Running head: BREAKING THE CYCLE
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Breaking the Cycle
Cracking Gender Disparity in Game Development Education
Da Eun (Danny) Kim
Annenberg School for Communication and Journalism
University of Southern California
Paper submitted as partial fulfillment of requirements for
CMGT 597: Communication Research Practicum
Spring 2014
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Abstract
With the rise of social and mobile games, more women are playing games than ever
before, but the greater gender diversity of the general gamer populace has been slow to translate
to games education. To investigate, a survey of 167 communication undergraduates measured
interest in games, game development, and games coursework. An experimental section measured
the effect of a counterstereotypic female role model’s academic and industry background on
interest in games courses taught by the role model. It was hypothesized that participants would
show greater interest in courses taught by the casual games background role model, and that the
counterstereotypic role model would increase overall interest in game development courses
regardless of experimental condition. The findings supported these hypotheses, providing insight
on how games education programs could structure and promote themselves in order to increase
gender diversity in their student bodies.
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Breaking the Cycle: Cracking Gender Disparity in Game Development Education
Video games have come far since their low fidelity infancy. Advances in 3D graphics
now allow for more immersive, filmic gaming experiences than were possible in the past, and
with the ubiquity of mobile devices and motion controls that make gaming accessible to a wider
audience, more people now play games than ever before; according to the Entertainment
Software Association (2013), “58% of Americans play video games,” (p. 2) and a little over half
of American families indicate owning a video game console. Indeed, the stereotype of the
socially challenged, basement-locked adolescent male gamer has never been more wrong than it
is today – the average gamer is now 30 years old, and 35% of parents report playing video games
with their children on a weekly basis (Entertainment Software Association, 2013). The very first
gamers have ‘grown up,’ and many of them are now playing with their children.
Given the popularity of games, it is of little surprise that sales of video games and
associated hardware generated nearly $21 billion of revenue in the US alone in 2012
(Entertainment Software Association, 2013). Video games have become an economic force to be
reckoned with, and nowhere was the medium’s influence arguably more obvious than with the
2013 release of Rockstar’s Grand Theft Auto V. Even prior to its release, the game had already
generated a reputation as the most expensive video game ever produced, with a reported budget
of $265 million; among entertainment products, this number made it second only to Disney’s
2007 blockbuster Pirates of the Caribbean: At World’s End at the time in terms of budget size
(Imran, 2013). But on the day it hit store shelves, Grand Theft Auto V shattered opening day
records in entertainment – both film and video games – by accruing $800 million in revenue on
its first day in stores and over $1 billion in its first three days on the market (Morris, 2013). By
comparison, the previous record holder – yet another video game, Treyarch’s Call of Duty: Black
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Ops II – took 15 days to reach $1 billion, while the film Harry Potter and the Deathly Hallows,
Part II took 17 days to reach the same amount (Morris, 2013).
With the rise of the medium and increasing awareness of its artistic and economic impact,
interest in game development education is now higher than ever before. Moving beyond the
near-cliché masses of trade school game development programs promoted in online banner ads,
game development programs are now offered at many universities of renown, such as the
Massachusetts Institute of Technology, New York University, and the Georgia Institute of
Technology (The Princeton Review, 2013). And demand for these programs continues to grow –
in 2010, George Mason University of Fairfax, VA reported five times higher than expected
demand for its new Computer Game Design program (Good, 2010), while, in 2008, the
Rochester Institute of Technology estimated 1,000 applicants for 90 spots in its next class
(Bayliss & Bierre, 2008).
The specific content of these academic game development programs vary, with different
universities and different departments structured in various ways to create diverse approaches to
game development education. For example, the game design & development program at the
Rochester Institute of Technology, ranked #4 in North America (The Princeton Review, 2013),
operates with a programming emphasis and aims to create “graduates that understand the
technical roots of their medium, the possibilities that creative application of software
development affords, and the way which their industry operates” (Rochester Institute of
Technology, n.d., para. 2). On the other hand, the USC Games program at the University of
Southern California, ranked #1 among graduate game design programs in North America (The
Princeton Review, 2013), is jointly operated by the Interactive Media & Games Division housed
in the School of Cinematic Arts and the Department of Computer Science based in the Viterbi
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School of Engineering (USC Games, n.d.). The way the program is structured allows students to
choose an approach to games befitting their background and interests, from a more artistic
perspective to a more technical approach. The Entertainment Arts & Engineering program at the
University of Utah – ranked #1 among undergraduate game design programs in North America
(The Princeton Review, 2013) – follows a similar thread, consisting of students from the
computer science and film studies departments with an entertainment arts & engineering
emphasis (University of Utah, n.d.). Some programs, such as the Game Lab at the Massachusetts
Institute of Technology, offer no specific game design degree programs for their students, but
instead offer advisement to help students tailor their coursework in a way that prepares them for
work in the game industry (MIT Game Lab, n.d.).
However, despite the greater cultural and economic prevalence of games, the rise of
game development education, and the standing female majority in higher education (Goldin,
Katz, & Kuzmieko, 2006; National Science Foundation, 2009), the relative gender parity present
in the gamer populace (Entertainment Software Association, 2013) has been slow to translate
into academic game development programs. Perhaps reflective of the 88% male majority in the
game industry at large (International Game Developers Association, 2005), the student bodies of
game development programs across the country skew male. In 2008, women made up 10% of the
student body in the undergraduate game design and development program at the Rochester
Institute of Technology (Bayliss & Bierre, 2008). In 2013, the Games track of the Computer
Science department at the University of Southern California – the track that specifically
participates in the USC Games initiative – consisted of 125 male and 19 female students at the
undergraduate level, and 51 male and 5 female students at the graduate level (S. Schrader,
personal communication, September 23, 2013).
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Like all forms of art, video games derive from the experiences and backgrounds of their
creators. As such, the current gender disparity within academic game development programs
severely constrains not only academic discussion but also thematic and mechanic innovation in
creative output. The following literature review examines existing research to provide insight
into the underlying contributors to gender imbalance in game development education, as well as
various communication and behavioral theories applicable in the comprehension and remedying
of this issue.
Literature Review
As a STEM – science, technology, engineering, mathematics – discipline, game
development faces many similar barriers to female participation as other STEM disciplines,
particularly computer science. Yet, as an interdisciplinary art form, games also provide unique
opportunities to engage women. However, the dynamic between the historical male prevalence in
gaming (Cassell & Jenkins, 1998; Heeter, Egidio, Mishra, Winn, & Winn, 2009) and market
responses to satisfy this male majority (Heeter et al., 2009; Entertainment Software Association,
2013) have established a self-reinforcing cycle that has traditionally kept it difficult for women
to make significant strides into gaming culture and game development. Fullerton, Fron, Peace,
and Morie (2008) refer to this concept as a “vicious cycle” (p. 143), and in making the case for a
“virtuous cycle” (p. 141) in gaming culture that is more inclusive of women, Fullerton et al.
(2008) argue that more women in game development would lead to more games appealing to
female tastes and, as such, more female gamers. Indeed, the dismantlement of the existing maleoriented creation-consumption cycle is of paramount importance if game development academia,
the game industry, and gaming culture at large are to become truly gender diverse and, in the
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process, take a step closer to becoming more inclusive in general – not just in terms of gender,
but also in terms of sexuality, ethnicity, socioeconomic background, and more.
The Cycle – A History of Gaming as “Man Space”
The first home video game console, the Magnavox Odyssey, was created by Ralph Baer,
a male engineer (McLemore, 2012). One of the most pervasive gaming platforms, the PC
(Jugelionis et al., 2009), was helped into the mainstream by a male programmer, Bill Gates, and
his creation, Windows (Suominen, 2012). Some of the most venerable franchises in gaming are
all the brainchildren of male designers; examples include Hideo Kojima and Metal Gear Solid,
Gabe Newell and Half Life, John Carmack and Doom, and Shigeru Miyamoto and Super Mario
(Wainwright, 2011). As a result, Heeter et al. (2009) argue that men dominate gaming culture
and that games tend to be made by men for men. The male dominance in gaming culture is
particularly noteworthy as research by Heeter et al. (2009) revealed preferences for games
designed by the same gender in both males and females.
Bryce and Rutter (2003) break down this male dominance of gaming into three spatial
categories: public, domestic, and virtual. They argue that games were assisted in their rise to
prevalence through introduction and proliferation in gendered public spaces such as bars, pubs,
and arcades (Bryce & Rutter, 2003). They add that even within the domestic household, a space
typically seen as a feminine domain, men exert control over the two devices most often used for
gaming: the television and the computer (Bryce & Rutter, 2003). Bryce and Rutter (2003)
continue by adding that although online gaming – the virtual space – can help women build
gaming skills and compete against male gamers without gender markers (Bryce & Rutter, 2002),
women often suffer from hateful and sexist conduct directed at them by male gamers in online
spaces. The separation induced by these gendered spaces is particularly problematic given the
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role access and social environment can play in shaping gaming knowledge and preferences (Carr,
2005).
All of this projects the image of a medium that has historically been made by men for
men to be played on platforms created by men in spaces where men dominate. Laurel (1998)
summed it up aptly in the CHI-98 keynote address:
Computer games as we know them were invented by young men… They were enjoyed
by young men, and young men soon made a very profitable business of them… Arcade
computer games were sold into male-gendered spaces, and when home computer game
consoles were invented, they were sold through male-oriented consumer electronics
channels to more young men. The whole industry consolidated very quickly around a
young male demographic - all the way from the gameplay design to the arcade
environment to the retail world. (as cited in Carr, 2005, p. 467)
Market Response
Driven by profit, developers and publishers have long put much of their effort into the
development and marketing of blockbuster games that match the violence-seeking (Dawson,
Cragg, Taylor, & Toombs, 2007; Kafai, 1998; Quaiser-Pohl, Geiser, & Lehmann, 2005) tastes of
these ‘conventional’ male gamers. An analysis of print video game ads and video game trailers
by Combs (2010) found that nearly four in five of the games advertised contained violence,
indicative of the sheer level of market dominance that male-driven violent video games have
achieved. And of the top 10 games of 2012 in terms of units sold, only one game – Ubisoft’s
rhythm game Just Dance 4 – did not involve some form violence or sport competition
(Entertainment Software Association, 2013), the latter category appealing to the male preference
for competitive elements (Phillips, 2005; Heeter et al., 2009; Hartmann & Klimmt, 2006; Lucas
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& Sherry, 2004; Williams, Consalvo, Caplan, & Yee, 2009). This fact combined with the
aforementioned information regarding Grand Theft Auto V budget size and Call of Duty: Black
Ops II sales – the ninth installment in the Call of Duty franchise – speak volumes as to the
prevailing consumer taste and priorities of the industry alike.
Differences in Play
By flooding the market and media with violent, competitive games, the game industry
has essentially decreed the tastes of female gamers a secondary interest, given that extant
research suggests gender differences in game content preferences and motivators for play. Unlike
men, who display a preference for violent and action-centric video games (Dawson et al., 2007;
Kafai, 1998; Quaiser-Pohl et al., 2005), women seem to prefer management, life-simulation,
puzzle, and driving games (Dawson et al., 2007; Hayes, 2005). Female gamers also tend to
prioritize the narrative and social aspects of gaming, while male gamers care more about
competition and achievement (Phillips, 2005; Heeter et al., 2009; Hartmann & Klimmt, 2006;
Lucas & Sherry, 2004; Williams, Consalvo, Caplan, & Yee, 2009). Women display lower
attraction to competitive elements and are likely to report the absence of social elements and the
presence of violence as reasons for their dislike of video games (Hartmann & Klimmt, 2006, p.
910). Violent content may actually trigger distress in women – research by Cooper, Hall, and
Huff (1990) found that learning software containing violent content caused stress in female
students, while learning software requiring verbal and interpersonal skills and lacking violence
increased stress in male students. Women also tend to play for shorter periods of time per sitting
and spend overall less time playing games than do men (Winn & Heeter, 2009).
Gender differences in design. Interestingly, gender based differences may be present
not only in content preference and motivators for play, but also in design processes and
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preferences. Carbonaro, Szafron, Cutumisu, and Schaeffer (2010) found that female students
more so than male students tended to design interactive stories that promoted higher level
thinking, as measured by Rice’s (2007) Video Game Higher Order Thinking Evaluation Rubric
(Carbonaro, Szafron, Cutumisu, & Schaeffer, 2010). Also noteworthy is the fact that no
significant gender differences were present in enjoyment of interactive story design (Carbonaro
et al., 2010).
Furthermore, Heeter et al. (2009) found that female students tended to take a more
inclusive approach to game design, aiming their games at players of both genders, while male
students created games exclusively for males. The female students’ games included both male
and female non-player characters, as well as elements of character customization that allowed the
player to choose their avatar’s gender; on the other hand, the male students’ games assumed their
player would be male and created mostly male non-player characters (Heeter et al., 2009). The
female students’ games also tended to include “virtual social elements” (p. 15), such as the
ability to interact, negotiate, and maintain relationships with non-player characters in the game;
interaction with non-player characters in male students’ games was generally limited to combat
(Heeter et al., 2009). Such differences in design approach and conceptualization support the idea
that the shortage of women in game development is indeed limiting further thematic and
mechanic advancement in games.
Power of Stereotypes
However, a major barrier has long stood in the way of the thematic and mechanic
innovation that more women in game development could bring about: stereotypes. Stereotypes
pose a major dual threat to increasing female student enrollment in both game development
programs and STEM education at large. The first threat lies in gender-differentiated expectations
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(Eccles, 1990) regarding women’s STEM fit and aptitude. The second threat lies in stereotypes
regarding gamers and developers.
Women are inundated with sociocultural presumptions regarding gender-differentiated
abilities and interests, telling them that the arts, humanities, and education are feminine, and that
STEM fields are masculine and unfit for them (Acker & Oatley, 1993; Colley, Comber, &
Hargreaves, 1994; Collis & Ollila, 1990; Potts & Martinez, 1994; Beyer, 1995). They receive
these messages at home, at school, and from the media (Brownlow, Smith, & Ellis, 2002). As a
result of these messages, women often underestimate their own STEM aptitude (Correll, 2001;
Sax, 1994; Ehrlinger & Dunning, 2003; Miura, 1987; Cheryan, Plaut, Handron, & Hudson,
2013), a significant problem given the influence self-efficacy has on behavior (Fishbein, 2000).
Presumptions about their aptitude may also drive talented women with both STEM proficiency
and strong verbal skills into pursuing careers outside STEM subjects (Wang, Eccles, & Kenny,
2013).
The threat posed by these assumptions regarding women’s STEM aptitude cannot be
emphasized enough. Stereotypes have been shown to have a negative effect not only on interest
in STEM fields (Davies, Spencer, Quinn, & Gerhardstein, 2002; Shapiro & Williams, 2012), but
also on performance (Spencer, Steele, & Quinn, 1999) and learning (Rydell, Shiffrin, Boucher,
Van Loo, & Rydell, 2010). Thus, female students in male-dominated, stereotype-driven
computing environments may find themselves caught in a destructive cycle – they might learn
technical concepts more slowly, perform worse in classes, and lose interest in STEM as a result.
The stereotype of the typical ‘gamer’ also poses a major barrier to increased participation
by women in gaming culture and game development academia. Gaming and computer science
suffer from many similar ‘nerd’ stereotypes regarding social incompetence and physical
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unattractiveness (Kowert, Griffths, & Oldmeadow, 2007; Cheryan et al., 2013). Shaw (2012)
found that negative stereotypes associated with games and gaming can make people avoid
identifying as a gamer, and even to forego gaming altogether. The negative effects of the nerd
stereotype are likely amplified in adolescents, who are particularly self-conscious and, as such,
more vulnerable to these negative media messages (Pechmann, Levine, Loughlin, & Leslie,
2005). Women’s self identities are strongly affected by the female gender role (Eagly, 1987), and
the dissonance between the powerful nerd stereotype and the expectations that accompany the
female gender role (Diekman et al. 2010; Eagly & Steffen, 1984) could be discouraging women
from pursuing gaming and game development.
The influence of the nerd stereotype on women’s career choices was shown by Cheryan
et al. (2013), who found that “women who read [fabricated articles stating] that computer
scientists no longer fit the stereotypes expressed more interest in computer science than those
who read that computer scientists fit the stereotypes” (p. 58). And while similarity identification
can often be effective at inducing behavioral change (Feilitzen & Linne, 1975), the stigma of the
nerd stereotype may be so powerful that it can undermine the benefits of identification. Cheryan,
Siy, Vichyapai, Drury, and Kim (2011) found that while role model gender did not affect female
students’ computer science success beliefs, stereotypical role models of either gender led to
lowered success beliefs in female students.
A stereotype-induced aversion to games likely contributes cyclically to the low number
of women in STEM professions, as games are often considered a ‘gateway’ platform into further
exploration of technical fields (AAUW Educational Foundation, 2005; Hayes, 2005; Guzdial &
Soloway, 2002). However, while this gender-differentiated aversion to gaming may be partly
attributable to the fact that females tend to be more self-conscious (Rankin, Lane, Gibbons, &
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Gerrard, 2004), their “fear” of the nerd stereotype may not necessarily be unfounded – women’s
expression of interest in STEM can negatively influence others’ perception of them (Brownlow,
Smith, & Ellis, 2002).
The Cycle Unravels – The Rise of Women in Gaming
Despite the socio-cultural barriers standing in their way and the historical dominance of
men in gaming, women have begun to make significant progress into gaming culture and the
games industry. According to the Entertainment Software Association (2013), 45% of gamers
today are women. Part of this increase in women may be due to the greater prevalence of
technology and the associated exposure to technology at earlier ages (Quaiser-Pohl et al., 2005),
and 99% of male children and 94% of female children of adolescent age report playing video
games (Pew Internet and American Life Project, 2007).
However, despite this clear increased quantitative presence, many still view gaming as a
male-heavy hobby. Part of this discrepancy in perceived female presence in gaming and the
Entertainment Software Association’s (2013) supposed near-parity in gaming may be due to the
difference in “gamer” as an identity versus as a label. Shaw (2012) is quick to note that academia
often labels people as gamers merely because they play games, regardless of whether or not
those people actually identify as gamers themselves, and she flatly asserts, “Labeling everyone
who plays video games as a gamer, however, is misguided” (Shaw, 2012, p. 29). Someone who
plays Words with Friends or Candy Crush on their phone may be empirically labeled a gamer by
researchers, but may not themselves identify as a gamer or be identified as a gamer by others;
and as such, labeled gamers who do not identify as gamers may not necessarily be visible or
actively participate in gaming culture.
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Indeed, the increasing popularity of so-called “casual” games like Words with Friends,
Candy Crush, and FarmVille (Casual Games Association, 2007) could be to credit for the
disconnect in perceived prevalence of female gamers and the number of women who actually
play games. According to the Casual Games Association (2007), the majority of casual game
players are women, and women are less likely than men to identify as gamers (Shaw, 2012). The
reason for the casual games’ popularity with women may be the games’ greater compatibility
with the temporal demands placed on them. Winn and Heeter (2009) found that in addition to
reporting less gameplay time, women tend to report less leisure time overall as a result of
needing to complete more obligatory tasks, and when they do play, women are likely to play
games in shorter bursts than do men.
The design characteristics frequently manifesting in casual games make them a better fit
for these shorter bursts of play than traditional narrative-driven games; such design
characteristics include their intuitiveness, shallow learning curve, forgivingness, and locationaltemporal flexibility (Kultima, 2009). Simply put, casual games are easy to learn, can be played
anywhere, are easily picked up and put down as needed, and can be played parallel to the
execution of other tasks (Kultima, 2009), making them a better fit for the lower amount leisure
time and shorter spurts of game time that women exhibit (Winn & Heeter, 2009). Kultima (2009)
additionally argues that the mechanics in casual games are often distilled to a degree that they
sidestep socially inappropriate topics such as violence and sexuality and instead focus on abstract
mechanics like puzzles. This avoidance of violent themes and focus on abstract mechanics likely
further helps attract female gamers to casual games, given their distaste for violent content and
affinity for puzzle mechanics (Dawson et al., 2007; Hayes, 2005; Hartmann & Klimmt, 2006).
However, it is important to remember that the “casual” label does not necessarily connote level
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of play or dedication – Shaw (2012) points out that, “There is […] nothing casual about playing
FarmVille on Facebook for hours on end, just as there is nothing inherently hardcore about
playing an hour of Halo with friends” (p. 30), and goes on to suggest that the “casual” and
“hardcore” labels may be more of a reference to the effort needed to produce these games (Shaw,
2012).
Established female game developers. But women have also come to occupy many high
level, high profile positions at developers producing not-so-“casual” games. A notable example
is Jade Raymond, head of Ubisoft Toronto (Graser, 2013) and veteran developer whose credits
include the widely popular Splinter Cell and Assassin’s Creed franchises (MobyGames, n.d.).
Another example is Kellee Santiago, head of developer relations at Ouya (Graser, 2013), an
alumna of the USC Interactive Media & Games Division, and co-founder and former president
of critically acclaimed Playstation 3 game developer Thatgamecompany (USC Games, n.d.).
Graser (2013) also notes the presence of female developers at other major developers such as
343 Industries and Microsoft Game Studios.
Bumps in the path. However, women’s march into gaming has not come easily. The
gender gap in income persists in the games industry, with a 27% discrepancy in average income
between men and women (Graser, 2013) that is higher than the workforce-wide gender wage gap
of 19.1% (Institute for Women’s Policy Research, 2013). The representation of women can also
vary wildly by department, with women often more common in production management and art
positions compared to programming roles (J. Harlin, personal communication, October 15,
2013).
Cultural artifacts resulting from the long-standing male dominance in gaming culture can
also pose a significant problem. March 2013 saw the resignation of Brenda Romero, a 30-year
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veteran game developer, from the International Game Developer Association’s Women in
Games group after she saw that the organization had employed sexualized female dancers as
entertainment for one of their events (Graser, 2013). Romero had previously expressed her
distaste for the presence of ‘booth babes’ – women often employed by game companies to work
at their booths during events, commonly wearing suggestive outfits – at conventions, stating that
they make her feel uncomfortable (Graser, 2013).
On a similar thread, the inappropriate conduct women often face when playing games in
digital spaces (Salter & Blodgett, 2012) has unfortunately been shown to manifest at times in
games-related physical space. Female attendees and journalists report being harassed, groped, or
otherwise inappropriately addressed at game industry events. In 2013, Tina Amini of Kotaku, a
popular gaming news blog, penned an article titled “The Creepy Side of E3,” describing
women’s experiences at the Electronic Entertainment Expo that year (Amini, 2013). In it, Amini
discusses several instances in which her female colleagues were left feeling uncomfortable or in
danger at E3. One female journalist faced a security guard who repeatedly accosted her, going so
far as to “[wrap] his hands around her shoulders” (para. 14) and grope her arms despite her
continued signs of disinterest (Amini, 2013). Another journalist reported being approached by a
male attendee and asked what booth she belonged to, the man having assumed that she was a
‘booth babe’ (Amini, 2013). And a female PR representative discovered that a male attendee had
discreetly zoomed in and photographed her breasts while she had been posing for another photo
(Amini, 2013).
Breaking the Cycle
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Despite the hurdles and the gradual unraveling of the male-oriented cycle, game
development and computer science programs across the country have been aware of the gender
disparity in the field and taken active steps to remedy the problem.
Between 1995 and 2000, the computer science department at Carnegie Mellon University
increased the percentage of female freshman computer science majors from 7% to 42% through
various methods (Lin, 2013). The admissions process was altered to be more holistic, focusing
on potential in programming instead of experience, and the curriculum was altered so that early
coursework emphasized real world applications and impact of technology (Lin, 2013). In
addition, the computer science department started an organization called Women@SCS to
provide support and guidance to female students in the department, and this organization began
outreach to high schools and events on campus regarding women’s issues in STEM (Lin, 2013).
The Interactive Media & Games Division (IMGD) at the University of Southern
California practices similar attempts at inclusivity. The department’s summer programs are
aimed at attracting counter-stereotypical students, and introductory courses in the division are
intentionally light on programming and more design, theory, and history oriented in order to be
more inclusive of those without technical backgrounds (T. Fullerton, personal communication,
September 30, 2013). On the whole, the Interactive Media & Games Division attempts to stray
away from the stereotypical ‘techie’ atmosphere and puts emphasis on coursework in nonstereotypical game-related topics such as storytelling, visual expression, and games and learning
(T. Fullerton, personal communication, September 30, 2013).
Perhaps partly as a result of practices like these, combined with larger cultural shifts, the
gender disparity in game development education is showing signs of weakening. Compared to
the 10% of the program that female students represented in 2008 (Bayliss & Bierre, 2008), the
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undergraduate game design and development major at the Rochester Institute of Technology was
25-30% female in 2013, with its sister major, new media interactive development, being roughly
40% female (J. Bayliss, personal communication, September 30, 2013). The undergraduate
program of the University of Southern California’s Interactive Media & Games Division as of
2013 consisted of roughly 75% male students and 25% female students (A. Thompson, personal
communication, October 22, 2013), while the graduate program of 45 students is roughly onethird female (S. Roberts, personal communication, October 22, 2013). There has been a general
upward trend in female student enrollment at both the graduate and undergraduate levels, and the
graduate class entering in 2013 nearly achieved gender parity (T. Fullerton, personal
communication, September 30, 2013).
Potential future theory-driven outreach. The preceding sections of the literature
review provide insight as to various key factors that could be addressed to increase the number of
women in game development education. The application of various theories of persuasion and
behavioral change in the development of outreach and promotional methods as well as analysis
and modeling of past successful attempts at inclusivity may be effective in attracting more
women to academic game development programs.
Nerds no more. A series of videos with carefully chosen female game industry
spokespeople could be a particularly effective method of outreach to female students. The videos
would showcase the work and lives of notable female game developers. In doing so, these videos
would not only provide valuable information on the game industry to viewers who can visually
identify with the developers, but also work to subtly counteract the nerd stereotype in the
viewers’ minds. One organization that found success in releasing a similar video starring notable
industry spokespeople is Code.org, a non-profit organization working to promote and expand
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computer science education in the United States. In early 2013, Code.org released a video titled
“What Most Schools Don’t Teach,” featuring several technology industry figures and media
celebrities discussing their experience with computer programming and their belief in the
importance of computer programming knowledge. The video quickly went viral across social
media networks, accruing over 12 million views in two weeks (Taylor, 2013).
The Code.org video was not perfect, however – the counter-stereotypicality of some of
the featured spokespeople was questionable. Given the negative effects of stereotypical role
models on self-efficacy in female students (Cheryan et al., 2011), care must be taken to
determine what women consider typical of a “stereotypical game developer” and select
spokespeople who do not fall into these stereotypes. Despite the seeming superficiality,
attractiveness is a key factor influencing source persuasiveness (Hovland, Janis, & Kelley, 1953)
and the halo effect suggests that people think more positively of attractive individuals (Nisbett &
Wilson, 1977), indicating that the selection of physically attractive spokespeople may be
effective in increasing the persuasiveness of the video. In addition, choosing spokespeople whose
prior works consist of games that cater to female preferences would likely be beneficial, and
some suggest that portraying games as an artform rather than a technology as much as possible
could be beneficial given the stigma computing can carry (T. Fullerton, personal communication,
September 30, 2013). Seeing female role models in action in game development is likely to
result in viewers forming possible selves, a potential future version of oneself that can affect
behavior (Markus & Nurius, 1986), in their minds, and if a female student can imagine herself as
a game developer, then she is that much more likely to find ways to make that vision a reality.
These videos’ effectiveness may be boosted by a national speaking tour by these
spokespeople or extracurricular programs spearheaded by these spokespeople, performed in
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partnership with intra-university organizations and high achievement high schools across the
nation. One particular organization that may help foster these connections is the National
Consortium for Specialized Schools of Mathematics, Science, and Technology (NCSSSMST).
Among its member institutions are several ranked among the top 15 public high schools
nationwide as ranked by US News & World Report, including The Gwinnett School of
Mathematics, Science and Technology; Thomas Jefferson High School for Science and
Technology; High Technology High School; and Maine School of Science and Mathematics
(NCSSSMST, 2013; US News, 2013). Partnering with NCSSSMST and its member institutions
would allow for more direct outreach to students who are not only high-achievers but have
previously demonstrated aptitude in STEM disciplines. Other organizations that may prove
effective partners in terms of outreach, promotion, and fundraising include Intel, the
International Game Developers Association – both of whom already maintain gender diversity
initiatives – and institutional branches of Women in Science and Engineering (WISE).
Linking to existing interests. Another method that could be effective in attracting more
women to game development is tying game development to existing interests. Carnegie Mellon’s
decision to include early coursework that focused on the impacts of computing on society (Lin,
2013) may be a good model to follow. Framing can play a major role in perception of an issue
(Druckman, 2001), and the utilization of framing in promoting game development does not need
to stop with tying it to just societal interests. Reaching out to departments, classes, and student
organizations whose affiliated disciplines contribute to game development – art, writing, music,
etc. – or may benefit from innovative application of games – any discipline, but examples
include biological sciences, architecture, and sports sciences – and offering workshops or
information sessions that frame game development as interlinked with their respective fields may
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21
be particularly effective at enticing otherwise uninterested students into game development
coursework. Given that women often pursue education, social sciences, the humanities, or health
sciences as their major (Daymont & Andrisani, 1984; Zafar, 2009), these departments and their
affiliated student organizations may be good places to begin outreach.
At the information session, students would have the opportunity to interact with a speaker
of similar background or interests who works in the game development industry. They would see
examples of games that the speaker has worked on in the industry – an example would be
Susanna Ruiz, the developer of Darfur is Dying (Games for Change, n.d.), speaking to a class
that is studying the impact of genocide, or a concept artist from Maxis, the team behind The
Sims, presenting to a 2D hand-drawing class. If time allows, abbreviated versions of these
workshops could be given at the beginning of class sessions led by permitting instructors,
followed by distribution of brochures for game development coursework and minors;
furthermore, a version of these information sessions presented as interview videos may also be
beneficial in the same vein as the videos mentioned above. Working with departmental
administration to integrate associated game development course options into major or minor
requirements could also prove beneficial – a female pre-med student interested in a games for
health promotion class is more likely to enroll in the class if she knows it will count toward her
major, as would an education major considering a games for learning course.
In tying game development to women’s self interests, the goal is to increase perceived
self-efficacy in game development since, as previously mentioned, self-efficacy is a key
component in behavior change (Fishbein, 2003). This method would also be an application of the
foot-in-door approach to persuasion, which increases the likelihood of compliance with larger
commitments through smaller precursor commitments (Green, 1965). Female students who
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22
attend a workshop or information session relating to game development are more likely to try
introductory coursework in game development, those who try those introductory courses are
more likely to take more courses, and so on. First, a workshop, then maybe a class; and from
there, a minor, a major, or perhaps even a career.
Overview and Hypotheses
The following study assesses the level of interest in these theory-driven outreach methods
and hence, their potential effectiveness at persuading women to engage with game development.
Surveys were distributed to students in courses unrelated to game development. Students were
asked whether they would be interested in learning about game development from nonstereotypical role models in various contexts.
Given women’s genre preferences (Dawson et al., 2007; Hayes, 2005; Casual Games
Association, 2007), it is hypothesized that students will display greater interest in engaging with
the game developer role model who develops casual games (H1). It is hypothesized that students
will also show greater interest in engaging with role model from the same academic background
as them (H2). In terms of channel of extracurricular engagement, it is hypothesized that students
will show greater interest in engaging with the game developer role model in a non-classroom,
in-person environment than in watching a video about the role model (H3). Furthermore, it is
hypothesized that, regardless of experimental condition, students will show greater interest in
game-related classes when courses are tied with the role model (H4).
Method
Participants
Participants (N = 167) consisted of 48 male and 119 female undergraduate students from
the University of Southern California Annenberg School for Communication. Participants were
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23
mainly recruited through in-person and email announcements in classes such as Advertising and
Communication; Foundations for the Study of Entertainment, Communication and Society; and
Communication and Social Science. Participation was voluntary. Participants recruited through
classes received course extra credit for participation in the survey. 98% (n = 164) of participants
were between age 18 and 24, with 20 (n = 42) and 21 (n = 42) being the mode age responses.
Survey
A self-completed survey was distributed via Qualtrics. The survey was divided into two
sections, with a common section measuring participants’ interest in different types of games (e.g.
“I am interested in console games.”), game development (e.g. “I would like to learn how my
academic and/or professional interests could be applied to the video game industry.”), and game
development classes (e.g. “I would be interested in taking…”); and an experimental section that
measured interest in the theory-driven outreach methods described in the literature review (e.g.
“I would be interested in an on-campus presentation led by Annika about her work in the game
industry.”). Surveys were chosen as the method of data collection for this study due to their
ability to effectively quantify participant attitudes about a given topic. All questions were
answered on a 5-point Likert scale, ranging from “Strongly Disagree” to “Strongly Agree” in
most items and “Very Negative” to “Very Positive” in one item.
Interest in games. Given the popularity of mobile and social gaming in particular with
women (Casual Games Association, 2007), indication of interest in games was divided into two
categories – interest in console games and interest in mobile and social games.
Interest in game development. Participants indicated their level of interest in game
development. Once again, separate items measured level of interest in console game
development and mobile-social game development. One item measures participants’ attitude
BREAKING THE CYCLE
24
toward game developers, as biases resulting from the “nerd” stereotype may cause lower
indicated interest in game development and, hence, the outreach methods (Cheryan et al, 2013).
Three items measured participants’ level of interest in video game related coursework, with
increasing situational specificity from question to question.
Interest in theory-driven outreach methods. To measure the effect of featured role
model background on interest in theory-driven outreach methods, a 2 (Academic Background:
Similar vs Dissimilar) X 2 (Industry Background: Casual game development vs. Core game
development) between-subjects design was utilized in the final section of the survey. Following
the common section of the survey outlined above, participants were randomly assigned to one of
four conditions (Similar x Core, Similar x Casual, Dissimilar x Core, Dissimilar x Casual) and
exposed to a role model profile corresponding to the assigned condition. The photo in the profile
was kept constant across all experimental groups, while the text portion was modified to reflect
the four experimental conditions. Syntactic structure of the text was kept as consistent as
possible. After viewing the profile, participants were then asked to indicate interest in a variety
of ‘role model associated’ components – attending an on-campus workshop led by, enrolling in a
course taught by, or watching a video about the featured fictional developer – using a 5-point
scale.
Pilot study. A pilot study was conducted to confirm the visual counter-stereotypicality of
the fictional game developer depicted in the profiles. Eight participants, 5 female and 3 male
undergraduate and graduate students between the ages of 20 to 26, were first asked to visualize a
stereotypical game developer in their minds. Then, they were shown the photo used to represent
the fictional game developer in the survey and asked to rate the individual depicted in the photo
BREAKING THE CYCLE
25
stereotypic or counter-stereotypic. All participants were in consensus regarding the visual
counter-stereotypicality of the individual depicted in the photo.
Results
Games Background
Interest in games. There was an overall greater interest in mobile and social games (M =
3.48, SD = 1.08) than in console games (M = 2.93, SD = 1.39), with 39% (n = 65) of participants
agreeing or strongly agreeing that they are interested in console games, compared to 63% (n =
104) agreement or strong agreement for the same question about mobile and/or social games. A
paired samples t-test revealed that the interest level difference between the two categories of
games was significant, t(166) = 4.99, p < .001. Independent sample t-tests revealed significant
gender difference in interest in console games, with males (M = 3.96, SD = 1.25) expressing a
greater interest in console games than did females (M = 2.51, SD = 1.22), t(165) = 6.87, p <
0.001, but no significant gender difference in interest in casual games, t(165) = 0.16, p = .874.
Gameplay experience. Paired samples t-tests revealed significant differences in console
gaming and casual gaming frequency among participants, in favor of console gaming (M = 3.21,
SD = 1.28) over casual gaming (M = 2.44, SD = 1.10) when they were younger, t(165) = 6.38, p
< .001, and in favor of casual gaming (M = 2.92, SD = 1.15) over console gaming (M = 2.28, SD
= 1.14) at the present, t(165) = 5.71, p < .001. Paired samples t-tests also showed that
participants play casual games significantly more often now, t(164) = 4.38, p < .001, and played
console games significantly more often when they were younger, t(166) = 11.782 p < .001.
Males (M = 3.21, SD = 1.22) indicated playing console games more often than females (M =
1.90, SD = .867). Independent sample t-tests revealed significant differences between males and
females; in current console gaming frequency, t(67.024) = 6.78, p < .001, and past console
BREAKING THE CYCLE
26
gaming frequency, t(119.064) = 6.86, p < .001, but no significant differences in current or past
casual gaming frequency.
Interest in game development. Overall, interest in development was low, for both
casual games (M = 2.32, SD = 1.15) and console games (M = 1.98, SD = 1.01), and interest in
development was significantly lower than interest in the game types themselves for both casual
games, t(166) = 11.71, p < .001, and console games, t(166) = 10.24, p < .001. Interest in casual
game development was significantly higher than interest in console game development, t(166) =
4.67, p < .001. There was a significant gender difference in interest in console game
development, t(70.862) = 3.47, p = .001), with males (M = 2.44, SD = 1.15) indicating greater
interest than did females (M = 1.80, SD = .889). There was also a significant gender difference in
interest in casual game development, t(165) = 3.33, p = .001, with males (M = 2.77, SD = 1.207)
once again displaying greater interest than did females (M = 2.13, SD = 1.081). The mean score
for participants’ opinion of game developers was 3.64 (SD = 0.73), and a one-sample t-test
indicated this to be significantly positive, t(164) = 11.28, p < .001 – however, although both were
positive, an independent samples t-test indicated a significant difference between males (M
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27
Table 1.
Interest in Type of Class, One Sample Test
t
Game design
Game business
Game criticism
Intro to games
Game writing
Game art
-3.159
-.360
-2.510
.544
-6.313
-4.419
df
166
166
166
166
166
165
Test Value = 3
Sig. (2Mean
tailed)
Difference
.002
.719
.013
.587
.000
.000
-.299
-.036
-.234
.054
-.581
-.398
95% Confidence
Interval of the
Difference
Lower
Upper
-.49
-.11
-.23
.16
-.42
-.05
-.14
.25
-.76
-.40
-.58
-.22
= 3.96, SD = .721) and females (M = 3.51, SD = .689) in opinion of game developers, t(163) =
3.73, p < .001.
Interest in video game courses. One sample t-tests showed significantly negative
interest in non role model associated (nRMA) design, criticism, writing, and art classes, as
shown in Table 1. Males showed greater interest in all types of courses as shown in Table 2, and
independent sample t-tests revealed these differences to be significant – design, t(165) = 4.15, p
< .001; business, t(165) = 5.59, p < .001; criticism, t(165) = 4.05, p < .001; intro, t(165) = 3.80, p
< .001; writing, t(72.114) = 3.82, p < .001; art, t(164) = 2.84, p = .005. Mean interest in video
game business classes (M = 2.96, SD = 1.29) and introductory video game classes (M = 3.05, SD
= 1.28) were the highest, both in total and for each gender separately.
Experimental Section
Interest in on-campus presentation. Independent sample t-tests revealed significant
gender differences in interest in a role model associated presentation, t(108.646) = 3.740, p <
.001, with males (M = 3.75, SD = 0.812) indicating greater interest in the presentation than did
females (M = 3.19, SD = 1.017). Overall mean interest in the role model associated presentation
BREAKING THE CYCLE
Table 2.
Interest in Type of Class, By Gender
Gender
Game design
Game business
Game criticism
Intro to games
Game writing
Game art
Male
Female
Male
Female
Male
Female
Male
Female
Male
Female
Male
Female
28
N
48
119
48
119
48
119
48
119
48
119
47
119
Mean
3.29
2.46
3.77
2.64
3.33
2.54
3.63
2.82
3.00
2.18
3.00
2.45
Std.
Std. Error
Deviation
Mean
1.22
.176
1.15
.105
1.21
.174
1.18
.108
1.23
.177
1.12
.103
1.18
.170
1.25
.115
1.32
.191
1.05
.096
1.25
.182
1.09
.100
(M = 3.35, SD = .993) was found to be significantly greater than the neutral value of 3, t(164) =
4.55, p < .001, as was females’ interest in particular, t(116) = 2.00, p = .048. Two-way
ANOVAs revealed no significant Academic Background or Industry Background effects or
interaction (all p > .05).
Interest in YouTube video. Independent sample t-tests revealed significant gender
differences in interest in a role model associated YouTube video, t(165) = 2.025, p = 0.044, with
males (M = 3.54, SD = 0.967) indicating greater interest in the video than did females (M = 3.20,
SD = 0.988). Overall mean interest in the role model associated YouTube video (M = 3.30, SD =
.991) was found to be significantly greater than the neutral value of 3, t(166) = 3.90, p < .001, as
was females’ interest in particular, t(118) = 2.23, p = .028. Two-way ANOVAs revealed no
significant Industry Background or Academic Background effects or interaction (all p > .05).
Paired sample t-tests showed no significant difference between mean interest in the on-campus
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29
Table 3.
Interest in Type of Class, nRMA vs RMA
Mean
Pair 1
Pair 2
Pair 3
Pair 4
Pair 5
Pair 6
nRMA Game Design
RMA Game Design
nRMA Game Business
RMA Game Business
nRMA Game Criticism
RMA Game Criticism
nRMA Intro to Games
RMA Intro to Games
nRMA Game Writing
RMA Game Writing
nRMA Game Art
RMA Game Art
2.70
2.87
2.96
3.16
2.77
2.90
3.05
3.22
2.42
2.62
2.60
2.77
N
Std. Deviation
167
167
167
167
167
167
167
167
166
166
166
166
1.23
1.07
1.29
1.18
1.20
1.09
1.28
1.09
1.19
1.09
1.16
1.10
Std. Error
Mean
.095
.083
.100
.091
.093
.084
.099
.085
.093
.085
.090
.085
presentation (M = 3.35, SD = .993) and mean interest in the Youtube video (M = 3.30, SD =
.996).
Role model effect on interest in video game coursework. For all types of courses, there
was greater interest in role model associated (RMA) courses than in their nRMA counterparts, as
shown in Table 3, and paired-sample t-tests revealed the difference to be significant in all cases,
as shown in Table 4. One sample t-tests showed participants did not indicate significantly
negative interest in RMA design and RMA criticism classes (both p > .05), unlike in their nRMA
counterparts, while participants showed positive interest approaching significance in RMA
business classes, t(166) = 1.70, p = .09, and significant positive interest in RMA introductory
classes, t(166) = 2.55, p = .012.
Effects. To calculate Academic Background, Industry Background, and gender effects on
the effects of the role model profile, participants were assigned an “interest change” value for
each type of video game class, calculated by subtracting interest in an RMA class type (Q14)
BREAKING THE CYCLE
Table 4.
Paired Samples Test Between Interest in Non-RMA and RMA Classes
Paired Differences
t
M
SD
SEM 95% Confidence
Interval of the
Difference
Lower Upper
nRMA Design
Pair
– RMA
-.168
.758
.059
-.283
-.052 -2.860
1
Design
nRMA
Pair Business –
-.192
.956
.074
-.338
-.045 -2.589
2
RMA
Business
nRMA
Pair Criticism –
-.132
.811
.063
-.256
-.008 -2.100
3
RMA
Criticism
Pair nRMA Intro –
-.162
.845
.065
-.291
-.033 -2.471
4
RMA Intro
nRMA
Pair
Writing –
-.199
.854
.066
-.330
-.068 -2.998
5
RMA Writing
Pair nRMA Art –
-.163
.796
.062
-.285
-.041 -2.632
6
RMA Art
30
df
Sig.
(2tailed)
166
.005
166
.010
166
.037
166
.014
165
.003
165
.009
from the baseline indicated interest in its nRMA counterpart (Q8); for example, the game
business interest change value would be baseline nRMA game business class interest minus the
RMA game business class interest. For the resulting interest change value, higher scores
represented a greater positive change after reading the role model profile and lower scores
represented greater negative change after reading the role model profile.
Academic Background and Industry Background effects. Two-way ANOVAs revealed an
approaching-significance interaction between Industry Background and Academic Background,
BREAKING THE CYCLE
Table 5.
Two-way ANOVA
Dependent Variable: Change in Intro to Games Class Interest
Source
Type III Sum of
df
Mean Square
Squares
Corrected Model
7.042a
3
2.347
Intercept
4.415
1
4.415
Academic
2.688
1
2.688
Background
Industry Background
1.647
1
1.647
Academic
Background *
2.688
1
2.688
Industry Background
Error
111.592
163
.685
Total
123.000
167
Corrected Total
118.635
166
a. R Squared = .059 (Adjusted R Squared = .042)
31
F
Sig.
3.429
6.449
.019
.012
3.927
.049
2.405
.123
3.927
.049
F(1, 163) = 2.79, p = .097, on design class interest change. An independent sample t-test
showed the Industry Background effect on design class interest change to be significant when
Academic Background was Dissimilar, t(74.29) = 2.49, p = .015.
An interaction between Industry Background and Academic Background approaching
significance was also present in the case of business class interest change, F(1, 163) = 3.22, p =
.074. An independent sample t-test showed the Industry Background effect on design class
interest change to be significant when Academic Background was Dissimilar, t(65.49) = 2.09, p
= .04.
There was a significant main effect of Academic Background on introductory class
interest change, F(1, 163) = 3.93, p = .049, and a significant interaction between Industry
Background and Academic Background on the value as well, F(1, 163) = 3.93, p = .049, as
shown in Table 5; an independent sample T-test showed that the Academic Background effect
was significant when Industry Background was Core, t(81) = 3.16, p = .002, and that the Industry
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32
Background effect was significant when Academic Background was Dissimilar, t(61.469) =
2.27, p = .027.
There was a significant interaction between Industry Background and Academic
Background on game writing class interest change, F(1, 162) = 3.90, p = .05; an independent
sample t-test showed that the Academic Background effect was significant when the Industry
Background was Core, t(81) = 2.41, p = .018, and that the Industry Background effect was
significant when Academic Background was Dissimilar, t(81) = 2.37, p = .02.
There was a significant main effect of Academic Background on game art class interest
change, F(1, 162) = 4.46, p = .036, and an interaction approaching significance between Industry
Background and Academic Background on game art class interest change, F(1, 162) = 2.95, p =
.088. An independent sample t-test showed the Industry Background effect on design class
interest change to be significant when Academic Background was Dissimilar, t(74.29) = 2.49, p
= .015.
There was no significant effect of Academic Background or Industry Background or
interaction on criticism class interest change (all p > .05).
Gender effects. Females showed greater interest change than males in most class types, as
shown in Table 6. Independent sample T-tests revealed several gender effects on the interest
change values. Females (M = .23, SD = .818) exhibited greater design class interest change than
did males (M = .02, SD = .565), with the gender effect approaching significance, t(124.631) =
1.86, p = .065. The gender effect was also significant in the case of business class interest
change, t(113.828) = 3.55, p = .001; interest change among females (M = 0.34, SD = .994) was
even greater for business classes than for design classes, while males (M = -0.17, SD = 0.753)
actually exhibited lowered interested in business classes when role model associated. Change in
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33
Table 6.
Interest Change, By Class Type, Between nRMA and RMA classes
Please indicate your
N
Mean
Std. Deviation
gender.
Male
48
.02
.57
Design
Female
119
.23
.82
Male
48
-.17
.75
Business
Female
119
.34
.99
Male
48
.02
.81
Criticism
Female
119
.18
.81
Male
48
-.06
.78
Intro
Female
119
.25
.86
Male
48
.06
.93
Writing
Female
118
.25
.82
Male
47
.17
.82
Art
Female
119
.16
.79
Std. Error
Mean
.081
.075
.109
.091
.117
.074
.113
.078
.135
.075
.119
.073
interest in introductory classes also exhibited significant gender effects, t(94.482) = 2.29, p =
.024, with females (M = 0.25, SD = 0.818) displaying positive change in interest when the class
was role model associated, while males (M = -0.06, SD = .932) displayed slightly lowered
interest in the role model associated introductory games class.
Discussion
Summary
Interest in games. Participants displayed significantly greater interest in mobile and
social games than in console games, with a gender difference present in console game interest
but not present in social and mobile game interest. Participants indicated greater interest in
console games when younger, but greater interest in social and mobile games now. Gender
differences were present in past and current console gaming frequency but not in past and current
social and mobile gaming frequency.
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34
Interest in game development. Interest in development was low for both console and
social and mobile games, with significant gender differences present in interest in development
of both types of games. Despite both scoring fairly low, interest in social and mobile game
development was significantly higher than interest in console game development. While overall
opinion of game developers was positive, men displayed a significantly more positive opinion of
game developers.
Course interest. When courses were not tied to the fictional instructor role model,
participants indicated significant negative interest in design, criticism, writing, and art courses,
and greatest interest in business and introductory courses.
Role model effects on course interest. Once courses were tied to the role model,
participants no longer indicated significant negative interest in design and criticism courses,
significant positive interest in introductory courses, and almost significantly positive interest in
business courses, regardless of experimental condition, giving support to H4: Students will show
greater interest in game-related classes when courses are tied with the role model. That female
students showed significantly increased interest in all types of game-related courses once they
were role model associated, regardless of experimental condition, supports the positive effects of
counterstereotypical role models as alluded to by Cheryan et al. (2011) and Cheryan et al.
(2013), but, combined with the fact that men displayed a significantly more positive opinion of
game developers than did women, it also hints at the greater influence of the ‘nerd’ stereotype on
women.
Role model industry background had significant effect on design, business, intro, and
writing class interest change when role model academic background was dissimilar, giving
support to H1: Students will display greater interest in engaging with the game developer role
BREAKING THE CYCLE
35
model who develops casual games, as was suggested by women’s greater interest in casual
games (Casual Games Association, 2007). There was a significant effect of role model academic
background on introductory class interest change and art class interest change, partially
supporting H2: Students will show greater interest in engaging with role model from the same
academic background as them.
Video and presentation interest. There was no significant difference between interest in
the YouTube video and interest in an on-campus presentation. This is contrary to H3: Students
will show greater interest in engaging with the game developer role model in a non-classroom,
in-person environment than in watching a video about the role model. However, both the video
and the on-campus presentation received significantly positive interest.
Practical Implications
The significant gender difference in interest in consoles games and the lack of such a
difference in interest in casual games suggests that additional emphasis on the mobile and social
game development aspects of academic programs may prove fruitful. This means not only
emphasizing mobile and social game related courses, but also making it as clear as possible how
concepts learned in fundamental design and development courses, even if not directly pertaining
to social and mobile games, relate and apply to the development of social and mobile games at
large.
Also particularly interesting were the numerous interactions and the fact that role model
industry background had significant effect on design, business, intro, and writing class interest
change when role model academic background was dissimilar. Given the impracticality of trying
to match academic background for every niche of potential students, this further highlights the
need to emphasize the mobile and social game development experience of instructors when
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36
attempting to appeal to broader audiences. That game business and intro to games classes had the
highest mean interest also suggests that these types of courses may be effective as ‘gateway’
courses through which students can be exposed to the various subfields of game development.
The overall positive effect of the counterstereotypical role model in the survey also
suggests that greater exposure of and outreach efforts by counterstereotypical role models from
within the industry and games education programs themselves may be effective in increasing
female students’ interest in game development and game development education. Such role
models, whether they are students or faculty, could lead on-campus events and be featured in
YouTube videos about their work, especially as participants indicated significant positive interest
in both an on-campus presentation led by and a YouTube video about the counterstereotypic role
model in the survey.
Limitations
In the first section of the survey, the study asks participants to indicate their interest in the
different types of game related courses by asking, “I would consider taking a…” In the
experimental section, participants are asked to indicate their interest in the different types of
game related courses when taught by the role model by asking, “I would be interested in taking
a…” Although both questions ultimately measure interest, syntax could have been carried
through more consistently in the two questions measuring interest in the various types of game
related courses to ensure maximum accuracy in measuring interest change.
Furthermore, as students were able to take their survey whenever they chose to on their
computer, participants could easily have chosen to verify the authenticity of the “Annika”
instructor role model profile in an online search. As the role model is completely fictional, no
results would appear in such a situation, influencing the participant’s response to the survey
BREAKING THE CYCLE
37
questions in the experimental section. Future studies of similar types would be best served
performing the survey in quick, in-person situations where prolonged interaction to perform a
search regarding would be inconvenient, e.g. “street” surveys with responses collected through
computer tablets.
Suggestions for Future Research
With the mode ages being 20 and 21, the majority of participants spent their adolescence
during the popularization of smartphones. With the smartphone market only expected to continue
growing in the years to come (IDC, 2013), it can only be expected that casual gaming will
continue to gain in popularity, and, as such, that the influence of social and mobile games in
attracting a less traditionally stereotypic crowd to game development will only increase. Hence,
it will be interesting to measure the societal perception of gaming and the gamer stereotype
overtime as the player pool gradually changes. Will the words ‘gaming’ and ‘gamer’ eventually
be more strongly tied in the public mind to smartphones, social media, and casual gaming than to
traditional consoles, Mario, and Call of Duty?
A potential area for future research in the realm of education specifically is investigating
what barriers exist against greater student enrollment in game design courses. Short of interest in
these classes, are students aware of game related classes at their institution to begin with? Are
students sufficiently informed about the availability of game related classes? Through what
channels – departmental listservs, fliers in department offices, fliers in classes, etc. – would they
most prefer to receive information regarding game related classes?
Furthermore, how can the preference for instructors with a casual game development
background be exploited to attract more women to computer science? Can introductory computer
sciences be offered specifically designed to emphasize practical applications of various computer
BREAKING THE CYCLE
38
science concepts in social and mobile gaming? Would such courses, properly promoted, have a
significantly different gender ratio in enrollees from regular introductory computer science
classes?
Lastly, gender diversity is but just a single form of diversity, and future studies should
search for best methods to increase other forms of diversity in games academia and gaming
culture as well. Research should be performed to investigate the best ways to increase
socioeconomic diversity and diversity in sexual orientation in game development programs and
game design culture.
Conclusion
Social and mobile games could be the key to attracting more women to games and game
development. At a cultural level, more ‘traditional’ gamers and gaming culture must be willing
to embrace and take into its fold a newer generation of players interested in different experiences
– a less competitive, more social gamer. In the guise of countless, aimless rounds of Draw
Something and Words with Friends, FarmVille and Temple Run, the world is more at play than
ever before without even thinking about it, without recognizing the same ludic-hedonic-theatric
gene that ties together all games, without seeing that in their play of what they consider to be
totally different from Call of Duty or Assassin’s Creed, they still help fuel the exchange,
refinement, and evolution of design concepts that form the very core of evolving game design.
As training hubs for the next generation of game developers, academic game
development programs have a unique ability to influence the future of the game industry
commercially and culturally, by consciously making decisions in a way that no purely market
driven entity could. Properly utilized, the findings of this study could help game development
programs around the globe better structure their advertising materials, course content, and
BREAKING THE CYCLE
39
curricula to appeal to aspiring game creators beyond the almost-cliché demographic of
technically-oriented males, as a step toward not just gender diversity but greater diversity of all
kinds. And in doing so, perhaps these programs can help unlock the gates to worlds beyond the
war-torn brown-gray expanses of today’s military blockbusters to something more, to worlds and
experiences that are no longer solely strategic, tactical, and competitive, but connective,
evocative, and touching.
BREAKING THE CYCLE
40
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Appendix A: Survey
Notes in italics were not visible to participants.
Common Questions (Displayed to all participants)
Q1 I am interested in console games (games for Playstation 3/Playstation 4, Xbox 360/Xbox
One, Wii/Wii U).
 Strongly disagree
 Disagree
 Neither Agree nor Disagree
 Agree
 Strongly Agree
Q2 I am interested in mobile and/or social games (games on iOS, Android, Windows Phone,
Blackberry, Facebook).
 Strongly Disagree
 Disagree
 Neither Agree nor Disagree
 Agree
 Strongly Agree
Q3 I play...
Never
Rarely
Sometimes
Often
All of the
Time
Console
games
(games for
Playstation
3/Playstation
4, Xbox
360/Xbox
One, Wii/Wii
U)





Mobile
and/or social
games
(games on
iOS, Android,
Windows
Phone,
Blackberry,
Facebook).





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Q4 When I was younger, I would play...
Never
Rarely
Sometimes
Often
All of the
Time
Console
games
(games for
Playstation
3/Playstation
4, Xbox
360/Xbox
One, Wii/Wii
U)





Mobile
and/or social
games
(games on
iOS, Android,
Windows
Phone,
Blackberry,
Facebook).





Q5 I am interested in making console games (games for Playstation 3/Playstation 4, Xbox
360/Xbox One, Wii/Wii U).
 Strongly Disagree
 Disagree
 Neither Agree nor Disagree
 Agree
 Strongly Agree
Q6 I am interested in making mobile and/or social games (games on iOS, Android, Windows
Phone, Blackberry, Facebook).
 Strongly Disagree
 Disagree
 Neither Agree nor Disagree
 Agree
 Strongly Agree
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Q7 My opinion of game developers is:
 Very Negative
 Negative
 No Opinion
 Positive
 Very Positive
Q8 I would consider taking a...
Strongly
Disagree
Disagree
Neither Agree
nor Disagree
Agree
Strongly
Agree
Video game
design class





Video game
business class















Video game
writing class





Video game
art class





Video game
criticism
class
Intro to video
games class
(introduction
to/overview
of video
game culture,
business,
criticism)
Q9 I would like to learn how my academic and/or professional interests could be applied to the
video game industry.
 Strongly Disagree
 Disagree
 Neither Agree nor Disagree
 Agree
 Strongly Agree
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Q10 I would take a class on video games if I knew how my academic and/or professional
interests could be applied to the video game industry.
 Strongly Disagree
 Disagree
 Neither Agree nor Disagree
 Agree
 Strongly Agree
Similar x Casual Group
Q11
After finishing college with her bachelor’s degree in communication, Annika (pictured
above) was hired to work for Zynga. Since then, her abilities have led her from one major
company to another, and her credits list today includes several well-known games for Facebook
and mobile OSes, such as the farming RPG Farmville and the puzzle game Candy Crush.
Q12 After examining Annika's profile above, please answer the following questions:
Q13 I would be interested in an on-campus presentation led by Annika about her work in the
game industry.
 Strongly Disagree
 Disagree
 Neither Agree nor Disagree
 Agree
 Strongly Agree
BREAKING THE CYCLE
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Q14 If Annika taught it, I would be interested in taking a(n)...
Strongly
Disagree
Neither Agree
Disagree
nor Disagree
Agree
Strongly
Agree
Video game
design class





Video game
business class





Video game
criticism
class





Introductory
video games
class (broad
overview of
video game
culture,
business, and
criticism)





Video game
writing class





Video game
art class





Q15 I would be interested in a YouTube video about Annika and her work in the game industry.
 Strongly Disagree
 Disagree
 Neither Agree nor Disagree
 Agree
 Strongly Agree
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Dissimilar x Casual Group
Q11
After finishing college with her bachelor’s degree in liberal arts, Annika (pictured
above) was hired to work for Zynga. Since then, her abilities have led her from one major
company to another, and her credits list today includes several well-known games for Facebook
and mobile OSes, such as the farming RPG Farmville and the puzzle game Candy Crush.
Q12 After examining Annika's profile above, please answer the following questions:
Q13 I would be interested in an on-campus presentation led by Annika about her work in the
game industry.
 Strongly Disagree
 Disagree
 Neither Agree nor Disagree
 Agree
 Strongly Agree
BREAKING THE CYCLE
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Q14 If Annika taught it, I would be interested in taking a(n)...
Strongly
Disagree
Neither Agree
Disagree
nor Disagree
Agree
Strongly
Agree
Video game
design class





Video game
business class





Video game
criticism
class





Introductory
video games
class (broad
overview of
video game
culture,
business, and
criticism)





Video game
writing class





Video game
art class





Q15 I would be interested in a YouTube video about Annika and her work in the game industry.
 Strongly Disagree
 Disagree
 Neither Agree nor Disagree
 Agree
 Strongly Agree
BREAKING THE CYCLE
57
Similar x Core Group
Q11
After finishing college with her bachelor’s degree in communication, Annika (pictured
above) was hired to work for Activision. Since then, her abilities have led her from one major
company to another, and her credits list today includes several well-known games for Xbox 360
and Playstation 3, such as the first-person shooter Call of Duty 4: Modern Warfare and the
action-adventure game Assassin’s Creed III.
Q12 After examining Annika's profile above, please answer the following questions:
Q13 I would be interested in an on-campus presentation led by Annika about her work in the
game industry.
 Strongly Disagree
 Disagree
 Neither Agree nor Disagree
 Agree
 Strongly Agree
BREAKING THE CYCLE
58
Q14 If Annika taught it, I would be interested in taking a(n)...
Strongly
Disagree
Neither Agree
Disagree
nor Disagree
Agree
Strongly
Agree
Video game
design class





Video game
business class





Video game
criticism
class





Introductory
video games
class (broad
overview of
video game
culture,
business, and
criticism)





Video game
writing class





Video game
art class





Q15 I would be interested in a YouTube video about Annika and her work in the game industry.
 Strongly Disagree
 Disagree
 Neither Agree nor Disagree
 Agree
 Strongly Agree
BREAKING THE CYCLE
59
Dissimilar x Core Group
Q11
After finishing college with her bachelor’s degree in liberal arts, Annika (pictured
above) was hired to work for Activision. Since then, her abilities have led her from one major
company to another, and her credits list today includes several well-known games for Xbox 360
and Playstation 3, such as the first-person shooter Call of Duty 4: Modern Warfare and the
action-adventure game Assassin’s Creed III.
Q12 After examining Annika's profile above, please answer the following questions:
Q13 I would be interested in an on-campus presentation led by Annika about her work in the
game industry.
 Strongly Disagree
 Disagree
 Neither Agree nor Disagree
 Agree
 Strongly Agree
BREAKING THE CYCLE
60
Q14 If Annika taught it, I would be interested in taking a(n)...
Strongly
Disagree
Neither Agree
Disagree
nor Disagree
Agree
Strongly
Agree
Video game
design class





Video game
business class





Video game
criticism
class





Introductory
video games
class (broad
overview of
video game
culture,
business, and
criticism)





Video game
writing class





Video game
art class





Q15 I would be interested in a YouTube video about Annika and her work in the game industry.
 Strongly Disagree
 Disagree
 Neither Agree nor Disagree
 Agree
 Strongly Agree
BREAKING THE CYCLE
Demographic Information
Q16 Please indicate your gender.
 Male
 Female
 Other
 Prefer not to indicate.
Q17 Please indicate your age.
 18
 19
 20
 21
 22
 23
 24
 25 or above
61