Running head: CMC AND MILITARY STRESS REDUCTION
Applications of Computer-Mediated Communication on Military Stress Reduction
Arwen E. McCaffrey
Queens University of Charlotte
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CMC AND MILITARY STRESS REDUCTION
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Abstract
The military lifestyle is marked with transition, instability, and stressors unique to the culture.
Putnam’s concept of social capital effectively demonstrates the utility of computer-mediated
communication (CMC) in mitigating these culture-specific stressors. Reciprocal social
relationships form among in-group members, creating bonding capital, and can be of particular
benefit to the diasporic military community. The literature suggests that employment of CMC is
associated with reduction in stress for both service members and their families, especially as they
undergo the deployment cycle, and it provides a flexible, ubiquitous platform for relational
maintenance communication during periods of separation. Military spouses, who are often
geographically separated from their traditional support networks, are able to receive reciprocal
support from members of their digital social networks with whom they lack physical proximity.
When social support is enacted through CMC within marriages as well as in non-romantic
relationships, stress is reduced for the military member as well as for the family unit. This
reduction in stress can ease postdeployment reintegration, and theoretically facilitate a more
rapid return to the work force while minimizing common reintegration issues. Further study
should focus on internet access issues for military families, as well as exploring potential
security issues while allowing privacy for soldiers’ communications while deployed to combat
zones.
Key words: social capital, military deployment, stress reduction, computer-mediated
communication (CMC), social networking, online community, relational maintenance, mental
health applications, posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD)
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Introduction
Military life presents a unique set of stressors to both the military member and their
families. The transient military lifestyle means that families are routinely uprooted, sent to new
communities where they often lack a support network, and forced to establish new friendships.
Communication between spouses becomes sporadic during deployments to war-torn areas,
causing anxiety and straining marriages that already bear the weight of long-term separation.
Civilian spouses who remain at home while the military member is gone often face the pressures
of working and raising children alone. In circumstances such as these, support systems are
crucial; unfortunately, support systems for military families typically lack physical proximity.
Computer-mediated forms of communication--such as e-mail, text messaging, and social media-provide links to distant friends and relatives that can be vital to military spouses. But to what
extent does computer-mediated communication facilitate support system networking? Can it
contribute to stress reduction for spouses, and positively affect supportive community
development for military families? When viewed through the theoretical lens of Putnam’s social
capital theory, I posit that computer-mediated communication can increase bonding capital
between military spouses during times of forced separation; that online networking establishes
and reinforces bonding capital between spouses who each have deployed partners, and that
bonding capital that results from online networking can reduce stress levels for both deployed
spouses and those who remain home, thereby strengthening the military family unit and mission
efficacy.
Theoretical Framework
Social capital theory focuses the role that networking plays in community building.
Robert Putnam argues that community and civic engagement in America have been on the
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decline. Putnam posits that social relations establish feelings of trust between individuals, which
encourages reciprocity; this reciprocal relationship provides a framework for strong social
networks. These networks promote collaboration among individuals, often in pursuit of shared
goals. Putnam suggests that this resulting community strengthening has a trickle-up effect. That
is, when reciprocal relationships are established at the micro level, trust-building and reciprocity
is enabled at a macro level, thereby strengthening larger communities.
The main component of this relationship-building process is what Putnam refers to as
social capital, which he defines as “features of social organization, such as trust, norms, and
networks that can improve the efficiency of society by facilitating coordinated actions” (Luomaaho, 2009, p. 233). Putnam expounds on this concept by describing two types of social capital.
Bonding capital often occurs naturally within similar social groups, strengthens the identities of
those involved and improves group cohesion. Conversely, bridging capital is more challenging
to create. Bridging capital encourages collaboration and networking between individuals from
disparate social groups who many not normally communicate. While both bonding and bridging
capital provide benefits, diasporic populations who lack physical proximity, such as those in the
military community, can especially benefit from increased bonding capital. Computer-mediated
communication provides a readily accessible, user-friendly conduit for building and
strengthening both bonding and bridging capital.
Literature Review
The existing literature on stress within the military community is largely associated with
the study of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), which is commonly understood as a
significant condition that often manifests as a result of the deployment cycle. Although there are
substantial variances in the data, according to Tanielian and Jaycox (as cited by Demers, 2011),
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approximately 31 percent of all veterans suffer from PTSD. Posttraumatic stress disorder is
frequently mentioned in the media when discussing veterans, but it is only one example of a
myriad of issues that affect both military members and their families. The American military
boasts roughly 1 million full-time, active duty members, with an additional 1 million reservists
as of 2006 (Merolla, 2010, p. 5). Additionally, the conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan have
accelerated the cycle of deployment (Lincoln, Swift, & Shorteno-Fraser, 2008), making the
exploration of stress-reducing strategies for military families especially timely.
Deployment Cycle
Lester and Flake (2013) describe the deployment cycle in five stages: predeployment,
deployment, sustainment, postdeployment, and redeployment. All stages are beset with a series
of difficult readjustments on behalf of both the service members and their families (Kudler &
Porter, 2013). These readjustments, in turn, cause significant stress, which can manifest in many
ways. Military members can exhibit deployment-related stress through sleeping and eating
disorders, substance abuse, depression, psychiatric and behavioral disorders including PTSD, and
suicide (Bush, Bosmajian,& Fairall, 2011). Deployments can cause families to experience
financial troubles, romantic and co-parenting relationships that are punctuated by long
separations, and the stress of coping with injuries obtained in combat. Family members may be
emotionally withdrawn during the predeployment stage, then overtly emotional once the service
member has deployed, and deployments may increase marital conflict and interpersonal violence
(Lester & Flake, 2013). In 2007, the Department of Defense Mental Health Advisory Team
found that 27% of service members experienced some sort of marital problem during their
deployments; this percentage was higher when associated with deployments longer than 6
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months (Merolla, 2010). Notably, Kudler and Porter (2013) stated that these adverse effects can
extend for years beyond the deployment.
Effects on Dependent Children
Children in military families are not exempt from deployment-related stressors; in fact,
they may be the biggest indicators of familial stress. While manifestations of stress in children
vary widely depending on developmental stages, they can include sadness, regression of certain
skills, bedwetting, acting out, difficulty sleeping, and academic struggles (Lincoln, Swift, &
Shorteno-Fraser, 2008). Lester and Flake (2013) state that interactions between parent and child
are bidirectional, meaning that they influence each other; thus, the adversities parents encounter
during deployment can affect their children, both directly and indirectly. Likewise, positive
parent-child relationships are correlated with the psychological well-being of military children
(Lincoln et al., 2008). Co-parenting communication can also be substantially disrupted during
deployments (Lester & Flake, 2013), which compounds the frustration of single parenting on
behalf of the spouses who remain home, and the difficult behavior their children may be
exhibiting due to the deployment. Lincoln et al. (2008) points to research indicating that the
overall rate of maltreatment of a child by a female spouse during deployment was almost three
times as high as it was during non-deployment.
Kudler and Porter (2013) espouse the benefits of community-based support programs for
youth. The military has several support programs in place, but children of guard or reserve
members face particular challenges in obtaining access to said programs, as they are more likely
to live further away from military communities.
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Support Networks
Support networks play a crucial yet complex role in the lives of military families. Active
duty families move every two to three years on average, which means their support networks are
often geographically distant. Even those who avoid frequent relocations can feel isolated
because they lack friends with shared similar experiences and emotions. Despite these distances,
community support has a strong bearing on families’ successful adjustment to deployment
(Lester & Flake, 2013). Preferences for specific types of communication and support among
spouses differs: while some prefer the reassurance provided by their civilian friends and family,
others avoid support from non-military support networks due to a perceived lack of
understanding regarding the uniqueness of military stress (Merolla, 2010). Support networks are
vital for military members as well as their families: Lester and Flake (2013) mention that
veterans who received greater social support suffered fewer negative effects from their
deployments.
A divide exists between American military and civilian cultures, complicating the ability
for military members and their families to receive support from the civilian community. Today,
a much smaller number of Americans have direct knowledge of, or experience with, the unique
circumstances surrounding military life, because the armed forces are completely volunteerbased (Lester & Flake, 2013; Demers, 2011). This creates a lack of understanding on behalf of
civilians, and the particular needs of military members can go unmet.
Military Culture
Military members belong to a unique subculture with a distinct value system,
characterized by qualities such as duty, honor, loyalty, self-sacrifice, obedience, commitment,
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humility, self-sufficiency, and discipline (Lincoln, Swift, & Shorento-Fraser, 2008; Demers,
2011; Kudler & Porter, 2013). Military culture discourages seeking help for health issues,
including but not limited to mental health concerns, and members tend to distrust psychologists
(Danish & Antonides, 2013). Soldiers fear being stigmatized for receiving psychological
treatment, viewing it as a sign of weakness (Bush, Bosmajian, & Fairall, 2011). This stigma
even extends to include service members who seek out help for their children who may be
struggling with deployment-related issues. Soldiers fear that if their commands find out, their
professional advancements may be adversely affected (Kudler & Porter, 2013). However, not all
research points to a correlation between this perceived stigma and rates of mental health issues
among service members. Kieran (2014) points out that a debate exists over whether this stigma
or a lack of resources has contributed more to rates of PTSD.
Family members also share in the culture’s value system. Spouses often feel pressure to
support their military members’ squadron activities through their volunteer efforts, particularly
officer’s wives; the actions of dependents can affect the way the service members are perceived
by their command staff (Kelty, Kleykamp, & Segal, 2010).
A Public Health Approach
Widespread support of a public health, community-based approach to supporting the
needs of service members and their dependents is found in the literature. Danish and Antonides
(2013), Kudler and Porter (2013), Lester and Flake (2013), and Lincoln, Swift, & ShorentoFraser (2008) all directly advocate for a public health approach to military family support.
Kudler and Porter point to the work of Dr. Thomas Salmon who, during World War 1, pioneered
the study of shell shock prevention in American troops. He was the first to choose a proactive
approach, asking soldiers to identify their comrades who displayed warning signs of shell shock;
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they then received a combination of clinical and public health treatment. The troops who
received such care had much higher rates of returning to combat.
Danish and Antonides (2013) support the utilization of proactive, community-based care,
as do Kudler and Porter (2013), who promote the creation of “communities of care” (p. 163) for
military families. Lester and Flake (2013) assert that community and culture must both be taken
into account when developing or refining prevention programs for the military, and that they
should engage both virtual and physical communities.
Communication in a Military Marriage
As in civilian marriages, factors such as basic communication and positive bonding are
important to military marriages (Allen, Rhoades, Stanley, & Markman, 2010). And according to
Hass, as cited by Merolla (2010), in the context of stressful circumstances, elements such as
support, coping, and relational maintenance efforts can help to reciprocally sustain relationships.
Karney and Crown (2007) state that deployments can have both direct and indirect effects on
marital satisfaction.
Van Breda, as cited by Merolla (2010), asserts that a stable, secure, and happy marital
relationship is “by far, the most important factor in helping families cope with separations” (p.
7). Indeed, World War Two veterans acknowledged that the support they received from their
spouses and friends was integral to their coping strategies (Demers, 2011). Allen et al. (2010)
posit that helping married military couples develop their communication skills is especially
important to protect and restore relationships suffering from PTSD symptoms. In face of
deployment, Merolla stresses the importance of routine, everyday talk for couples, because it is
reminiscent of a non-deployment communication environment. He outlines several other types
CMC AND MILITARY STRESS REDUCTION
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of maintenance behavior—strategies enacted by a dyad to maintain their relationship--that
couples engage in, including positivity, openness, assurances, social networks, shared tasks,
ceremonies and rituals, and humor. Another strategy employed in marital communication in
times of stress is what Joseph and Afifi (2010) refer to as protective buffering, or the withholding
of negative information in an effort to reduce the stress level of one’s spouse. Research on
protective buffering utilized by marriages with an ill spouse demonstrated that protective
buffering was associated with a decrease in marital satisfaction.
Utility of Computer-Mediated Communication
Support for the utility of computer-mediated communication (CMC) in stress reduction is
found throughout the literature. Merolla (2010) cited data in which spouses reported that
creating and keeping communication routines is considered an important part of relational
maintenance. Wellman, as cited by Stefanone, Kwon, & Lackaff (2012), argues that CMC-based
support networks such as Facebook may be replacing people’s traditional FtF networks, and
states that frequency of contact among weak-tie (or casual relationship) networks such as these
impacted the rate of enacted support even more so than emotional closeness. That is, the number
of contacts in one’s virtual community appears to correlate with receiving help when asked for
more than a strong emotional relationship does. Further, Maguire, Heinemann-LaFave, &
Sahlstein, (2013) posit that CMC has a twofold effect on stress reduction: it acts as a conduit for
learning relationship maintenance strategies, as well as being a strategy in and of itself. Maguire
et al. state that higher rates of CMC use for relational maintenance is correlated with higher rates
of marital satisfaction.
Danish and Antonides (2013) advocate for the use of telehealth services to reach soldiers
in rural areas. CMC can also compensate for disadvantages of traditional communication
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methods during deployments, such as phone time restrictions, and lack of privacy for military
members utilizing a public call center (Merolla, 2010). However, Lester and Flake (2013)
mention concern on behalf of the military itself about using CMC because it may bring the
reality of war to family members, as well as potentially enable inadvertent transmission of
sensitive information.
Discussion
As demonstrated through the literature, CMC is an exceptional means through which we
can expand our social networks, thereby increasing our social capital. Social media sites such as
Facebook are widely used to form digital extensions of our social lives, and as Stefanone, Kwon,
& Lackaff (2012) described, the number of relationships we have in our social network is
actually correlated with receiving help when asked for. Stefanone et al. explain that bonding
capital is related to group solidarity, which translates into enacted, reciprocal social support, and
that even the perception of increased bonding capital is positively related to feelings of
psychological well-being. This exemplifies the power of social media as a legitimate support
network, and indicates that digitally-based social connections are not intrinsically less valuable
than our real-world relationships. For military families who live transient lives, this is
significant. Stefanone et al. cite Wellman, who states that in a networked society, physical
proximity becomes less important in being able to access social capital. This is beneficial to
both military spouses separated by deployment, and relocated family members who are far away
from their face-to-face support networks.
Beaudoin and Tao (2007) state that there is a correlation between internet use and social
capital, and that social capital helps predict health outcomes. They reference internet use by
cancer patients for networking purposes: it resulted in increased social support, sense of
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community, and coping for these individuals, and decreases in anxiety, depression, and
loneliness. Indeed, Joseph and Afifi (2010) posit that the act of stress disclosure alone may help
relieve stress, regardless of to whom the disclosure occurs, but that people are more likely to
disclose stress with others who can identify or empathize with them. As indicated earlier in the
literature, military spouses are unable or unwilling to rely on civilian sources of support due to a
perceived lack of understanding. Online social networking can put military members and
spouses in contact with others they can relate to, something they may be unable to do otherwise.
These connections with others in the same recognized social group establish bonding capital
between members, which is reinforced by subsequent interactions.
The adaptability, ease of use, and ubiquity of computer-mediated communication makes
it an ideal conduit for service members and their spouses to perform relational maintenance,
access social networks, and potentially reduce their stress levels. As long as both spouses have
access to technology that enables CMC, they can communicate synchronously or asynchronously
via e-mail, online chat, text messages, and video conferencing technology such as Skype, in spite
of geographic locations and time zone variances. These communication capabilities enable
spouses to establish communication routines, during which they can engage in small talk and
create non-deployment-style communication environments, and perform other relational
maintenance acts. Merolla (2010) explains that deployment stress is often compounded by
spouses feeling emotionally distant. CMC-enabled routine communication can theoretically
reduce this emotional distance; not surprisingly, Merolla mentions that spouses have reported
that they feel fortunate to have CMC during deployments today, which indicates that CMC is
perceived as beneficial to spouses of deployed service members. Routine conversation and
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disclosure between partners can reduce stress for both parties, theoretically reducing the
likelihood of deployment-related relationship and mental health issues.
CMC also allows for flexibility in communication needs. Maguire, Heinemann-LaFave,
& Sahlstein (2013) explain that the context of the deployment (wartime versus peacetime) can
alter the efficacy of certain relational maintenance strategies. Further, while some spouses might
prefer sporadic contact with their partner in the form of telephone calls or letters (interestingly,
Joseph and Afifi [2010] found a correlation between increased spousal communication and a
decrease in marital satisfaction), others might thrive from higher rates of contact. CMC enables
those who prefer more frequent and casual connection the option of participating in it. CMC can
therefore accommodate for both personal and situational communication preferences between
spouses.
CMC provides the additional benefit of accommodating military cultural values. Bush,
Bosmajian, and Fairall (2011) described the stigma that many service members fear when
obtaining psychological help for either themselves or their family members. CMC provides a
communication environment of relative anonymity, through which service members can access a
plethora of resources regarding mental health, co-parenting, financial management, or other
issues that may cause stress. Soldiers are less burdened with concern about judgment and
therefore more likely to seek out information relevant to their needs. CMC further enables this
process through its inherent capabilities; users can seek direct contact with others or simply
browse websites for assistance. This user-driven communication environment also supports the
self-reliant tendencies of military members and their spouses by providing a gateway to the
resources they need to solve their own problems whenever possible.
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The stress of single parenting during a deployment significantly increases stress levels of
the spouses who remain home. As demonstrated earlier, this added stress elevates the chance of
interpersonal violence and maltreatment of children, and can exacerbate feelings of isolation and
loneliness. This is compounded by the stress-related behavior that dependent children may be
exhibiting. Bonding capital created and maintained between those spouses who remain home
can reduce these stressors, allowing them to receive and reciprocate support from others who
understand the complex emotions that accompany deployments. Because parent-child
relationships are bidirectional, as Lester and Flake (2013) describe, it stands to reason that
reduced stress levels in parents would reflect accordingly in their children, both directly (by
reducing incidents of maltreatment) and indirectly (by reducing stress levels in children, which
can trigger behavioral issues). CMC-enabled support networks, which increase bonding capital
for these spouses, can therefore have a positive effect on military spouses and their family units.
In turn, this can reduce stress levels between deployed partners.
In his deployment briefings for the Royal Canadian Air Force, Commander (Cdr.) Robert
Humble, Division Chaplain, highlights the reintegration portion of the deployment cycle as the
most stressful for both service members and their families. Spouses who remain home carry the
weight of familial and other responsibilities individually, and establish routines in order to cope
with the added stress. As these routines do not involve the deployed service member, there can
be adjustment issues on both sides upon the soldier returning home. This period of familial
reintegration can take weeks or even months to resolve. Humble states that communication is
crucial to ease the stress associated with this transition (n.d.). Danish and Antonides (2013) posit
that immediate family, either spouse or family of origin, are key players during the reintegration
period, and their involvement in the process cannot be understated. Based on these assertions,
CMC AND MILITARY STRESS REDUCTION
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one can infer that if CMC was employed to strengthen bonding capital between spouses during
the deployment period, it may help to maximize effective communication between spouses, and
could likely decrease complications that can arise during reintegration as a result of
miscommunication (regarding schedules, overwhelming emotions, co-parenting issues, and other
similar conflicts), perhaps shortening the reintegration period altogether. Similar to Dr.
Salmon’s work during World War 1, soldiers who receive community and clinical support to
handle deployment stress—in this case, in the form of spousal bonding capital—would be far
more likely to return to work sooner and require less, if any, treatment. CMC use during
deployment could thereby increase mission efficacy.
The military currently utilizes CMC-based support services to supplement its on-theground amenities. Several online resources have been set up in an effort to overcome access
issues with traditional resources. Military One Source, Family Readiness Groups, and websites
such as realwarriors.net and afterdeployment.org (Kudlow & Porter, 2013) provide information,
continuity, and community support to military members and their families. One can surmise,
then, that the military recognizes the benefits of CMC in supporting service members. These
virtual support resources can act as members of soldiers’ support networks, both in and of
themselves, but also by connecting the soldiers to individuals who can provide information or
support. Wright (2012) argues that these type of weak tie networks allow access to more diverse,
less emotional, and potentially objective viewpoints, which can help manage uncertainty on
behalf of the user. Further, Lincoln, Swift, and Shorteno-Fraser (2008) recommend
strengthening programs such as these—those that increase communication and alleviate stress.
The military appears to heed this advice, but questions remain regarding how much more can be
done at the institutional, community, and interpersonal levels.
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Interestingly, Kelty, Kleykamp, and Segal (2010) assert that current research the Iraq and
Afghanistan conflicts indicates that military marriages can actually increase in strength during
deployments. Merolla (2010) is somewhat in agreement, stating that geographic distance can
either help or hinder marital relationships. This variance is likely due to factors such as personal
communication preferences within marriages, and the state of the relationships prior to the
geographic separation. It is interesting to ponder what role CMC may play in marital
strengthening during deployment periods, especially considering this research is based on the
recent conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan, during which time CMC became increasingly
commonplace.
Suggestions for Further Study
The existing literature is indicative of many positive correlations between the use of
CMC and reduction in stress for both marital relationships and through social support networks.
However, there are concerns expressed both by researchers and the military itself regarding
access issues and potential intelligence violations. Analyzing current access issues facing
military members who lack physical proximity to traditional resources could help refine CMC
services offered by Family Readiness Programs, which typically provide computer labs with
internet access for those who lack it at home, as well as calling cards and other forms of support.
While there are strict security measures already in place regarding electronic communications
from combat zones and other foreign locations, examining this situation from both a military
security and a personal standpoint could help to improve communication privacy for service
members without compromising intelligence and security standards.
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Conclusion
Military life is inherently stressful for both service members and their families.
Relocations, deployments, and threat of injury in combat combine to produce a wealth of unique
cultural stressors that can be difficult to mitigate even in ideal circumstances. Support systems
are rarely local, and lack of information and understanding can make it difficult for military
members to obtain support from the civilian community. Computer-mediated communication
enables service members and their spouses to establish and strengthen bonding capital with each
other and with the military community at large. Social media, e-mail, text messaging, and video
conferencing technology act as conduits for reciprocal supportive relationships, reducing stress
throughout all stages of the deployment cycle; in turn, a decrease in stress translates to a more
effective work force. CMC and its applications are growing exponentially, and its capacity to
strengthen family and community bonds within the military should not be overlooked.
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