused on disruptive behavior alone and strategies to deal with it. Obviously if we can create
classrooms that are supportive communities of learners, who are aware of their actions and
have a shared language to deal with issues of social interaction, it prevents much of the
disruptive behaviour at its source. Psychoeducational theorists also support intervention
approaches for use with seriously disruptive students. These generally take an individual
perspective and may take considerable time and effort to plan and implement. These are
explained in chapter 7.
Cognitive Behavioural Theory underpinning the
Lyford Model
Cognitive behavioural approaches originated as techniques developed by psychiatrists and
psychologists and applied in clinical settings for bringing about behavioural change in
individual and small groups of clients with dysfunctional or challenging behaviours. These
approaches draw on a range of learning models and human development and behaviour
theories, including both behavioural and psychoeducational theory. They were designed to
sustain the best elements of clinical behavioural interventions while engaging clients in the
recognition of their ‘inner’ cognitive experiences. (See Chapter 7 interventions.)
Cognitive behavioural theory and therapies emphasise that thoughts and behaviours are not
necessarily incompatible and that behaviour change requires a recognition and understanding
of the relationships between thoughts, beliefs, feelings and overt behaviours. Interventions
based on cognitive behavioural theory and therapies found considerable favour and
application in school settings, particularly in clinical interventions settings with students with
more challenging behaviours. More recently they have been used with groups of students as
a means to enhance the development of positive behaviours.
Cognitive behavioural approaches are relevant to a number of concerns teachers commonly
experience when they attempt to promote positive behaviour. Cognitive behavioural
approaches are useful in bridging the gap between student reliance on external prompting,
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12
control and consequences and their internal regulation of behaviour. Instead of waiting for or
relying on somebody else (usually the teacher!) to establish goals and deliberately encourage
appropriate behaviour, students can learn to self-instruct, self-monitor and reinforce their own
actions, resulting in increasingly independent and responsible behaviour. Note that the
developmental level of the student is an important consideration for teachers who plan to use
these approaches, as the demands for self-reflection may require a higher level of emotional
maturity than is commonplace among younger children.
Cognitive behavioural programs have the potential to enhance students’ self-perception. This
self-expectation and personal belief is normally developed through individual experiences,
and can be a powerful determinant of future behaviour patterns, so teachers should identify
and apply methods for actively improving the self-efficacy of their students. Cognitive
behavioural strategies also have the potential to assist generalised behaviour change by
enabling students to generate solutions to problems under new and varying conditions. In
their meta-analysis of several intervention techniques for students with disabilities, Lloyd,
Forness and Kavale (1998) found an average positive effect size for cognitive behavioural
based interventions that suggested teachers should use these approaches to promote selfmanagement of behaviour in their students.
What does cognitive behavioural theory and practice mean for the classroom teacher?
Essentially, a teacher using a cognitive behavioural approach incorporates the use of
behavioural strategies like antecedent control, reinforcement and measurement of behaviour
change alongside and complementary to the development of a student’s use of strategies such
as self-instruction, cognitive problem solving and self-regulation. The teacher, as part of the
learning context, assists her/his students to generate and use thinking strategies to modify
their own behaviour.
Cognitive behavioural theory and approaches are included as key theories underpinning the
Lyford model because they provide a research-evidenced link between psychoeducational
and behavioural theories and practices. The popularity and success of cognitive behavioural
programs ‘allows’ teachers to consider taking a pragmatic theoretical approach to classroom
management which can embrace apparently diverse theoretical principles.
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