Participation of Black and minority ethnic Students
in Higher Education Art and Design
Literature Review
Commissioned by Arts Council England
Rohini Malik Okon
September 2005
1
Contents
Executive Summary
Introduction and background
Definitions and scope
Research methodology
Key findings :
1. Black and minority ethnic students in higher education: participation,
experiences and outcomes
1.1. Rates and patterns of participation
1.2. Factors affecting student choice: choice of institution, choice of
subject
1.3. Applications and admissions
1.4. Student experiences
1.5. Outcomes
1.6. Transitions to the labour market
2. Institutional racism
2.1. The operation of institutional racism in higher education institutions
2.2. Strategies aimed at countering institutional racism
2.3. The Race Relations (Amendment) Act 2000
2.4. Institutional responses to the Race Relations (Amendment) Act 2000
3. Widening participation in higher education
3.1. General policy context
3.2. Widening participation of Black and minority ethnic students in higher
education
3.3. Some widening participation initiatives
4. Widening participation in higher education art and design
4.1. Barriers to participation
4.2. Some widening participation initiatives
4.3. Progression from higher education art and design to employment in
the creative industries
5. Initiatives to widen participation of Black and minority ethnic students in higher
education
5.1. Access and applications
5.2. Community arts partnerships
5.3. Curriculum developments
5.4. Research
2
5.5. Progression to employment
5.6 Cultural diversity in higher education art and design - European
context
Conclusions
Recommendations
References
Appendix A - Methodologies of Research Studies
Appendix B - Comparative research on diversity and participation in
education and other creative disciplines
3
Executive summary

This review explores the participation of Black and minority ethnic
students in higher education art and design, by investigating factors that
influence students’ perceptions, choices, and experiences, and identifying
institutional attitudes and practices, with regards to access and
admissions, teaching and learning, and attainment and progression

‘Institutional racism’, and ‘widening participation’ are explored with
reference to higher education generally, in terms of their legal and policy
contexts, and are looked at more closely through a variety of strategies
and initiatives aimed at widening participation and countering institutional
racism in higher education art and design
Black Minority Ethnic students in higher education: participation,
experiences and outcomes

Black and minority ethnic students are well represented in the higher
education (HE) sector overall, but they don’t participate in HE in a uniform
way, and rates and patterns of participation, experiences within HE, and
outcomes vary substantially between and within different minority ethnic
groups

Black and minority ethnic students are distributed unevenly across the HE
sector. In aggregate they are better represented at the new (post-1992)
universities, in certain subjects (the more vocationally/professionally
oriented ones such as medicine, IT, business studies and law), and in
Greater London (especially the new universities there). There are a
number of pockets of very low representation: in some subjects
(languages, humanities and art and design), in some older (pre-1992)
universities, and in some, mainly the more rural, regions.

While more working class and Black and minority ethnic students are
entering HE, for the most part they are entering different universities to
their middle class counterparts, and the prestigious research universities,
which have emerged as the top layer of elite institutions, remain
overwhelmingly white and middle class.

Prior education attainment, and parental encouragement and support are
the main factors influencing the HE participation of Black and minority
ethnic students. Family influence on decisions about entering HE, and
what and where to study, is stronger amongst potential Black and minority
ethnic than white students.
4

Black and minority ethnic students are more likely than white students to
leave their course early, and students from all minority ethnic groups
achieve lower classes of degree on average than white students.

Initial unemployment rates for minority ethnic graduates are higher than
for white graduates and Black and minority ethnic graduates continue to
be under-represented across a number of different sectors.
Institutional racism

Institutional racism in HE operates through a number of different, but
interconnected, spheres including: ethnic inequalities in student access;
racial discrimination by admissions tutors; racial harassment and bullying;
lack of diversity in the teaching and learning environment; racial
discrimination in marking and assessment and in graduate access to
employment.

The Race Relations (Amendment) Act 2000 places a general duty on
public authorities, including higher education institutions (HEIs), to
promote race equality and eliminate unlawful racial discrimination. As well
as the general duty, the Act imposes specific duties on HEIs to assess the
impact of all their policies on students and staff of different ethnic groups.
In particular, each institution is required to: monitor the applications,
admissions and progression of students; monitor the career progression of
staff; publish it race equality policy; and take reasonable steps to publish
the results of monitoring, assessment and review. HEIs, including
specialist art colleges, were required to have race equality policies and
action plans in place by 31 May 2002.

An effective race equality strategy will reflect the character and
circumstances of the institution, and operate on a number of different
levels including: admissions, access and participation; student support
and guidance; curriculum, teaching and learning; assessment procedures;
staff recruitment, training and career development; progression routes
from HE to employment; the institution’s core values and mission; and
partnerships and community links.
Widening participation

The main aim of the Government’s strategy to widen participation in HE is
to address the under-representation of people who come from less
advantaged socio-economic backgrounds, many with little or no family
experience of HE. They propose that this will be achieved through closing
the attainment gap at every stage in the education system, and by finding
better ways to reach out to non-traditional potential students and
encourage them to apply.
5

Despite having lower socio-economic class profiles on average, Black and
minority ethnic groups are proportionately more likely to enter HE than
their white peers, and most HEIs are not actively pursuing policies to
increase the representation of Black and minority ethnic groups
specifically.

An effective widening participation strategy needs to look beyond
recruitment and admissions however, and address the various stages of
the student lifecycle, encompassing course content and delivery, support
and guidance, assessment and monitoring, retention and progression.

Issues of access and participation must also be viewed with reference to
what happens after education – in terms of employment, unemployment
and underemployment of Black and minority ethnic graduates.

Black and minority ethnic students and graduates can play a useful role
supporting each other, possibly through mentoring. Graduate mentors
can offer positive role models as well as practical advice on career
planning, interview skills and experience of work shadowing, while current
students can act as mentors and role models to secondary school pupils
who would not normally contemplate HE.

National widening participation initiatives co-exist with the policies of HEIs
and the practices of individual schools and departments.
Widening participation in Higher Education Art and Design

Barriers to participation in HE Art and Design include: perception of the
arts as the preserve of the privileged; a lack of role models from similar
social and cultural backgrounds; perception that the creative industries are
not a good career option; lack of encouragement and advice from
teachers and careers advisors; and the emphasis placed on portfolios in
the application process.

Art and Design’s openness to diversity and creativity has led to some
innovative approaches to overcoming these barriers and widening
participation.

Widening participation initiatives include: taster days; summer schools;
artists’ residencies; mentoring schemes; ‘compact’ agreements between
HEIs and schools and Further Education (FE) colleges; student bursaries;
staff training workshops; changes to curriculum content and design; interinstitution networks; and partnerships with community arts organisations.
6

Collaborations between HEIs and community arts organisations are often
tailored to the needs of specific groups and focus on raising participants’
confidence and self esteem, irrespective of progression to HE.

Moving beyond applications and admissions to HE, beyond learning and
teaching strategies, and student support and retention, widening
participation initiatives must also focus on the progression of graduates to
employment in the creative industries.

The importance of nurturing young talent in the crucial period after leaving
education, with graduate bursaries, mentoring schemes, apprenticeships
etc. is acknowledged, as is the strategic role of specialist careers advisers
in relation to both students and the curriculum.
Parallel research studies

The review identifies a number of studies on participation in education
other creative disciplines which could inform research on the participation
of Black and minority ethnic students in HE Art and Design (Appendix B),
including ‘Architecture and Race: a study of minority ethnic students in
the profession’ (2002).
Conclusions

Widening participation initiatives aimed at increasing numbers or
addressing diversity through representation and inclusion, will not be as
effective as those which aim to transform structures and processes and
enhance individual experiences.
Recommendations

The next phase of research on the participation of Black and minority
ethnic students in HE Art and Design could be conducted on a number of
different levels:
-
-
Quantitative analysis of statistical data
Qualitative research exploring various factors influencing Black and
minority ethnic participation/non-participation in HE Art and Design,
through a series of interviews with prospective students, first-year
students, final-year students, and parents, as well as art teachers at
schools and FE colleges, careers advisors, and teaching and
careers staff at HEIs
A longitudinal survey of a selected group of Black and minority
ethnic students
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-
-
Evaluation of race equality strategies and policies and widening
participation initiatives at a number of HEIs offering art and design
courses
Exploration of the role of arts institutions and museums in
enhancing inter-cultural awareness through their curatorial and
education programmes, and their policies and practices in recruiting
staff from Black and minority ethnic groups.
Introduction and background
As part of a major review of the presentation of contemporary visual arts in
England, Arts Council England has commissioned a review of existing literature
on participation in higher education art and design by Black and minority ethnic
students.
The commissioning of this review stems from concerns within the sector
regarding the under-representation of Black and minority ethnic artists, curators
and administrators, and a perception that this may be related to patterns of
participation in, and experiences of, Higher Education Art and Design.
By examining existing literature, the review will aim to:

Ascertain rates and patterns of participation of Black and minority ethnic
students in HE Art and Design

Explore how participation in HE Art and Design compares with Black and
minority ethnic participation in HE generally

Highlight variations in participation, experiences and outcomes regarding
HE, between and within different Black and minority ethnic communities

Identify issues, barriers and good practice concerning the participation,
experiences and outcomes of Black and minority ethnic students in HE Art
and Design

Identify key stakeholders, organisations and individuals involved in
initiatives relating to widening participation of Black and minority ethnic
students in HE

Examine the relationship between students’ participation in HE and their
subsequent employment

Explore the implications of national policy e.g. the Race Relations
(Amendment) Act 2000
8
Definitions and scope
In referring to Black and minority ethnic students, the review focuses on the main
visible minority ethnic groups in Britain today, that is, those identified in student
and other national datasets as ‘non-White’ (HESA, UCAS and the Census).
Since the 2001 census, the following categories have become standard:





Black or Black British: Black Caribbean, Black African, Black Other
Asian or Asian British: Indian, Pakistani, Bangladeshi, Asian Other
Chinese or Other: Chinese, Other
White: White British, Irish, White Other
Mixed: White/Black Caribbean, White/Black African, White/Asian, Other
Mixed
These are the categories used in most of the literature reviewed. Some studies
were conducted before the categories of the 2001 census came into usage, and
refer to ethnic origin categories from the 1991 census: Black Caribbean, Black
African and Black Other; Indian, Pakistani, Bangladeshi; Chinese and Asian
Other; and Other (including mixed ethnic origins).
Important new immigrant groups, such as those from Eastern Europe and the
Middle East, and asylum seekers, are outside of the categorisations in place in
the UK for defining and measuring ethnicity. These groups are not generally
included in the term Black and minority ethnic, but are referred to specifically if
encountered in the literature.
‘Black and ethnic minority’ or ‘Black and minority ethnic’ are both generally
accepted terms and reflect the language used by bodies such as the
Commission for Racial Equality. A number of studies use the term ‘minority
ethnic group’, stating its increasingly common usage and acceptability compared
to ‘ethnic minority group’ or ‘ethnic minorities’.
The review focuses on UK-domiciled students and not those from overseas, and
where possible looks across a range of institutions i.e. art schools and
universities, and courses i.e. art, design and communication, art history, and arts
management. Most of the existing literature is on undergraduate, rather then
postgraduate study.
Research methodology
The review was carried out through desk research, focusing on existing literature
on the areas outlined in the introduction above. A search was conducted of
academic databases including the British Education Index (BEI) and the
Educational Resources Information Centre (ERIC). A number of websites were
9
also searched, including: Department for Education and Skills (DfES); Higher
Education Funding Council for England (HEFCE); Higher Education Academy
(HEA); Quality Assurance Agency of Higher Education (QAA); Aimhigher; Action
on Access; Commission for Racial Equality (CRE); Guardian Unlimited Higher
Education; and the Arts and Humanities Research Council (AHRC). Websites of
a number of Art and Design HEIs were searched, and the Internet search engine
Google was also used.
Search terms included combinations of: Higher Education; Art and Design; Black
and minority ethnic; Black and minority ethnic; Cultural Diversity; Racism;
Widening Participation; Inclusion.
Structure
Whilst it proved difficult to find existing literature on the participation of Black and
minority ethnic students in HE Art and Design specifically, there was a
considerable amount of material on Black and minority ethnic participation in HE
more generally. The review considers the patterns of participation, experiences
and outcomes of Black and minority ethnic students in HE, making specific
reference to participation in HE Art and Design wherever these are encountered
in the literature.
After considering students’ perceptions, choices and experiences, and drawing
out the differences both between and within Black and minority ethnic groups, the
review goes on to consider various institutional attitudes and practices which may
affect rates and patterns of participation in HE. Institutional racism, and widening
participation are explored with reference to HE generally, in terms of their legal
and policy contexts, and then are looked at more closely through a variety of
strategies and initiatives aimed at countering institutional racism and widening
participation in HE Art and Design.
A number of parallel studies are identified, which may inform the future direction
of research on the participation of Black and minority ethnic students in HE Art
and Design.
Finally, a series of conclusions are drawn from the key findings of the review and
recommendations are made regarding the next phase of research.
10
Key findings
1. Black and minority ethnic students in HE: participation, experiences
and outcomes
1.1. Rates and patterns of participation
Rates of participation
A significant body of literature (including Bhattacharyya, Ison and Blair, 2003;
Connor, Tyers, Modood et al, 2003 and 2004; Hobsons/Race for Opportunity,
2004; Modood, 1993; Modood and Connor, 2004 and Modood and Shiner, 1994)
concludes that, overall, Black and minority ethnic students are well represented
in the HE sector, and that this has been the position since at least the early
nineties.
The participation rate for Black and minority ethnic students is 56%, substantially
higher than 38% for the white population, and exceeding the government target
of 50% (Modood and Connor, 2004), and minority ethnic groups comprise a
higher share of the undergraduate population in England (16%) than of the
working population (9%) (Connor, Tyers, Modood et al, 2004).
However much of the literature proposing high rates of Black and minority ethnic
participation in HE also reveals that these figures mask considerable variations
and that the minority ethnic population should not be treated as a homogenous
group. Black and minority ethnic groups don’t participate in HE in a uniform way,
and rates and patterns of participation, experiences within HE and outcomes vary
substantially between different minority ethnic groups. Individual minority ethnic
group participation rates vary considerably overall as does their representation
between institutions, subjects and geographic regions (Connor, Tyers, Modood et
al, 2003 and 2004). The Black and minority ethnic undergraduate student body is
highly heterogeneous, with distinctly different personal profiles in terms of gender
balance, average age at entry, entry qualifications, socio-economic class profile
and other personal characteristics.
Connor, Tyers, Modood et al (2003 and 2004) show how some groups are much
better represented in percentage terms, in particular Indian, Chinese, Black
African, Asian Other and Other (non-White, including mixed), than other groups Black Other, Pakistani and Bangladeshi. They suggest that women are slightly in
the minority amongst Pakistani and Bangladeshi students, and that men are in
the minority amongst Black Caribbean students (see Appendix A for research
methodology).
Factors affecting participation
A number of factors are seen to affect rates of participation in HE, for both white
and Black and minority ethnic students, including:
11





Prior education attainment, especially obtaining traditional ‘A’ levels
Family background, especially parental experience of higher education
Affluence - less affluent sections of the population show persistently lower
entry rates
Issues surrounding student finance
Access to information about higher education
Prior education attainment and family influence are considered to have the most
significant impact on rates, and patterns, of participation amongst Black and
minority ethnic students (Connor, Tyers, Modood et al, 2003 and 2004).
Prior education attainment
Lyon (1988) and Bhattacharyya, Ison and Blair (2003) state that Black and
minority ethnic students overall are more likely than white students to have come
from FE colleges and less likely to come directly from school, are more likely to
enter HE with GNVQs or BTEC qualifications than white students, and that Black
Caribbean students in particular are more likely to enter with Access
qualifications. ‘A’ level attainment is lower for all BME groups than for white
students (Connor, Tyers, Modood et al, 2003 and 2004).
Differences in entry qualification are likely to be a key influence not only on the
chances of different groups proceeding to HE, but also on their choice of study,
because of the way the sector is differentiated by entry qualifications. Attainment
can be affected by aspirations, which in turn can be formed by a range of
cultural, social and economic factors.
Connor, Tyers, Modood et al (2004) suggest that in order to improve access to
HE and increase choice, more needs to be done to raise earlier attainment and
close the ‘A’ level gap especially for some black students.
Family influence
Parents of Black and minority ethnic children are more likely to encourage them
to go on to HE in the belief that gaining higher qualifications will improve their
employment prospects. Family influence on decisions about entering HE is
stronger amongst potential BME than white students. It is likely that strong
parental support/commitment to education may mitigate other negative factors,
such as being in a lower socio-economic group.
Patterns of participation
BME students are distributed unevenly across the HE sector. In aggregate they
are better represented in undergraduate level study at the new (post-1992)
universities, in certain subjects (the more vocationally/professionally oriented
ones such as medicine, IT, business studies and law), and in Greater London
(especially the new universities there). There are a number of pockets of very
low representation: in some subjects, in some older (pre-1992) universities, and
in some, mainly the more rural, regions (Connor, Tyers, Modood et al, 2003 and
12
2004; Hobsons/Race for Opportunity, 2004; Modood, 1993; Modood and Connor,
2004 and Shiner and Modood, 2002).
Using figures obtained from the Higher Education Statistical Agency (HESA) for
the 2001 student cohort, Connor, Tyers, Modood et al (2003) assert that on
undergraduate degree courses, Black and minority ethnic students are much
more likely to be studying: medicine/dentistry and computer science (accounting
for 35% and 38% respectively of total undergraduate students in HEIs in
England), law (31%), business and admin studies (24%), mathematical sciences
(22%) and engineering/technology (21%). They are much less likely to be
studying: education or humanities (both 6%), physical sciences or creative
arts/design (both under 10%). Further analysis of these differences is
undertaken in section 1.2. on factors influencing student choice.
Black and minority ethnic students in aggregate are clustered in a relatively small
number of institutions, mainly new (post-1992) universities in London and, to a
lesser extent, in other big cities, where over 30% of their undergraduate
populations are minority ethnic students. By contrast, the majority of HEIs have
a fairly low Black and minority ethnic student population, generally under 10%.
Hobsons/Race for Opportunity (2004) have compiled a number of charts and
tables regarding patterns of participation in HE amongst Black and minority
ethnic students, based on statistics from HESA (2002/3 student cohort). They
showed that the top ten institutions with the largest numbers of BME students are
all based in a metropolitan location, mainly London, and include the University of
Westminster, South Bank University, University of Central England in
Birmingham and the University of East London. They also asserted that, in
general terms, Black and Asian students in HE are more likely to study vocational
subjects, e.g. computer science, technology or business, than they are to study
arts, humanities or language courses.
Connor, Tyers, Modood et al (2003 and 2004) suggest that almost half the Black
and minority ethnic undergraduate students at English institutions are studying in
Greater London (49%), compared with one fifth of all undergraduates (with
known ethnicity). The West Midlands has a slightly higher share of the total
minority ethnic student population in England (11%) than its share of all
undergraduate students (10%). In all other English regions, the minority ethnic
percentage is lower, and in some regions very much lower (e.g. just 2% in south
west and northern England, and less than 1% in East Anglia).
These patterns of participation mirror regional concentrations of Black and
minority ethnic groups across England. Minority ethnic students may be more
likely than white students to be studying in their home region, or may be attracted
to regions with higher concentrations of Black and minority ethnic students.
Reay, Davies, David and Ball (2001) note that while more working class and
Black and minority ethnic students are entering HE, for the most part they are
13
entering different universities to their middle class counterparts, and the
prestigious research universities, which have emerged as the top layer of elite
institutions, remain overwhelmingly white and middle class.
Modood and Connor (2004) and Blackstone (2004) express concern at the
concentration of Black and minority ethnic students in particular institutions.
Asserting that only a few institutions can claim to be multi-ethnic, they suggest
the risk of a social divide opening up between a small band of multi-ethnic
universities (new, large inner-city institutions) and those that remain whitedominated (mainly the more traditional, prestigious, research-led universities).
Reasons for these discrepancies will be explored in more detail later in this
report, but it should be noted that through these patterns of participation, a
number of Black and minority ethnic students may be missing out on getting into
those institutions that might give them the best opportunities.
As a result of these differential patterns of participation, Shiner and Modood
(2002) suggest that higher education has an ambivalent role in relation to ethnic
equality. Institutional biases mean that ethnic minority candidates are filtered into
the new university sector, and biases in education and the labour market
combine to create a cumulative pattern of ethnic disadvantage. They conclude
that although education may provide the basis for upward social mobility and has
considerable potential as a force for increasing ethnic equality, there is nothing
inevitable about this (see Appendix A for research methodology). Institutional
biases are discussed in greater depth elsewhere in this report.
Whilst widening participation and increasing student diversity are currently key
concerns across the HE sector, Archer and Hutchings (2000) suggest that more
needs to be known about the viewpoints and understandings of ethnically diverse
working-class non-participants e.g. whether ‘official’ perceptions regarding the
value of HE are shared or contested. Their research (see Appendix A for
research methodology) focused on non-participants’ constructions of risks, costs
and benefits during application, participation and graduation, and these
perceptions of ‘value’ are discussed in relation to widening participation
strategies amongst ethnically diverse working class groups. They argue that the
risks and benefits associated with participation in HE are unequally distributed
across social class, and that class and race identities are used to argue both
against, and for, participation, and to construct expectations of what is normal
and acceptable for ‘people like us’. The continued dominance of particular (elite)
institutions by white people can work to render these institutions ‘unthinkable’
choices for minority ethnic applicants. They conclude that differential rates of
participation in HE both result from, and are intrinsic to, the reproduction of social
class inequalities and processes of exclusion, and that the inherently riskier
position occupied by working class students from diverse cultural backgrounds
means that they can’t make choices regarding participation in the same way as
relatively ‘protected’ middle class students.
14
University and government discourses suggest that individuals may derive
various personal benefits from participation in HE, as well as enhancing their
future employment prospects e.g. the development of critical thinking skills and
life experiences, and the chance to study particular subject interests in depth. In
contrast, Archer and Hutchings suggest that many non-traditional entrants to HE
perceive the experience of university as ‘boring’, ‘hard work’, involving lots of
‘pressure and stress’, and as a period of considerable poverty; a time to be
suffered and endured in order to obtain the future benefits of a degree.
Overall, attainment and aspiration are seen as the main factors influencing the
HE participation of Black and minority ethnic students. Earlier education
performance and school experiences (pre-16), and school leaving decisions at
16 are influential on choices of whether, and how, to participate in HE.
Aspirations and expectations of the value of, and benefits from, HE qualifications
is a more significant ‘driver’ for Black and minority ethnic students than white
students, especially for most Asian groups, and this combines with greater
parental and family influence among Black and minority ethnic than white young
people in choices of what and where to study. Features associated with the
under-representation of Black and minority ethnic students in more elite
institutions, other than their ethnicity e.g. entry from comprehensive schools and
FE colleges with non-‘A’ level or equivalent qualifications, are also factors in
lower rates of participation of working class communities. Yet, despite having
lower socio-economic class profiles on average, Black and minority ethnic groups
are more likely to enter full-time degree courses (Connor, Tyers, Modood et al,
2004).
Ethnicity is not the only component of an individual’s identity and it is not always
the most significant one when analysing relative advantage or disadvantage in
HE or the graduate labour market. When certain factors are taken into account –
especially family and social background, and entry routes into HE study – many
of the differences between ethnic groups diminish, indicating that these other
factors may be at least as, if not more, important than ethnicity as an explanatory
variable (Connor, Tyers, Modood et al, 2003)
Singh (1990) distinguishes between internal and external factors which make it
possible for individuals to apply to HE. Internal factors are associated with
individual characteristics like ability, motivation and aspirations, and the
influential factors, such as family support and encouragement, which help to
determine these characteristics. External factors are the available opportunities
which facilitate or restrict access to HE, e.g. attending a school with a good
academic record that is geared towards entry to HE. The perceived ethos of an
institution, including perceptions of institutional racism, may adversely affect
potential applicants from Black and minority ethnic groups. These factors
combine to determine chances of applying and succeeding in entering HE, and
may also influence choice of institution and course.
15
1.2. Factors affecting student choice: choice of institution, choice of
subject
Once individuals have made the decision to enter HE, various factors influence
their decisions about what and where to study. We have already noted above,
the difference in patterns of participation between Black and minority ethnic and
white students, between Black and minority ethnic groups and also within Black
and minority ethnic groups. This section will look at the various influences on
student choice, or lack of choice.
Connor, Tyers, Modood et al (2003 and 2004) suggest that what and where
students study within HE may be influenced by a number of factors relating to the
institution, but also to their backgrounds. It can also be a result of how
successful they are in achieving their preferred choice i.e. the admissions
process itself. The research literature on student choices shows that a range of
factors can influence potential students’ choices of what and where to study in
HE, and a range of people (teachers, parents, careers advisors, friends,
university staff and other students) can also have an influence. They found little
evidence to suggest that there were any significant problems for Black and
minority ethnic students in accessing information about HE to help them make
their choices about institutions and courses.
Black and minority ethnic students are in general less likely than white students
to choose subjects for personal interest reasons and are more likely to be
influenced by employment considerations or economic outcomes. Parental
influence has a greater effect on Black and minority ethnic young people in
steering them towards certain courses especially professional or vocational
subjects such as medicine, law, business and IT. Black and minority ethnic
parents often favour traditional professional subjects for their children, and Asian
groups in particular are likely to report that their families had a lot of influence on
their subject choice; medicine and law are particularly popular with Asian
students. It is suggested that the ethnic minority family ‘drive for qualification’ is
rooted in the belief that participation in HE will lead on to greater things for their
children, particularly if they take certain courses or attend particular institutions
(Connor, Tyers, Modood et al, 2003 and 2004).
Figures quoted by Connor, Tyers, Modood et al (2003, p.149-150) and sourced
from HESA (2001 student cohort) point to the over-representation of a particular
Black and minority ethnic group, in this case Indian, in a particular subject area,
medicine and dentistry, and their under-representation in another subject area,
creative arts and design.
All subjects
White
All minority ethnic
Indian
%
82.1
17.9
5.3
16
Creative arts and design
White
All minority ethnic
Indian
%
90.4
9.6
2.0
Medicine and dentistry
White
All minority ethnic
Indian
%
65.0
35.0
15.9
Distinctive and contrasting patterns of participation exist between minority ethnic
groups, in particular between Asian and Black groups, and there are contrasts
within these broad groupings regarding choice of subject and type of institution.
For the vast majority of students, subject choice is the overriding factor when
choosing their institution, but this choice is usually made with other factors in
mind including location, perceived quality of the course, employment prospects,
and various aspects of costs of study.
Connor, Tyers, Modood et al (2003 and 2004) show that Black and minority
ethnic applicants in aggregate are more likely than white applicants to be
influenced in their choice of institution by the following factors: academic quality,
graduate employment prospects, distance from home, support facilities and
opportunities for work placement. Additional factors include the image an
institution projects to applicants, its historical development, range of subject
provision and specific targeting activities. Many HEIs will have had an influence
through their widening participation activities (e.g. summer schools and compact
schemes) especially those in localities with high concentrations of minority ethnic
groups. Although mainly targeting low social class groups and low-participation
neighbourhoods, there are some widening participation initiatives that are
specifically targeted at minority ethnic groups (further discussion of widening
participation initiatives in section 3 below).
The entry requirements demanded by different institutions is a key factor, and
prior attainment will have a significant impact on choice of subject and institution.
Modood and Shiner (1994), in attempting to explain the over-representation of
some Black and minority ethnic groups at polytechnics (and in later studies, their
over-representation at post-1992 universities) suggest that candidates may have
chosen to apply to a polytechnic rather than university for a number of reasons
including: low expectations of academic achievement, positive preference for
what polytechnics offer in terms of choice of courses and course content, and
preference for an institution with a sizeable number of students from one’s own
ethnic group and/or multi-ethnic mix.
17
Taylor (1993) asserts that choices made by Black and minority ethnic students
are influenced by perceptions of how institutional ethos operates in relation to
cultural diversity and equal opportunities. He suggests that prospectuses are an
important point of contact with potential students and will influence choices; while
an increasing number of institutions include visual references to cultural diversity
in their prospectuses, these are not always supported by a textual commitment to
a multi-cultural ethos (further discussion in section 2 on institutional racism).
In their study of the experiences of non-traditional applicants to HE, Reay,
Davies, David and Ball (2001) highlight a number of issues in relation to race,
class and higher education choice processes, and show how race and class
issues interrelate in decision-making (see Appendix A for research methodology).
Asserting that experiences of the choice process for non-traditional applicants
are qualitatively different from those of their more privileged middle-class
counterparts, they highlight key class and racial differences, and suggest that
various mechanisms of social closure operate to reproduce existing inequalities
within the HE sector.
Material constraints of travel and finance, mean that working class students are
more inclined to apply to local institutions, and further issues around ‘fitting in’
reinforce minority ethnic students’ inclination to think local. Reay et al highlight
the importance of students’ psychological and emotional, as well as their financial
and academic, ‘proximity’ to different HEIs (2001, p.865). They suggest that the
HE choice process for Black and minority ethnic students often involves treading
a fine line between the desire to ‘fit in’ and an anxiety about being stereotyped or
discriminated against in majority ethnic settings.
Noting the heterogeneity of minority ethnic students, they assert that widely
differing amounts of social power and dominant cultural capital lead to differing
degrees of choice in relation to HE, and that these difference can be partly
attributed to class, but also the extent to which different minority groups have
established themselves in Britain.
Reay et al conclude that despite increasing numbers of working-class students,
particularly those from minority ethnic backgrounds, applying to HE, for the most
part their experiences of the choice process are qualitatively different to those of
their more privileged white middle-class counterparts.
Significant variations in patterns of participation may be found within an
institution. A comparison of statistics for ethnicity and social class across the
colleges of the University of the Arts (2002/03 student cohort) suggests that
some colleges have a more diverse student body than others (University of the
Arts, 2004a).
18
College
%Non-White
Chelsea
LCF
CSM
LCC
Camberwell
University total
%from poorer backgrounds
36
37
31
42
22
35
17
26
18
28
18
23
Variation can be seen more sharply when specific schools are compared:
School
Fashion Design
& Technology
LCF
%Non-White
%from poorer
backgrounds
%with level 3
vocational
qualifications
41
29
20
Fine Art
CSM
20
16
5
University totals
35
23
11
A number of inter-connecting factors could explain these variations between
colleges, including their geographical location, their public profile and the types of
courses they offer.
1.3. Applications and admissions
In addition to individual choice factors determining Black and minority ethnic
students’ rates and patterns of participation in HE, some research studies have
indicated that discrimination against minority ethnic students exists in the
application and admission process at certain higher education institutions.
In their analysis of differential rates of admission of Black and minority ethnic
students to HE Shiner and Modood (2002) focus on the extent to which these
differences might reflect institutional biases in the allocation of places (see
Appendix A for research methodology). They look at the extent to which
differences in rates of admission were evident at earlier stages of the application
procedure, and how patterns of success vary between old and new universities,
as well as key differences between ethnic groups, such as those relating to
academic profile and patterns of application.
19
Their analysis shows that when entry qualifications and other socio-demographic
factors are controlled for in the analysis of UCAS application and acceptance
statistics, Black and minority ethnic students have less chance of gaining a place
at an old (i.e. pre-1992), but not a post-1992 university. In particular Black
Caribbean and Pakistani students are much less likely than white students to
gain admission to a pre-1992 university. Although the concentration of minority
ethnic students in new universities is, in part, due to their patterns of application,
it also reflects the responses of different types of institution. Shiner and Modood
suggest there is clear evidence to show that old and new universities respond
differently to applications from Black and minority ethnic candidates.
Although Black and minority ethnic applicants may be admitted to old universities
in reasonable numbers, it is suggested that they generally have to perform better
than their white peers in order to secure a place. The biases that are evident in
the old university sector contradict its self-image of excellence, the principle of
selection on merit, and the causes of access and inclusivity that are being urged
by the government.
Admissions tutors, even in the same department may display quite different and
contradictory judgments about how to assess factors such as age, social and
cultural background and entry qualifications. While Shiner and Modood found no
direct evidence of discriminatory practices, they highlight the role of individual
discretion in the selection process and imply that there is considerable scope for
subjective assessment and hence bias.
The post-1992 universities are more likely to have developed a culture in which
issues of access and equity, awareness about the possibility of bias and the
willingness to take remedial action sit alongside meritocratic concerns. That,
together with their less competitive position, may be a factor in their different
admissions profile. However, the concentration of Black and minority ethnic
students in the newer, less prestigious institutions reinforces their disadvantaged
position.
Earlier studies (Modood, 1993 and Modood and Shiner, 1994)) show that a
similar pattern was in evidence when the distinction was between polytechnics
and universities. The importance of distinguishing between rates of application
and rates of admission was noted, as minority ethnic groups had relatively high
rates of application to both universities and polytechnics but their admission rates
were considerably lower at universities.
Connor, Tyers, Modood et al (2004) suggest that further research needs to be
undertaken on the decision making process, especially by course/subject type at
different institutions to enable firmer conclusions to be drawn. It is likely that
improved monitoring of admissions and student throughput, resulting from the
recent race relations legislation, will help in this, especially in assessing the scale
of any racial discrimination. Universities need to monitor ethnicity in the
20
admissions process as part of their specific duties under the Race Relations
Amendment Act (2000), and they also have a duty to publish the data, and to
take appropriate action if any practices of racial discrimination are identified (see
section 2 on institutional racism). It is also recommended that further research
be undertaken on the offer/acceptance/entry process to explore where
opportunities for discrimination may occur (Connor, Tyers, Modood et al, 2004).
Current consultations on key issues relating to fair admissions provide a focus for
further discussion. In 2003 the Secretary of State for Education and Skills
commissioned an independent review, led by Steven Schwartz, of the options
that English HEIs should consider when assessing the merit of applicants for
their courses. The review focused around a number of questions: How do we
define merit and what is a fair admissions system? To what extent should
background factors be considered when selecting students? What exactly does
transparency of admissions criteria and processes mean? Are some assessment
methods more reliable and valid than others? Can a system in which large
numbers of applicants are offered places based on predicted examination results
be fair? (Schwartz, 2004)
The review concludes that a fair admissions system is one that provides equal
opportunity for all individuals, regardless of background, to gain admission to a
course suited to their ability and aspirations. It was agreed that applicants should
be chosen on merit, but that problems arise when trying to define it. Merit could
mean admitting applicants with the highest examination marks, or it could mean
taking a wider view about each applicant’s achievements and potential.
While prior educational attainment remains the best single indicator of success at
undergraduate level and continues to be central to the admissions process, a
fairer admissions system might consider the effect of social background on
educational achievement and undertake a more holistic assessment of
applicants’ potential, which takes into account the wider context of achievements,
background and relevant skills.
Schwartz and his steering group believe it is justifiable for an institution to
consider an applicant’s contribution to the learning environment, asserting that a
diverse student community is likely to enhance all students’ skills of critical
reasoning, teamwork and communication and produce graduates better able to
contribute to a diverse society.
In any case, the situation in HEIs regarding the admissions process is highly
varied. Depending on the course and the institution, there are significant
differences in entry requirements and starting points. Some courses place
greater emphasis on academic excellence, others place more emphasis on
vocational relevance, while others may be more learner-centred, aiming to
provide learning opportunities for a particular community.
21
1.4. Student experiences
In general student progress and student perceptions of their time at university
have been the subject of less research and analysis than issues of participation,
i.e. access and entry, in HE.
Shiner and Modood (2002) noted that while there has been growing academic
interest in the possible role of racial bias in the allocation of HE places, a smaller
number of studies have started to consider the experiences of Black and minority
ethnic students once they start to study at university. These studies have
highlighted the ways in which the experiences of BME students differ from those
of white students and are, in some respects, shaped by racism e.g. insensitive
comments from staff that make them feel different and unwanted (Acland and
Azmi 1998), or feelings of alienation from aspects of what may be perceived to
be a ‘white’ syllabus (Allen 1998).
In aggregate Black students are likely to have higher early leaving rates than
Asian students from full-time degree courses, and the rates for both groups are
higher than for white students on average (Connor, Tyers, Modood et al, 2003).
Most analyses show that the main factor of influence in early leaving and noncompletion is prior entry qualifications, and this applies as much to white as to
Black and minority ethnic students (Connor, Tyers, Modood et al, 2004). Other
factors include unmet expectations about HE experience, making the wrong
choice of course, and a lack of commitment to the subject chosen. Several
issues, of more concern to Black and minority ethnic than white students, may
also contribute to early leaving and non-completion, related to staff attitudes,
feelings of isolation, and a lack of cultural diversity.
It is important to consider the role that institutional attitudes and practices play,
not only in the application and admissions process as noted above, but also in
shaping the experiences of Black and minority ethnic students. In their survey
and follow-up interviews, Connor, Tyers, Modood et al (2004) noted that Black
and minority ethnic students were more likely to experience discrimination whilst
at university than at the application stage, although numbers reporting actual
discrimination of any kind were relatively small. Experience of direct
discrimination by staff didn’t emerge as an issue, but it was more common for
experiences to be associated with a lack of cultural diversity amongst the student
population and/or racist behaviour amongst students and amongst people in the
towns in which they were situated (outside of London). Some students
expressed the feeling that academic departments could have done more to
include everyone.
Honey, Heron and Jackson (1997) suggest that a number of black artists feel
their presence at art school was tokenistic, and that lecturers isolated them and
often suggested they explore their cultural identities in their work. Purwar (2004)
asserts that in an art and design curriculum, certain unspoken values may be
22
assumed as universal, ‘specific emotions, tastes and associations can be
unthinking, placed as universal; while another set of sentiments and aesthetics is
designated as particularised and located in an ethnically marked position’ (2004,
p.49). She quotes artist Steve McQueen as saying the one thing he hated when
studying at Goldsmiths College was that he was ‘expected to produce carnival
masks, but not to contribute to general questions on abstract art for instance’.
Low levels of minority ethnic staff in many institutions may contribute to feelings
of isolation, and the extent to which cultural diversity is reflected in course
syllabuses may also be an issue (further discussion of these issues in following
sections on institutional racism and widening participation). Writing from their
experiences as black lecturers in HE, Channer and Franklin (1995) suggest that
the interaction between students, lecturers and curriculum is crucial in assessing
the quality and inclusivity of an HE programme. They see the relationship
between black lecturers and black students as a complex one, where lecturers
may feel a sense of responsibility and accountability to fairly represent
community views, as well as being supportive to individual, and groups of, black
students.
1.5. Outcomes
Connor, Tyers, Modood et al (2003 and 2004) note that Black and minority ethnic
students from all groups achieve lower classes of degree on average than white
students. The key factors affecting degree outcomes in general are entry
qualifications and prior education. Other likely explanations include financial
difficulties, lack of support or encouragement from lecturers, and possible racial
bias in assessment at some institutions.
Ethnic
group
First
class
Upper
second
Lower
second
Third or
lower
White
10.7
48.9
31.0
9.4
All minority
ethnic
6.0
36.2
40.1
17.8
Black
Caribbean
2.9
32.0
48.6
16.5
Indian
6.6
38.5
38.7
16.2
Bangladeshi
3.7
35.6
42.2
18.5
Chinese
8.9
37.6
36.1
17.5
%
23
These figures, quoted by Connor, Tyers, Modood et al (2004, p.75) and sourced
from HESA (2001/02 student cohort) show the differences in class of degree
attained between white and Black and minority ethnic students, and between
students from different ethnic groups.
Initial unemployment rates for Black and minority ethnic graduates are higher
than for white graduates. A range of factors can influence initial employment
outcomes (including type of institution, subject, course, age etc), and when these
are taken account of differences between groups reduces markedly, suggesting
the effect of ethnicity alone may be comparatively small. Black and minority
ethnic graduates are more likely to go on to postgraduate study or further training
(Connor, Tyers, Modood et al 2003 and 2004).
The initial unemployment rate for white graduates is just over 6%, compared to
the minority ethnic average of just over 11%, with graduates from a Pakistani
background having the highest initial unemployment rate of almost 14%. While
white graduates are more likely than minority ethnic graduates, on the whole, to
enter UK paid work on graduation (63% compared to 55%), Black Caribbean
graduates are actually the most likely group to do so (64%). Higher percentages
of BME than white graduates go on to further study or training (22% compared to
17%), with the highest group being Chinese graduates (27%) (figures quoted by
Connor, Tyers and Modood, 2004, p. 89; sourced from HESA, 2001/02 student
cohort).
1.6. Transitions to the labour market
Modood and Connor (2004) suggest that progression into the labour market is
perhaps the most serious problem facing Black and minority ethnic students.
The inherent links between HE entry route, application and participation patterns,
subsequent progress and attainment, and in turn employment outcomes, need to
be explored further.
Initial unemployment rates for minority ethnic graduates are higher than for white
graduates and Black and minority ethnic graduates continue to be underrepresented in the graduate intakes of large firms and across a number of
different sectors. A lack of role models from diverse cultural backgrounds may
be a contributory factor, and recruitment processes are also a key area to be
addressed e.g. through internships, and diversity training for staff.
Connor, Tyers, Modood et al (2004) suggest that it is very likely that Black and
minority ethnic students’ attitudes towards their job search, and making the
transition from HE to the labour market, will be influenced by their awareness of
the general disadvantage that the minority ethnic population experience in the
labour market in comparison with white people. Careers advisors at universities
also generally acknowledge that Black and minority ethnic students face the
24
hardest time in the job market, though their relative disadvantage is also seen as
being connected to class background.
A number of initiatives are being developed at HEIs, targeted at BME students, to
help improve their prospects e.g. mentoring programmes, career workshops and
work placements (further discussion of such initiatives in section 3 on widening
participation).
2. Institutional racism
‘We face a future where university racisms are likely to be highly durable, protean
and impervious to intervention. They are likely to co-exist alongside a wide
range of progressive, antiracist, multicultural and inclusive ideas, programmes,
practices and initiatives’ (Law, Phillips and Turney, 2004a, introduction).
2.1. The operation of institutional racism in HEIs
Institutional racism in higher education operates through a number of different,
but interconnected, spheres: ethnic inequalities in student access, racial
discrimination by admissions tutors, racist experiences of BME students on
entering HEIs, disillusionment with the lack of diversity in the teaching and
learning environment, racist discrimination in marking and assessment, racism in
work placements, and race discrimination in graduate access to employment
(Law, Phillips and Turney, 2004a). Who is felt to ‘belong’ and ‘not to belong’
contributes in an important way to shaping the social space of HEIs.
As well as the experiences of students, exclusionary practices may operate to
curtail the progression of BME academic staff. Crace (2004) notes that lecturers
from minority ethnic backgrounds earn less than their white counterparts on
similar pay scales, are less likely to have a senior job, and are more likely to be
on insecure short-term contracts, while Purwar (2004) describes the ‘straitjacketing’ of non-white lecturers into teaching on ‘race’ issues, suggesting that
only here are they expected to carry authority while they struggle to be seen as
experts on mainstream subjects.
Crace (2004) asserts that many HEIs turn a blind eye to racism, as if it could not
possibly exist among the liberal intellectual elites. “Many academics consider it
to be a trivial or diversionary issue…racism is institutionalised within higher
education and should be central to the main higher education debates of what we
understand by teaching and learning, the nature of eurocentrism, and what
constitutes good research”. Sharma (2004) suggests that accusations of
institutional racism often evoke predictable defensiveness couched in the
language of liberal tolerance, promotion of equality of opportunity and cultural
diversity.
25
The core functions of HEIs are teaching and research, but their practices and
operations go well beyond these core activities through their myriad relationships
with local and national communities. Law, Phillips and Turney (2004b)
emphasise the responsibility of HEIs for ensuring they use their powerful position
as agents of change and for fulfilling their obligations to promote race equality
within the educational community and beyond.
2.2. Strategies aimed at countering institutional racism
Effective race equality strategies require more than just tinkering with admissions
procedures or employment practices and need to recognise that racism is an
issue for the entire institution and not simply Black and minority ethnic staff and
students.
In 2002, the Centre for Ethnicity and Racism Studies at the University of Leeds
set out, as part of wider study examining institutional racism in HE, to develop a
set of conceptual and methodological resources to inform the race equality
practices and policies of HEIs in response to the Race Relations (Amendment)
Act 2000 (see 2.3. below). The resulting ‘antiracist toolkit’ is a web-based
resource addressing racial equality issues in a wide range of spheres including
student recruitment and support, employment, teaching and learning and
research (www.leeds.ac.uk/cers/toolkit/toolkit.htm).
The toolkit includes examples of good practice in student recruitment (publicity
literature, open days, widening participation strategies, the interview process)
and student support (counselling and careers services). With regards to teaching
and learning strategies, it suggests that all institutions reflect upon assessment
procedures and the curriculum. The kinds of courses taught in HEIs are central
to students’ experiences, and the toolkit enables departments to think about the
inclusion and integration of voices, perspectives, works and ideas that come from
beyond a white Eurocentric core. It offers advice on teaching methods in terms
of delivery and resources, as well as on ethical research practices (Law, Phillips
and Turney, 2004b).
Sharma (2004) asks whether there is something that can be called a
‘multicultural curriculum’? Considering the everyday activities of teaching and
learning and the challenges of curriculum development in the ‘multicultural
university’, he argues that although multicultural projects in HE aim to
acknowledge and value cultural difference, they usually end up ‘regulating and
containing these differences through their hegemonic practices’. He asserts that
cultural differences are often addressed through a process of inclusion (e.g. by
including black authors on reading lists) rather than through a more radical
process of transformation, and that ‘white, Eurocentric frameworks of knowledge’
thus remain unchallenged. Suggesting that the conventional focus on content
has eclipsed questions of how a course may be taught, Sharma proposes the
26
notion of a ‘multicultural pedagogy’ and claims that this must be considered as
‘both a site-specific and a tactical activity’ (2004, p.114).
Bindloss (2004) describes how a number of British universities are starting to
offer students diversity training. Already widespread for university staff, the aim
is to raise awareness of the advantages of social diversity and discourage
behaviour that can lead to accusations of discrimination and harassment. The
potential of e-learning as a tool is being explored by a number of institutions, as
web-based diversity training can reach large numbers of students. Brunel
University is one of the first HEIs to provide web-based diversity training to
students. As a second stage, they are hoping to incorporate diversity training
into the mainstream syllabus: ‘we are looking at ways to reflect diversity
throughout the curriculum. We want to provide opportunities for students to
develop intercultural awareness, rather than simply teaching students about
other cultures’. The role of HEIs is not just educational, but they have a social
and civic responsibility to promote good community relations and citizenship
values (Bindloss, 2004).
2.3. The Race Relations (Amendment) Act 2000
The Race Relations Act 1976, as amended by the Race Relations (Amendment)
Act 2000, makes it unlawful to discriminate against anyone on the grounds of
race, colour, nationality (including citizenship), or ethnic or national origin.
The Race Relations (Amendment) Act 2000 places a general duty on public
authorities, including HEIs, to promote race equality. Under the duty, public
authorities undertaking all relevant functions, including HEIs in England and
Wales, are required to have due regard to:
 eliminating unlawful racial discrimination,
 promoting equality of opportunity, and
 promoting good relations between people of different racial groups
As well as the general duty, the Act imposes specific duties on HEIs to assess
the impact of all their policies on students and staff of different ethnic groups. In
particular, each institution is required to:
 monitor the applications, admissions and progression of students
 monitor the career progression of staff
 publish it race equality policy
 take reasonable steps to publish the results of monitoring, assessment
and review.
Under the Race Relations (Amendment) Act 2000, HEIs were required to have
race equality policies and action plans in place by 31 May 2002.
The Commission for Racial Equality (CRE) published a non-statutory guide for
further and higher education institutions, supporting its statutory Code of Practice
27
on the Duty to Promote Race Equality, and giving practical advice on how to
meet the general duty and specific duties. The guide advises that HEIs’ race
equality policies should reflect the character and circumstances of the institution,
and deal with the main areas that are relevant to promoting equality of
opportunity and good race relations, and to tackling racial discrimination. These
might include: admissions, access and participation; student support and
guidance; curriculum, teaching and learning; assessment; staff recruitment,
training and career development; racial harassment; the institution’s values; the
institution’s management and governing body; and partnerships and community
links.
It also advises that the policy, and related action plan, should be assessed, and a
copy or summary should be made available to all staff and students. Results of
monitoring – applications, admissions and progression - should be published
every year.
2.4. Institutional responses to the Race Relations (Amendment) Act 2000
The Higher Education Funding Council for England (HEFCE) requested that all
HEIs submit their race equality policies and action plans in November 2002. On
HEFCE’s behalf the Equality Challenge Unit (ECU) commissioned a review of
HEIs’ policies and action plans in 2003. This review found that a significant
number of HEIs fell short of meeting the requirements of the Race Relations
(Amendment) Act 2000 and needed to do further work on their policies and
plans.
The Equality Challenge Unit (ECU) was established in 2001 to promote action on
equality issues in HEIs across the UK and to help them respond to the legislative
demands of the Race Relations (Amendment) Act 2000, through developmental
work with individual institutions and the dissemination of general guidance on
implementing race equality initiatives across the sector. In 2004 the ECU
commissioned OPM (Office for Public Management) to review the progress made
in a random sample of 55 HEIs, and a report was published identifying examples
of good practice and highlighting areas of weakness (see Appendix A).
The review found that the context in which institutions are working, in particular
their local demographic profile or the specialised nature of courses offered,
affects their progress. Institutions in areas with larger BME populations tend to
have made better progress than those in areas with low BME demographic
profiles. Small and/or specialist HEIs are struggling to increase the participation
of BME staff and students.
While most HEIs have made good progress in focusing on race equality as a key
issue in its own right, there are still a number who are focusing on broader
questions such as social inclusion and widening participation without getting to
grips with specific issues concerning BME students and staff. In many HEIs race
28
equality issues are not yet embedded as part of a long-term vision, and there
were relatively few examples of HEIs that had clearly linked their race equality
policies into corporate objectives and mission statements. The review did,
however, identify a number of examples of good practice, including some at Art
and Design HEIs:
The Royal College of Art invites specific individuals from key organisations to
participate in the activities of its Race Equality Action Group, and has developed
a comprehensive harassment policy. It has made specific efforts to review its
website in the light of the needs of potential overseas students seeking
information, and plans to hold a competition among students to design a front
cover for the race equality policy. The University of the Arts, London has
undertaken collaborative work with young minority ethnic people to design a
careers information leaflet (OPM, 2004).
Under the specific duties imposed by the Race Relations (Amendment) Act 2000,
HEIs are required to monitor the applications, admissions and progression of
students and the career progression of staff. Most have started, but often in
insufficient detail and scope. Setting appropriate numerical targets for
proportions of Black and minority ethnic staff and students remains problematic
for many HEIs, and in general target setting in relation to students tends to be
less developed than target setting for members of staff.
Ravensbourne College of Design and Communication uses the Consortium of
Arts and Design Institutions in Southern England (CADISE) benchmarking data,
to inform its race equality policy and practice, while Kent Institute of Art and
Design has been proactive in making contact with the regional race equality
council to seek advice on how to increase applications from BME groups.
3. Widening participation in HE
3.1. General policy context
The Government’s White Paper ‘The Future of Higher Education’ (2003) included
a clear commitment to widening participation in the sector. The main aim of the
Government’s strategy to widen participation in HE is to address the under
achievement of people who come from less advantaged socio-economic
backgrounds, many with little or no family experience of HE. Their target is that
by 2010, 50% of those aged 18-30 will benefit from some form of higher
education, and that this will be achieved through closing the attainment gap at
every stage in the education system, raising aspirations, and finding better ways
to reach out to non-traditional potential students and encouraging them to apply.
Jary and Jones (2004) assert that the widening participation agenda needs to
look beyond recruitment and admissions to course content and course delivery
29
(establishing and providing what is needed for new kinds of students), a careful
consideration of forms of assessment, and the retention and monitoring of
students.
HEFCE (2004) suggest that how non-traditional groups are defined and identified
often varies according to the institutional and cultural context, and note the
importance of developing more sophisticated means of defining and measuring
success in HE in order to effectively evaluate the impact of widening participation
initiatives.
3.2. Widening participation of BME students in HE
In general terms, minority ethnic students are not seen as an ‘under-represented’
group within HE. Connor, Tyers, Modood et al (2003) assert that most HEIs are
not actively pursuing policies to increase the representation of BME groups in
their undergraduate intakes, but are pursuing policies for identified low
participation groups (such as low social class/low income groups). However, this
doesn’t necessarily mean that Black and minority ethnic groups are not included
in widening participation and access programmes at an institutional or course
level, as some would axiomatically be part of the targeted groups. They note that
a few HEIs do have specific outreach schemes focused on local minority
communities, but their research doesn’t include evidence on the outcomes of
these schemes to enable an assessment of their impact on the HE choices of
different minority ethnic groups.
In their 2004 report, Connor, Tyers, Modood et al suggest that action currently
taking place to raise aspirations and attainment by schools, LEAS and others
(local community based programmes, or national initiatives like Aimhigher)
should include projects which help minority ethnic pupils both pre-16 (and earlier
at end of primary/start of secondary) and post-16 (in schools and colleges).
They suggest there may be a need to look more closely at the targeting of many
existing ‘access to HE’ programmes and also new ones such as Aimhigher to
see how effective they are at helping young black men in particular. As BME
potential students may not necessarily fall into existing target groups, which
focus mainly on lower social class groups and schools, where much of traditional
universities’ outreach/widening access is, they propose that more attention
should be given to FE colleges where minority ethnic young people are more
concentrated (Connor, Tyers, Modood et al, 2004).
Blackstone (2004) asserts that older universities in particular must address their
image issues if they want to attract ethnic minority students, but that all
institutions need to do more. She suggests that educational inclusiveness will
create more black and Asian achievers in education and the world of work,
providing positive models of success to influence the next generation, and that a
broad ethnic mix benefits the university community as well as social cohesion.
30
Even those institutions that have been most successful in recruiting BME
students mustn’t become complacent, as getting ambitious students through the
door is only the first step. Bird (1992) contends that much of the commitment to
increasing accessibility to HE for Black and minority ethnic groups is rhetorical,
and that where that rhetoric is most likely to become reality is predominantly at
points of entry to HE. He asserts that major internal barriers exist to the
progression of Black and minority ethnic students, and that the issue of access
must also be viewed with reference to what happens after education – in terms of
employment, unemployment and underemployment of Black and minority ethnic
graduates.
Minority ethnic students must be adequately supported throughout their studies
to ensure retention, and that they achieve degree results equal to those of their
white peers. Black and minority ethnic students and graduates can play a useful
role supporting each other, possibly through mentoring. Graduate mentors can
offer positive role models as well as practical advice on career planning,
interview skills and experience of work shadowing, while current students can act
as mentors and role models to secondary school pupils who would not normally
contemplate HE (Blackstone, 2004).
3.3. Some widening participation initiatives
Aimhigher
A national initiative supported by the Higher Education Funding Council for
England (HEFCE), the Learning and Skills Council (LSC) and the Department for
Education and Skills (DfES). Its aim is to widen participation in HE by raising the
aspirations and developing the abilities of people from under-represented groups,
and by enabling the education sector – schools, FE colleges and universities – to
work together, and with other local partners including business, to enhance
access.
The Aimhigher (previously the Excellence Challenge) programme provides
schools and colleges with extra funding to work with universities to give young
people a taste of university life through e.g. master classes, student mentors and
summer schools. It has a website for practitioners, as well as a portal for
students looking for information about applying to HE (www.aimhigher.ac.uk).
Aimhigher operates through regional projects and thematic partnerships, and is
supported by the widening participation co-ordination team Action on Access.
Action on Access
Based at Bradford University, Action on Access is the national co-ordination team
for widening participation. Jointly funded by HEFCE and LSC, the Action on
Access team was appointed in 2002 to support practitioners and institutions in
developing their widening participation activities and strategies, and to offer
advice to funding councils when needed.
www.actiononaccess.org
31
Innovations
The Innovations initiative ran from 2000 to 2002, and was funded by the then
Department for Education and Employment (DfEE) and managed by HEFCE.
Through an innovative set of projects It sought to assist the HE sector in securing
greater social inclusivity and widening participation, and to enhance the fit
between individual graduate capability and the world of work.
Innovations projects covered a range of activities, representing various stages of
the student lifecycle and reflecting different aspects of engagement a university
has with a student. The projects ranged from supporting students before they
engage with HE through to helping them prepare for employment. E.g. ‘Impact’
was a programme based at the University of Bradford, which provided learning
and guidance to enhance the employment skills of BME students and improve
equality of access to graduate jobs.
As well as a website, www.innovations.ac.uk, a digest of Innovations projects
was published in 2003.
Learning and teaching and widening participation
HEFCE (Powney, 2002) published a guide for HEIs based on 23 case studies of
practice in HE at a school or departmental level aimed at widening participation
through learning and teaching. The case studies offer different approaches
taken by subject teams in supporting greater inclusivity within the student
population, and suggest that different subject interests place varying demands
and expectations on students and staff. The guide highlights the fact that
widening participation is not solely an institutional responsibility, but that
individual departments can take the initiative through their learning and teaching
practices (see Appendix A).
Recognising that staff development programmes are an essential factor in
widening participation strategies, Powney drew on the case studies to suggest
that the following are some successful approaches to widening participation in
HE, beyond increasing applications and admissions:
Supporting students from pre-entry to graduation through all components of their
course, including work experience, in order to retain them; diversifying
assessment techniques; providing students with a framework and opportunities
for personal and professional development linked with the curriculum; designing
programmes that are student-centred and establishing mentor schemes.
An assumption in most of the case studies is that HE should support students in
becoming self-confident enough to become self-referring and autonomous
learners. A student-centred curriculum can be interpreted in different ways but
usually includes confidence-building, general literacy and numeracy, writing for
academic purposes and IT skills. The case study of the London College of
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Printing (now London College of Communication) is drawn on to show a systemic
approach to a student-centred curriculum, where personal and professional
development is a core subject in all newly validated undergraduate programmes.
Different aspects of students’ key skills are tackled in each year of the
undergraduate programme, with the intention of enabling them to analyse
critically their own personal and academic development by the time they
graduate. Similarly, Ravensbourne College of Design and Communication has
made personal and professional development an integral element of all courses
(Powney, 2002).
4. Widening participation in HE Art and Design
A number of studies have been undertaken to explore possible barriers to the
participation of under-represented groups in HE Art and Design, and also to
identify examples of good practice in trying to overcome these barriers. While the
arts have traditionally been seen as the preserve of the privileged, their
openness to diversity and creativity has led to some innovative approaches to
widening participation.
The Quality Assurance Agency (QAA), in its subject benchmark statement (2002)
highlights the richness and diversity of HE provision in art and design. It notes
that while the majority of students choose to undertake a preparatory or
diagnostic course, such as foundation, national diploma or GNVQ, before
progressing to the HE programme of their choice, other forms of access also
exist e.g. application direct from secondary education, access programmes, and
accreditation of prior learning. The statement asserts that the art and design
sector has achieved an excellent record of widening access for many years and
notes the variety of new approaches to learning and to the form of the learning
environment that have emerged in response to the agenda for mass higher
education, and to developments in teaching, learning and assessment.
4.1. Barriers to participation in HE Art and Design
Chris Green (2005) undertook research for Manchester Metropolitan University
looking at the barriers perceived by some prospective students for not
considering studies in Art and Design. Focusing mainly on issues relating to
lower socio-economic groups and low participation neighbourhoods, he identified
a number of reasons why potential students are put off from applying to HE Art
and Design, but did not extend his research to consider issues of student
retention or progression (this paper is based mainly on existing research, and not
on any new action research or a more in-depth qualitative analysis of the specific
situation at Manchester Metropolitan University).
A number of personal barriers are identified, including the perception of extra
financial burden and of time wasted re. the foundation course; lack of role models
33
from similar backgrounds and geographic immobility (material circumstances
mean that a lot of working class students are operating within very narrow
circumscribed spaces of choice in which the location of a university becomes
crucial).
Various institutional issues are also identified as contributing to low rates of
participation in HE Art and Design by particular social groups, and many of these
relate to pre-entry advice: art teachers in schools sometimes discourage
students from ‘setting their sights too high’; connexions advisors at FE colleges
often know very little about the specific demands of art and design courses;
online prospectus and websites may be less accessible to students from lower
socio-economic groups; and the language used in prospectuses can seem
impenetrable.
Green asserts that young people taking part in widening participation activities
e.g. Aimhigher, initiatives such as taster days or summer schools, may not
always see a direct link between the event and their situation. The impressions
prospective students garner on visit days and open days will influence their
choice, and they may perceive particular institutions and courses as either a
place of community or at the other extreme as a place which generates a sense
of isolation. In an attempt to widen participation, Glasgow School of Art runs a
scheme where students serve a ten-day residency in targeted schools, with the
aim of giving pupils and teachers the opportunity to learn more about art and
design processes, and demystifying Glasgow School of Art so that it becomes
more accessible.
The strong emphasis placed on portfolios in the interview process for HE Art and
Design, may also be perceived as a barrier to participation. Pupils in deprived
areas might not have access to adequate facilities and materials and are often illequipped to develop a portfolio to a high standard. Green references
Wolverhampton University where the entry requirements for art and design
courses have shifted emphasis to personal experience and the comments of
referees and where prospective students are offered the chance of a portfolio
review to help improve their work. Powney (2002) notes how Ravensbourne
College of Design and Communication set up staff development workshops to
discuss admissions criteria and procedures for applicants who were not meeting
the normal admissions requirement of a portfolio of work.
The role of pre-entry guidance in widening participation is seen as key by Jackie
McManus (2003), who undertook research for the London Institute (now
University of the Arts) on the particular barriers faced by working class young
people when they consider HE in art, design and communication (see Appendix
A for research methodology).
Her specific focus was on the disadvantage of non-traditional young applicants
(who are often from families, communities and schools with little experience of
34
university entry) in accessing information, advice and guidance on careers,
course choice and the HE application process, particularly in the field of art,
design and communication. Having interviewed prospective and current
students, the main findings of her research include:

Prospective students from non-traditional backgrounds are reluctant to
apply to London Institute Colleges because of their perception that they
won’t get in/are not good enough. They encounter a lack of
encouragement from teachers, careers advisors and London Institute staff
who tell them that there is fierce competition for places and that the work
is extremely difficult. Prospective and current students recommended
student ambassadors as the best way of encouraging more working class
applicants, who feel comfortable speaking to ‘people like us’.

Prospective students from non-traditional backgrounds complained they
could not get advice on art, design and communication careers, courses
and HE applications from careers advisors, teachers or their families.
Current students felt that only great determination had enabled them to
access the information they needed to apply to the London Institute. Most
had found the application process difficult, particularly the portfolio stage.

Careers advisors and art teachers reported a lack of information on
careers and education, in art and design. There is no central body of
careers information on the creative industries.

Young people from non-traditional backgrounds tend to opt for courses in
‘less risky’ subject areas because they believe that the creative industries
are not a good career option
She cited a number of examples of good practice in HE pre-entry guidance:
Ravensbourne College of Design and Communication incorporates confidence
building, UCAS application advice and interview techniques into their outreach
programmes; Glasgow School of Art runs a student-led portfolio advice project in
some of Glasgow’s poorest schools. Both the Tate and the ICA run arts projects
for working class young people in inner city London, which innovatively
incorporate information and ideas about careers in the creative industries.
With regards to the London Institute, McManus concluded that their widening
participation activities need to work harder at changing school and FE nontraditional students’ perceptions of HE art and design, and of the London Institute
itself; that widening participation issues should be taken account of in reviewing
admission procedures, especially in relation to portfolio presentation; and that the
London Institute needs to work more closely with art teachers and careers
advisors in schools and FE colleges on providing information about careers in the
creative and cultural industries.
35
4.2. Some widening participation initiatives in HE Art and Design
CADISE - Widening Participation Projects
CADISE is the Consortium of Art and Design Institutions in Southern England,
providing a framework for collaborative activity across visual arts, performing
arts, design and communication institutions. The partner organisations are: Arts
Institute at Bournemouth, Central School of Speech and Drama, Kent Institute of
Art and Design, Ravensbourne College of Design and Communication, Trinity
College of Music, Surrey Institute of Art and Design, University College and
Wimbledon School of Art.
Partnerships between organisations and institutions can be a highly effective
means of sharing good practice, information and resources and for reaching a
wider range of possible participants. The CADISE ‘Widening Participation
Projects’ ran from January 2000 to December 2002 and were funded by HEFCE
Widening Participation Special Funding Programme (information about these
projects is available on the CADISE website, www.cadise.ac.uk)
There were four mains strands to the projects: tackling social exclusion and
barriers to entry in the creative industries; sourcing funding for the non-traditional
learner; a collaborative summer school programme and the development of a
regional progression/credit framework.
CADISE institutions have traditionally recruited students without normal entry
requirements and have a successful history of widening participation through a
diversity of innovative summer school, short course and part-time provision.
The Pathways Project ran from April 1999 to July 2000, and aimed to identify
individual routes to HE in art, design and communication. The project recognised
that while contemporary youth culture emphasises activities that feature strongly
in art, design and communication, school pupils are often unable to translate
these experiences into education and career routes. For students from low
socio-economic backgrounds, the need to determine long-term career viability is
acute, and it is critical that FE and HE institutions provide information to pupils at
appropriate stages in their education.
Data compiled from various widening participation activities was used to develop
promotional and information material addressing the needs of non-traditional
learners, guidelines for good practice and institutional strategies for further
development.
University of the Arts, London
London College of Fashion ‘compact’ scheme.
The London College of Fashion has recently launched a strategy for encouraging
applications from young people who would traditionally be less likely to apply.
This has arisen partly in response to the findings of McManus’ report (above),
36
and partly through the establishment of a Centre for Vocational Excellence at the
College, funded by the London Central Learning and Skills Council (LCLSC) the
local funding body responsible for Further, but not Higher, Education. The
initiative has taken the form of a ‘compact’ agreement between London College
of Fashion and a cluster of six Further Education Colleges across the London
area (University of the Arts, 2004a).
Under the ‘compact’, students nearing the end of two-year vocational courses at
the partner FE colleges are supported in applying to London College of Fashion,
without the traditional entry requirement of ‘A’ levels. Unlike students applying
through the traditional routes, those applying through the compact scheme
receive individual advice from University staff on the preparation of their portfolio
of work, a workshop on interview technique, and guidance on preparing their
applications. They are then invited to attend guaranteed interviews. These
applications are made and considered prior to the main phase of the university
recruitment process and students accepted through this route, while selected on
the merits of their work, are not competing directly with the main body of
applicants who, due to the standing of the University, would normally be drawn
from across the UK and internationally.
The project has been deemed a success, and the University of the Arts has
obtained further funding to develop a policy under which the compact scheme
might be extended across the other constituent colleges of the university. It has
been recognised, however, that simply replicating the structural or organisational
arrangements of one effective initiative across different institutions and/or
disciplines does not necessarily guarantee equal success in different contexts. It
is often the very specific local features of a project that leads to its success.
Research has thus been undertaken through a range of quantitative and
qualitative investigations, to evaluate the longer-term impact of the compact
scheme, and identify those features of its success that could be described as
critical and thus might need to be reproduced elsewhere.
University of the Arts - Progression Project
In the year August 2003 – July 2004, the University of the Arts (then the London
Institute) received funding from the London Central Learning and Skills Council to
support the development of a number of distinct but linked initiatives to
encourage learners from non-traditional backgrounds in Central London to
participate in HE in art, design and communication related subjects (University of
the Arts, 2004b).
One element of the project was to raise important issues about the collection,
analysis, publication and application of data on students’ backgrounds. As part
of the research on compact schemes (above), information was assembled about
the social class, prior qualifications and ethnicity of the Institute’s students at
school and even course level. The variation of these figures between the
Colleges and even Schools (see tables on p.18 above) of the Institution raised a
37
lot of issues about diversity that had not been apparent before, and led to a
discussion about the potential value of making information available to course
teams in a form that might enable them to directly address their own practice re.
widening participation.
Another strand of the project comprised the delivery of a variety of interventions
in different types of schools. Building on models previously developed by the
Young at Art unit (see below), specific groups of learners were targeted with
activities that were relevant to the stage they had reached in their academic lives
and that might encourage them to see the possibilities offered by the study of art
and design at the next stage. These included: taster days, which enabled them
to learn new skills and gain new experiences and gave them some insight into
the range of careers available in art and design; artists’ residencies; and summer
schools, in photography, fashion and textiles, printmaking and radio news
production
Staff development for Connexions personal advisors was another element of the
project. The workshops were a result of McManus’ research (see above) which
found that Connexions careers advisers do not feel confident in advising young
people about art and design employment and education.
A highly successful element of the progression project was a leaflet designed in
collaboration with the Youth Advertising Agency. Informative and easy to
understand, the leaflet used the language of text messaging, was very visual and
related directly to youth culture.
Young at Art
Young at Art was initiated at the University of the Arts (then London Institute)
over six years ago following a successful bid to the National Lottery via the Arts
Council of England. It offers a diverse programme of activities and provides
unique access to the resources and teaching of the various colleges of the
University for young people and teachers in schools and FE colleges in Greater
London. Designed to raise aspirations and enrich the experience of participants,
the scheme operates through summer and Saturday courses, artists’ residencies
and an annual awards competition.
It is unclear whether an evaluation of the scheme has taken place over a period
of time, to ascertain how successful it has been in widening participation and to
identify different levels of success depending on type of activity, location of
institution etc.
4.3. Progression from HE Art and Design to employment in the creative
industries
The widening participation agenda needs to move beyond applications and
admissions to HE Art and Design, beyond learning and teaching strategies and
38
student experience and retention, to the progression of graduates into the
workplace.
In her report on ‘Future Directions for Employability Research in the Creative
Industries’, LTSN-ADC, Linda Ball (2003) reviews the current and future position
of HE Art and Design graduates in the labour market and makes
recommendations for a future employability strategy for the sector. She notes
that in recent years there has been a cultural shift in HE with a growing
awareness among academics of the need to develop students’ employability,
evidenced by the many initiatives to encourage career management skills and a
more integrated approach to valuing employability in the curriculum.
While there has sometimes been a tension in the art and design sector between
the pursuit of creative practice for its intrinsic values and preparing graduates for
employment, Ball suggests that a new paradigm for creative subjects in HE is
emerging that removes barriers between teaching, research, the needs of
industry and the employability of graduates. She advocates new models for
partnerships between the creative industries and HE, and notes that a number of
regional partnerships and initiatives are already underway, involving HEIs,
regional development agencies, regional art boards, creative and cultural
industries bodies and businesses around the UK.
Ball also asserts the importance of nurturing young talent in the crucial period
after leaving education, with graduate bursaries, mentoring schemes,
apprenticeships etc and recognises the strategic role of specialist careers
advisers in relation to both students and the curriculum.
5. Initiatives to widen participation of Black and minority ethnic students in
HE Art and Design
Most of the widening participation initiatives in HE Art and Design discussed
above are not specifically targeted at Black and minority ethnic groups, although
many would have involved some Black and minority ethnic Black and minority
ethnic students.
The ADC-LTSN Widening Participation website has a section on Cultural
Diversity, and alerts HE providers to developments in learning and teaching that
reflect a multi-cultural society. Referencing the Race Relations (Amendment) Act
2000, the following areas are mentioned as requiring attention: admissions,
access and participation; student support and guidance; curriculum, teaching and
learning, and assessment.
Below, a number of initiatives undertaken to widen the participation of Black and
minority ethnic students in HE Art and Design in a variety of different locations
and contexts, are outlined.
39
5.1. Access and applications
London College of Communication/Autograph ABP Student Bursary
The London College of Communication and Autograph, the Association of Black
Photographers, in conjunction with decibel, Arts Council England, offered a
bursary, starting in October 2004, to support a student from a Black and minority
ethnic background throughout the BA(Hons) Photography at London College of
Communications.
These organisations formed a strategic alliance in order to address the low
numbers of culturally diverse British students attending photography degree
courses and to help develop cultural diversity in the photographic industries.
The bursary provides support with course fees; internship or mentoring from LCC
and Autograph; dual monitoring and tutorial support from LCC and Autograph;
additional material/equipment support; and possible work experience with a
major newspaper or magazine.
Artists at Work Project – Acland Burghley School (Camden)
Organised through London Aimhigher, this project arose out of the school’s
concern that too few students of minority ethnic origin continued with art beyond
GCSE. Six practitioners of minority ethnic origin were invited to run workshops in
the school, through which they engaged students in a broad range of practices
and also told their personal stories – how they got to where they are and their
plans for the future.
5.2. Community arts partnerships
Collaborations between HEIs and community arts groups seem to be a highly
effective means of engaging ‘hard to reach’ groups and widening participation in
HE Art and Design.
Arts and the Learning City
The ‘Arts and the Learning City’ initiative ran in London from 2000-2002, through
a consortium of 17 pan-London further and higher education institutions, led by
the University of the Arts (then the London Institute) with support from the former
London Arts Board. The main thrust of the project was to explore whether
consortium members could widen participation in art, design and performance by
building links with community and arts groups which had a successful record of
engaging members of lower socio-economic groups or others likely to be underrepresented in HE (Bambridge et al, 2003).
The consortium set up 11 partnerships between its members and community and
arts groups, to explore alternative routes into HE for hard-to-reach potential
students. A vital aspect of the success of this work was the way the arts and
40
community group environment could make individuals, even those with a history
of education failure, feel valued. Staff with experience of work in both HE and
community arts, ‘Threshold officers’, played a key role in this process, where
increasingly structured learning opportunities could be used to build a route from
initial contact with an arts activity in the community through to full student status
on a degree programme. Most participants engaged in these collaborative
projects experienced improvements in self esteem and a sense of achievement
irrespective of progress or otherwise onto further study (Bambridge et al, 2003).
Although not all the 11 projects were targeted specifically at Black and minority
ethnic groups, a few were e.g. Middlesex University working in collaboration with
the North London Somali Women’s Consortium on a ceramics and textile project.
Others were targeted at areas with a high population of Black and minority ethnic
and socially disadvantaged groups e.g. Chelsea College of Art and Design,
Shadwell Adult Education Institute and Newham Sixth Form College working in
collaboration with Art of Change on a public art project with Access and BTEC
students from Tower Hamlets and Newham; and Ravensbourne College of
Design and Communication working in collaboration with the Serpentine and
YCTV on a film and video project with disaffected and disadvantaged culturally
diverse youth from Kensington.
An unexpected outcome of these projects were the benefits reported by those
HE students who came into contact with the arts and community groups and their
participants, in the role of mentors, volunteers and ambassadors. These
students reported significant enhancements to their own organisational and
communication skills as a result of working with individuals from groups with
whom, in many cases, they would have been unfamiliar.
Bambridge et al suggest that a key aspect of the success of these projects lies in
their specificity - working with particular groups towards particular ends – and
they ask to what extent was the success of the initiative as a whole due to its
specific curriculum focus on art, design and performance. Suggesting that there
is ample anecdotal evidence of non-traditional entry to art, design and
performance courses, they assert that the mythology of art and design
recruitment allows for non-traditional entry from a community arts background,
that might not apply to other disciplines (Bambridge et al, 2003, p.30).
South East of Scotland Wider Access Forum
Spencer and Musselbrook (2004) in their report on the work of the South East of
Scotland Wider Access Forum, focused on the role of community partnerships in
widening participation in a variety of different subjects and institutions in HE. In
relation to partnership activities involving the FE and HE sectors and community
organisations, they raise the question of how complementary notions of wider
access to HE are with prominent theories of ‘community education’ or notions of
life-long learning.
41
Within the HE Art and Design sector, an Access to Creative Arts course was
developed to target a number of under-represented groups, including residents
from low participation areas, people with mental health problems, and members
of Black and minority ethnic communities. The partners involved with developing
the course were an arts agency promoting lifelong learning and training, a further
education college and a higher education institution.
The course removed barriers to participation in a large part due to its curriculum,
and was promoted to potential learners as something that was ‘achievable’ as
well as fun and interesting. A number of students identified the fact that the
course was based in the community and the classes were small and personal as
positive aspects of the programme, and the relationship-based approach seemed
integral to developing learners’ confidence and making them feel comfortable
(Spencer and Musselbrook, 2004).
Tutors acknowledged the importance of being flexible and relating to their
students on an individual basis, as well as recognising that it takes time to finetune a course and align it with the needs and ability of a target group. In terms of
student outcomes, the course aimed to establish clear routes for progression to
mainstream FE or HE provision and enable students to escape the ‘revolving
door’ syndrome where participants move from one project to another without any
real benefit to their personal situation. Measuring ‘success’ is complicated,
however, because of differing agendas and interpretations of success, and those
who do not progress on to mainstream education provision or who do not
complete the course can’t necessarily be said to have ‘failed’.
Arts Learning Partnership
www.artslearningpartnership.org
The Arts Learning Partnership (ALP) is a London-wide agency (supported by
London Metropolitan University and Aimhigher), which aims to support art-based
learning opportunities for ‘hard to reach’ learners and build progression routes to
HE through practical engagements with community based arts organisations,
regeneration agencies, local authorities and post-16 education providers.
Examples of ALP projects:

Diaspora Summer School (2004 – 2006)
A series of summer school programmes for young people (15/16 year
olds) targeting particular minority ethnic communities, including Turkish
speaking, Afghan, Iranian and East African communities. Unlike
conventional summer school programmes, which are designed by
universities and then offered to schools, ALP’s approach is based on a
community partnership model. Here the communities directly contribute to
the summer school curriculum by providing artistic and educational input
alongside university provision.
42

Creating Confidence
A research project examining how effective practice in community arts can
contribute to young people’s confidence. This is the first part of a longterm study which will explore how confidence-building through the arts can
help young people address issues of preparation for entry to HE.

Creative Learning Spaces
A widening participation conference held at the University of Greenwich,
April 2005, which explored the potential of collaborations between young
people’s learning in non-formal settings and mainstream education
provision. The theme of creative learning spaces was explored through
notions of emotional spaces, educational spaces and enterprise spaces
that enable young people to take creative control over their learning and
skills development.

Creative Learning Network
As an outcome from a recent seminar at NESTA entitled ‘Pathways to
Creativity’, and in the context of significant government policies that
address widening participation, 14-19 vocational provision, cultural
entitlement and social inclusion, ALP established a London-wide
membership forum. Members include a wide range of practitioners
engaged in community and post-16 collaborations in the arts in different
parts of London.

VOLICITY: Vocational Learning in Creative Industries for Turkish
Youth
A proposal (application submitted for European funding) to develop a
model of pre-vocational and pre-employment learning which will combine
generic employability and key skills with learning and skills development
specific to employment in the cultural and creative industries. At the core
of the model will be a package of multimedia training and learning
materials, which will be produced in several languages (English, German
and Turkish) for use by young people (aged 16-25) from Turkish-speaking
backgrounds under guidance from teachers, tutors, youth and community
leaders and mentors.
5.3. Curriculum developments
GLAADH
GLAADH - Globalising Art, Architecture and Design History - was initiated in
2001, and was born out of a constructive response to the criticisms in the QAA
Subject Overview Report for Art, Architecture and Design History (1998), which
stated that ‘the aims and objectives concentrated heavily on Western art and
culture and display little cultural diversity’. The project ran for three years
between the University of Sussex, the Open University and Middlesex University
and was funded by the Fund for the Development of Teaching and Learning,
43
which is supported by HEFCE. GLAADH sought to encourage and embed
cultural diversity in the Art, Architecture and Design History Curriculum and
aimed to identify existing good practice, as well as promote and support
emerging teaching and learning strategies in the subject, appropriate to a
multicultural society within a global context.
One of the first substantial acts of the project was a survey of existing practice,
carried out in the summer of 2001 through face-to-face interviews in 47
departments throughout the UK, with the aim of establishing existing teaching
provision and resources, future curriculum plans, and ways in which GLAADH
could contribute to future plans.
The survey revealed that existing practice was a lot more diverse than had been
anticipated: many theory courses included material on ‘Orientalism’ or on
cultural difference; a number courses working with contemporary art were
engaged with issues of post-coloniality and cultural difference; and courses
which were thematically, rather than historically or geographically, defined,
offered a conceptual space for engagement with work from a broader area of
artistic or cultural practice. It was noted that where a practice-based degree is
taught alongside the history degree, the teaching is often more diverse and the
material to which students are exposed is much wider geographically.
During 2002 GLAADH invited applications from HEI departments for funds to
support initiatives to diversify the curricula, and ten unique sub-projects were
developed nationwide, including:
 Anglia Polytechnic University – changes in BA Art History to
accommodate African, Asian and American topics into existing modules
 Birkbeck - a project to develop film resources for teaching world cinema
at postgraduate level
 DeMontfort University, Leicester – two-strand project which introduced a
focus on South Asian contemporary crafts to an existing module, whilst
making accessible the visual archive of PRASADA (Practice, Research
and Advancement in South Asian Design and Architecture)
 Sheffield Hallam University – project to develop an undergraduate module
on ‘transculturation’ and the visual arts, and to develop on-line resources.
The GLAADH website, www.glaadh.ac.uk, continues beyond the end of the
project and functions as a resource centre to support the integration of cultural
diversity into the curriculum, and its database includes bibliographies, teaching
materials, links to other resources, and lists of subject and teaching specialists.
Although, not specifically defined as a widening participation initiative, it would be
useful to ascertain whether the strategy of diversifying the curriculum has led to a
more culturally diverse range of students applying to HE courses in Art,
Architecture and Design History.
44
Role of reading lists in widening participation in visual arts education
In 2003, a study was commissioned by the Arts Council of England (Roberts and
Büchler, 2003) to identify the academic intentions and student perceptions of the
purposes of reading lists in studio-based visual arts HE, with particular reference
to their possible role in raising awareness of such issues as ethnicity and cultural
diversity, and therefore the contribution they might make to the wider agendas of
access and participation (see Appendix A for research methodology).
Even though reading lists do not stand in isolation from other educational
instruments, as written documents they might provide useful insights into the
attitudes behind, and approaches to, the overall academic culture of institutions
and the direction of their courses. It was assumed that recommended (or
required) reading represented by reading lists:
 can have a role in attracting and supporting currently under-represented
cultural groupings
 is an influential element of the teaching and learning strategies of the
courses
 provides a source of axiomatic vocabulary, concepts and critical ideas
 reflects the educational priorities and aesthetic, theoretical and cultural
bias of the curriculum
A range of rationales for the choice of reading for programmes was encountered,
with some courses leaders professing that diversity is beneficial and necessary
and others suggesting that programmes should be culturally specific. Only one
programme surveyed explicitly described the role of reading lists in aiding
understanding about cultural diversity, globalisation and inclusivity.
While diversifying curriculum content may be seen as a form of widening
participation, it was noted above (section 2.2.) that addressing issues of cultural
difference in the curriculum through processes of inclusion e.g. by including black
authors on reading lists, rather than through a more radical process of
transformation, may lead to ‘eurocentric frameworks of knowledge’ remaining
unchallenged (Sharma, 2004).
5.4. Research
UK universities are major providers of higher and research degrees, with a large
population of overseas and particularly non-Western MA, MPhil and PhD
students. It might be useful to examine the impact of research and research
topics on the formation of departmental and institutional culture and policies, and
the more direct role that researchers and their work may have on the curriculum
and/or delivery of taught courses and the experience of students from underrepresented groups (Roberts and Büchler, 2003).
AHRC – Diasporas, Migration and Identities Programme
45
The Arts and Humanities Research Council has set aside £5.5 million for a
trans-disciplinary programme running for 5 years from 2004-2009, with the aim of
maximising the participation of scholars from a wide range of arts and humanities
disciplines in researching, reflecting upon and discussing issues relating to
diasporas, migration and identities.
Several different schemes are on offer to support and fund small and large
research projects, workshops and networks, conferences and seminars, and to
encourage interdisciplinary engagement and collaborations with partners in the
public sector, the cultural sector and the wider community.
5.5. Progression to employment
Connect Mentoring Programme
Two mentoring programmes are offered at the University of the Arts as part of
the Connect mentoring scheme: ‘Inter Connect’ for UK Black and minority ethnic
students and ‘Connect Able’ for students with disabilities. The scheme has been
developed to support students in the transition from study to work and to help to
address the issue of under-representation of Black and minority ethnic and
disabled graduates in the work force. It is open to Black and minority ethnic and
disabled students in their 2nd year of any full time undergraduate course across
the University of the Arts.
Inspire Fellowship Programme
Arts Council England in partnership with the Esmée Fairbairn Foundation and
five national museums and galleries has established five curatorial fellowships for
Black African, Caribbean, Chinese, South Asian or South-East Asian curators at
entry to mid-career levels. These two-year placements at Tate, the British
Museum, The National Gallery, the National Portrait Gallery and the V&A are part
of a strategic initiative delivered under the Race Relations Act aimed at reducing
the under-representation of minority ethnic curators in the museum and galleries
sector.
5.6. Cultural diversity in HE Art and Design - European context
‘In the current process of European integration, the plurality of higher arts
education and its openness to contemporary realities determines the important
role it can play in making Europe innovative and exciting. The providers of
Europe’s higher arts education must reflect upon and help achieve the social and
cultural balance between identity and plurality, unification and diversity, within
this continent and beyond.’ Extract from the manifesto of the European League of
Institutes of the Arts (ELIA), 2000.
ELIA represents approximately 350 Arts Higher Education Institutes (all
disciplines: Fine Art, Design, Theatre, Music, Dance, Media Arts and
Architecture) in 47 countries across Europe (www.elia-artschools.org).
46
‘We are living in times of unprecedented change. Globalisation, the powerful
dynamics of commercial pressure directed particularly at young people, and the
increasing interaction between traditional, ethnic, religious and national
communities are all creating a cultural climate of immense complexity. Education
systems everywhere are also being reformed to take account of these
changes….The arts are both the most local and the most international of
activities, proud of their traditions and identity, but at their most exciting when
they break down barriers and cross borders.’
‘ELIA seeks to promote the development of Europe as a multicultural society and
the changing role of artists and arts education, and to stimulate discussion of the
contribution of artists to an improved understanding of (and communication with)
disadvantaged groups in our societies.’
47
Conclusions
A number of conclusions regarding the participation of Black and minority ethnic
students in HE Art and Design can be drawn from the findings of this review.
Whilst it proved difficult to find existing literature on the participation of Black and
minority ethnic students in HE Art and Design specifically, there is a considerable
amount of material on Black and minority ethnic participation in HE more
generally, exploring the various factors that influence students’ perceptions,
choices, and experiences.
Black and minority ethnic students are well represented in HE overall, but they
don’t participate in a uniform way and are unevenly distributed across the HE
sector. Black and minority ethnic students should not be considered as a single,
homogeneous entity; there are considerable variations both between and within
different minority ethnic groups.
In aggregate Black and minority ethnic students are better represented at the
new (post-1992) universities, in certain subjects (the more
vocationally/professionally oriented ones such as medicine, IT, business studies
and law), and in Greater London and other metropolitan centres.
They are under-represented in a number of subjects, including art and design,
humanities and languages, and also have low rates of participation in the more
prestigious (pre-1992) institutions, and rural areas.
Prior education attainment, and parental encouragement and support are the
main factors influencing the HE participation of Black and minority ethnic
students. Family opinion and the consideration of employment outcomes, exert a
stronger influence on Black and minority ethnic than white students in making
decisions about what and where to study.
Black and minority ethnic students are more likely than white students to leave
their course early, and students from all minority ethnic groups achieve lower
classes of degree on average than white students. Initial unemployment rates for
minority ethnic graduates are higher than for white graduates and Black and
minority ethnic graduates continue to be under-represented across a number of
different sectors.
Race and class identities often interact around notions of ‘fitting in’ and
belonging, and affect students’ HE choices, experiences and outcomes.
Institutional attitudes and practices can support or hinder Black and minority
ethnic participation in HE, as well as affecting the experiences and achievements
of students, and their progression to employment.
48
Institutional racism in HE operates through a number of different, but
interconnected, spheres including: ethnic inequalities in student access; racial
discrimination by admissions tutors; racial harassment and bullying; lack of
diversity in the teaching and learning environment; racial discrimination in
marking and assessment and in graduate access to employment.
Effective race equality strategies will reflect the character and circumstances of
the institution, and operate on a number of different levels including: admissions,
access and participation; student support and guidance; curriculum, teaching and
learning; assessment procedures; staff recruitment, training and career
development; progression routes from HE to employment; the institution’s core
values and mission; and partnerships and community links.
Widening participation strategies need to look beyond recruitment and
admissions, and address the various stages of the student lifecycle,
encompassing course content and delivery, support and guidance, assessment
and monitoring, retention and progression. Issues of access and participation
must also be viewed with reference to what happens after HE.
Black and minority ethnic students and graduates can play a useful role
supporting each other, through mentoring. Graduate mentors can offer positive
role models as well as practical advice on career planning, interview skills and
experience of work shadowing, while current students can act as mentors and
role models to secondary school pupils who would not normally contemplate HE.
A number of barriers to participation in HE Art and Design have been identified,
and include: perception of the arts as the preserve of the privileged; a lack of role
models from similar social and cultural backgrounds; perception that the creative
industries are not a good career option; lack of encouragement and advice from
parents, teachers and careers advisors; and the emphasis placed on portfolios in
the application process.
Art and Design’s openness to diversity and creativity has led to some innovative
approaches to overcoming these barriers and widening participation.
Widening participation initiatives include: taster days; summer schools; artists’
residencies; mentoring schemes; ‘compact’ agreements between HEIs and
schools and FE colleges; student bursaries; staff training workshops; changes to
curriculum content and design; inter-institution networks; and partnerships with
community arts organisations.
Collaborations between HEIs and community arts organisations are often tailored
to the needs of specific groups and focus on raising participants’ confidence and
self esteem, irrespective of progression to HE.
49
Moving beyond applications and admissions to HE, beyond learning and
teaching strategies, and student support and retention, widening participation
initiatives must also focus on the progression of graduates to employment in the
creative industries.
The importance of nurturing young talent in the crucial period after leaving
education, with graduate bursaries, mentoring schemes, apprenticeships etc. is
acknowledged, as is the strategic role of specialist careers advisers in relation to
both students and the curriculum.
Initiatives aimed at increasing numbers or addressing diversity through
representation and inclusion, will not be as effective as those which aim to
transform structures and processes and enhance individual experiences.
Recommendations
The next phase of research on the participation of Black and minority ethnic
students in HE Art and Design could be conducted on a number of different
levels:

Quantitative analysis of data on the number of Black and minority ethnic
applicants to HE Art and Design, the number of offers made and number
of offers accepted, drop out rates and success/failure rates (using
statistics from HESA and UCAS).

The above analysis should take account of differential patterns of
participation between Black and minority ethnic groups and in relation to
gender, age, socio-economic class, and geographical location.

Qualitative research exploring various factors influencing Black and
minority ethnic participation/non-participation in HE Art and Design,
through a series of interviews with prospective students, first-year
students, final-year students, and parents, as well as art teachers at
schools and FE colleges, careers advisors, and teaching and careers staff
at HEIs.

The above research will look at student and family perceptions of both HE
Art and Design and careers in the creative industries, the influence of art
teachers and careers advisors at schools and FE colleges, and the
attitudes of HE staff.

A longitudinal survey, following a selected number of students from preentry, through the admissions and applications process, to their
experience of HE Art and Design and their transit to employment or
postgraduate study.
50

Evaluation of race equality strategies and policies at a number of HEIs
offering art and design courses, in terms of: admissions, access and
participation; student support and guidance; curriculum, teaching and
learning; assessment procedures; staff recruitment, training and career
development; progression routes from HE to employment; the institution’s
core values and mission; and partnerships and community links.

Evaluation of widening participation strategies at a number of HEIs
offering art and design courses, looking at how they address the various
stages of the student lifecycle, in terms of admissions and applications,
course content and delivery, support and guidance, assessment and
monitoring, and retention and progression.

Exploration of the role of arts institutions and museums in enhancing intercultural awareness through their curatorial and education programmes,
and their policies and practices in recruiting staff from Black and minority
ethnic groups.
51
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55
Appendix A
Methodologies of Research Studies
Archer and Hutchings (2000)
Research carried out for Institute for Policy Studies in Education, University of
North London, looking at the viewpoints and understandings of working class
non-participants in HE.
Methodology: group discussions with 109 non-participant Londoners, aged
between 16 and 30 years, from a range of working-class backgrounds.
Approximately two-thirds were from minority ethnic backgrounds, reflecting the
inner city context and the conceptual need to address diversity within ‘working
class’ experience. Most of the respondents were taking level 1 and 2 vocational
courses (NVQ and GNVQ) at FE colleges, and had achieved low grades at
GCSE; a few were taking level 3 GNVQ which would make them eligible to apply
for university; remaining were not studying and had mostly left school at 16 to
start work. A question was raised about whether the race/gender (white female)
of the researcher had an impact on the participants and their responses.
Ball (2003)
A working paper reviewing the current and future position of employability in the
creative industries in the light of changes in HE, the labour market and graduate
employment. Recommendations are made for a future employability strategy for
the sector for new areas for research into employability.
Methodology: drawing on recent research studies and surveys, the report is
essentially a literature review. Preliminary work was further informed by desk
research and material gathered as a result of requests to the art, design and
communication sector for findings of employability research and examples of
good practice in curriculum development which encourages and embeds
employability learning.
Bhattacharyya, Ison and Blair (2003)
Paper summarising recent research and statistics on the participation and
attainment of different minority ethnic groups in education and training.
Methodology: summary of research and statistics from a wide range of sources,
particularly government statistics and government sponsored research.
Connor, Tyers, Modood et al (2003)
An interim report of research in progress on the flows into, through and out of HE
of minority ethnic groups, focusing on undergraduate study in England. The aims
of the study were to identify factors which encourage or inhibit participation,
retention and progression in HE and transition to the labour market by minority
ethnic students.
56
Methodology: as well as assessing existing research and statistics on minority
ethnic groups in HE (including available data from national sources, mainly
HESA and UCAS), a national survey of undergraduate students was undertaken
in Spring 2002 exploring their choices of HE study, experiences to date, financial
issues and job/career plans.
The student survey comprised face-to-face interviews with a sample of over
1,300 UK-domiciled undergraduate students, including over 700 from minority
ethnic groups, at 33 institutions in England. In addition more in-depth interviews
with 30 survey respondents, and representatives from the HEIs covered in the
sample were also interviewed.
Connors, Tyers, Modood et al (2004)
Report (interim research report, 2003, above) on the influences on participation
in HE of minority ethnic students, and their achievements and transitions to the
labour market.
Methodology: the principal elements of the study were a review of recent
research literature; secondary analysis of national statistics; and new research
involving surveys of, and interviews with, a number of target groups:
 A national survey of just over 1,300 current undergraduate students in
both FE and HE institutions. In addition 30 survey respondents were
interviewed in more depth, and representatives from the HEIs covered in
the sample were also interviewed.
 A national survey of almost 1,000 potential HE entrants, currently in Year
13 (or equivalent) in schools and colleges, plus in-depth interviews with a
subset of 42 of them.
 A survey of 80 parents of current students, and in-depth interviews with 13
of them including 10 from minority ethnic groups.
 A follow-up survey of 103 graduates. The sample was generated from
final year students participating in the first phase of the research. An
additional 6 qualitative interviews with minority ethnic graduates were
undertaken.
 Interviews with 20 graduate recruiting employers, and also a number of
career advisors and others involved in HE diversity programmes.
Law, Phillips and Turney (2004a)
Collection of papers originally presented at a national conference organised by
the Centre for Ethnicity and Racism Studies at the University of Leeds with the
assistance of the Equality Challenge Unit, July 2002 (culmination of a HEFCE
funded Innovations project)
McManus (2003)
Research conducted as a London Institute Teaching and Professional
Fellowship, on the disadvantage of non-traditional young applicants (who are
57
often from families, communities and schools with little experience of university
entry) in accessing information, advice and guidance on careers, course choice
and the HE application process, particularly in the field of art, design and
communication.
Methodology: interviews with current and prospective London Institute students
from less advantaged social backgrounds about their experience of pre-entry
guidance and how it might be improved; investigation of the guidance practices
of external bodies, including Connexions Careers, other HEIs and art colleges,
and organisations in the wider arts community; interviews with key London
Institute staff involved in pre-entry guidance; and exploration of the role of
Student Services in pre-arrival guidance.
OPM (2004)
In 2004 the Equality Challenge Unit commissioned OPM to review the progress
made in a random sample of 55HEIs in meeting the requirements of the Race
Relations (Amendment) Act 2000.
Methodology: in reviewing HEIs’ progress, OPM considered the following five
broad categories:
 The extent to which HEIs demonstrate an understanding of the context in
which their own race equality agenda operates, and their responsiveness
to this.
 The appropriateness of structures and processes for ensuring race
equality across all functions of the institution.
 The appropriateness of planning and target-setting in relation to race
equality issues.
 The extent to which HEIs have adequate procedures for review and
demonstrate active learning and appropriate revision based on
experience.
 Evidence of leadership and commitment in relation to race equality.
The report sets out the findings of this review in progress, identifying examples of
good practice and highlighting areas of weakness. It aims to provide a baseline
against which further progress can be measured, and to allow HEIs to learn from
one another’s experience.
Powney (2002)
Commissioned by HEFCE, this guide provides examples of practice, and
identifies common principles, to improve strategic planning at a school or
departmental level in widening participation and associated learning, teaching
and assessment.
Methodology: the guide was developed through consultation with a steering
group drawn from HE and is based on 23 case studies in HEIs. It is not
58
prescriptive, but identifies common principles that institutions can adapt to their
own circumstances, to help them recruit and support a diverse range of students.
Reay, Davies, David & Ball (2001)
Drawing on data from an on-going ESRC project on choice in higher education,
the research focused on non-traditional entrants to university and their
perspectives on HE choice. The study aimed to explore the effects of individual,
peer group, familial and institutional influences and processes on choice-making.
Methodology: a questionnaire was sent to 502 year 12, year 13 and FE
students; and focus groups and interviews were conducted with a number of
students, various intermediaries (careers teachers, sixth form tutors etc), and a
small sample of parents.
The researchers worked in six educational institutions, all in or near London:
 An 11-18 mixed comprehensive with a large minority working-class intake
 A comprehensive sixth form consortium which serves a socially diverse
community
 A tertiary college with a very large ‘A’ level population
 A further education college which runs higher education Access courses
 Two prestigious private schools – one single-sex boys and one single-sex
girls
Roberts and Büchler (2003)
The study aims to identify, on a small scale and sample, the academic intentions
and student perceptions of the purposes of reading lists in studio-based Visual
Arts higher education, with a particular reference to their possible role in raising
awareness of such issues as ethnicity and cultural diversity, and therefore the
contribution they may make to the wider agendas of access and participation.
Methodology: a combination of carefully targeted, mailed questionnaires and
pre-arranged one-to-one interviews with students and staff in a range of HEIs.
The focus was predominantly on Fine Art programmes at both undergraduate
and postgraduate level, and included BA (Hons) Fine Art, BA (Hons) Surface
Decoration, BA (Hons) Interactive Arts and MA Photography. The report does
not mention which institutions were sampled.
Schwartz (2004)
The Admissions to Higher Education Steering Group was asked to develop a
statement of high-level principles about admissions that all English institutions
providing HE could adopt.
Methodology: conducted through a two-phase process of consultation, the scope
of the report was applications from the UK for undergraduate courses provided
by English institutions. Its recommendations relate to applications from mature
59
and young learners with the full range of level 3 qualifications for part-time or fulltime study at degree or sub-degree level.
Shiner and Modood (2002)
The research attempted to identify the possible role of racial bias in the allocation
of higher education places.
Methodology: the study was based on a representative sample of applicants
drawn from the full range of courses offered by HEIs in the UK. It took account of
a range of factors that have been put forward in attempts to explain ethnic
difference in rates of admission, and it focused on offers rather than admissions.
Applications to university for the year 1996-97 provided the basis for analysis.
The sample of candidates was randomly selected although it was constructed in
such a way as to provide approximately equal numbers of white, Black
Caribbean, Black African, Indian, Pakistani, Bangladeshi and Chinese candidates
(around 1,000 from each group).
60
Appendix B
Comparative research on diversity and participation in education and other
creative disciplines
A number of studies have been undertaken, or are forthcoming, which could
inform current research on the participation of Black and minority ethnic students
in HE Art and Design.
Architecture and Race: a study of minority ethnic students in the
profession
In 2001 CABE (the Commission for Architecture and the Built Environment),
working with the Society of Black Architects, commissioned the Policy Studies
Institute to undertake a short piece of research to identify the scope of existing
research and data on Black and minority ethnic students and practitioners in
architecture, and to identify areas for further research and action (Barnes,
Bonjour and Sahin-Dikmen, 2002).
The main objective of the study was to review Black and minority ethnic
application rates to schools of architecture and factors influencing the
applications, and to look at Black and minority ethnic students’ experience of the
architectural education process and of obtaining employment in the profession.
The study included quantitative desk research, but the main part consisted of
qualitative research, interviewing a sample of students and relevant
stakeholders.
Key findings from quantitative data:

poor and inconsistent data in some areas

good evidence to suggest that Black and minority ethnic students are now
well represented on architecture courses, making up around 18% of
architecture undergraduates (compared to 16% of all undergraduates).
However, even if all these current students went on to practice as
architects, it would be decades before these levels of representation
applied to the profession as a whole; currently only 2% of registered
architects are non-white

architecture continues to be a male-dominated profession

there are some differences in profile between white and Black and
minority ethnic students, and within Black and minority ethnic categories.
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E.g. at first degree level, Black African and Black Caribbean students tend
to be older and more likely to have held non-traditional qualifications at
entry, and are more likely to study part-time. The Chinese, followed by
those of Indian origin, are by far the best-represented minority ethnic
group, and they are also the youngest

white students are four times more likely to obtain first class architecture
degrees than Black and minority ethnic students. White students in
architecture are more likely to come from social class 1 (professional)

there are fewer Black and minority ethnic students at the advanced levels
of Parts 2 and 3 of architectural study, compared with Part 1. This
suggests that BME students are more likely to drop out from part 1 than
white students
The patterns identified from the quantitative data were further examined through
a range of interviews. The aim was to build a detailed picture of students’ actual
experiences and to add substance to the data and statistics.

interviews revealed a range of reasons for studying architecture, with no
great differences between white and Black and minority ethnic students

many interviewees had received poor careers advice, and some had been
actively discouraged from going into architecture esp. women
students from Black and minority ethnic backgrounds were often not
encouraged to become architects, because of lack of familiarity with the
profession


concerns were expressed about the length of training and the related
financial burdens

a range of factors influenced which architecture schools students applied
to, including reputation and curriculum issues, and there were not
significant differences between white and Black and minority ethnic
students in this area. However, some said that decisions did involve
trade-offs e.g. choosing a London university in order to study in a more
ethnically diverse environment could create financial pressures, whilst
choosing to live elsewhere (in areas with small Black and minority ethnic
populations) to save money could lead to a degree of social and cultural
isolation and lack of peer support

some Black and minority ethnic students felt that some courses were
overly focused on Western traditions of architecture. A set of ‘taken for
granted’ cultural assumptions, which were seen to disadvantage those
who didn’t necessarily share them
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
Black and minority ethnic students appear to have higher drop-out rates
than white students. A number of possible reasons were identified for this:

Black and minority ethnic students were often unclear about what was
expected of them during their training

the seven-year minimum period required to qualify as an architect was
seen to raise restrictive cost implications. The proportion of Black and
minority ethnic groups in lower income households tends to be higher

some students pointed to the isolating fact of being the sole or one of only
a few students from a Black and minority ethnic background in their year

the ‘crit’ system was often seen to be challenging, culturally specific and at
times, contributed to decisions to drop out

difficulty of finding and working in an architectural practice

Black and minority ethnic students are often outside professional, social
and family-related social networks that could help them find jobs, and
cultural differences could continue to set them apart from their colleagues
once in placements

entry into the workplace was for many students a key point at which they
reconsidered their engagement with the profession
The research identified a number of policy implications and recommendations for
the future:

Raising the profile of architecture and making the profession more
attractive and diverse, through: outreach and media work; providing
materials for schools and FE colleges; encouraging architecture schools
and colleges to become more involved with pre-16 career programmes
e.g. open days and encouraging architects from a diverse range of
backgrounds to become involved with schools’ career programmes

Access to better data, which could be achieved through: improvements in
monitoring (as required by the Race Relations (Amendment) Act 2000;
and conducting further research into experiences of professional practice
e.g. establishing a cohort study to follow a group of architects from the
beginning of their training through to employment

The importance of role models and mentoring: schools and practices
should be encouraged to develop mentoring schemes
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
Improving communications between institutions and students, through:
reforms to the ‘crit’ system to help improve perceptions of fairness; and
providing more advice and practical help in obtaining practice experience.
The findings and methodology of this research study could inform further work on
the participation, experience and outcomes of Black and minority ethnic students
in HE Art and Design, and in the creative professions.
Crafts and Diversity – Research Proposal
Surrey Institute of Art and Design has proposed a research study to look at the
routes that craftspeople from Black and minority ethnic backgrounds take to
training on crafts courses at HEIs, and subsequently the audiences they hope to
engage with and the markets through which they intend to sell their work.
The proposed research will include:
 identifying social strata within and between different Black and minority
ethnic groups, as well as their geographical locations, opportunities for
social exchange and interaction, and degrees of access to education and
cultural activities

identifying key points of interaction with role models, educational and
cultural institutions, peer groups and support structures

exploring various factors affecting HE choices, including the ways in which
aspiring makers address family pressures to focus on ‘appropriate’
careers

analysing social and cultural perceptions of success and failure

identifying relationships, if any, between UK domiciled Black and minority
ethnic students and students from overseas, and drawing comparisons
between the ways in which institutions relate to these two groups

exploring the role of the museum in enhancing cultural awareness through
its collections and its access to communities, especially in making
connections with Black and minority ethnic communities through specific
collections and initiatives
Following an initial phase setting out a framework and methodology, the research
will be conducted through a series of one-to-one interviews with a number of
Black and minority ethnic makers at different stages in their careers; a
comparative survey with white makers at similar stages; interviews with HE and
FE institutions with a visual arts/crafts specialism; interviews with HEIs that
attract a high intake of BME students; and interviews with a number of
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primary/secondary institutions either identified by makers or by their own
approach to developing Black and minority ethnic cultural practice.
Art and Design Education Research Review Group
The Art and Design Education Review Group has been set up by the Centre for
Art Education and International research (CAEIR) at the University of Surrey
Roehampton, in collaboration with NSEAD (National Society for Education in Art
and Design). The impetus for setting up the review group came from the
Evidence for Policy and Practice Information and Co-ordinating Centre (EPPI
Centre), which is part of the Social Science Research Unit at the Institute of
Education.
The review group undertakes a number of research projects, and a possible topic
for future research is minority ethnic achievement in art and design at school.
http://www.nsead.org/special/eppi.aspx
HEFCE Widening participation and fair access research strategy consultation paper, 2004
This document sets out plans for a programme of research which will inform and
support HEFCE’s policies on widening participation.
The proposed research includes an evaluation of Aimhigher and a literature
review on barriers to HE for various under-represented groups.
HEFCE intends to re-analyse the Shiner and Modood (2002) data set to further
explore their results using other indicators, to test their conclusion of bias against
ethnic minority applicants in the admissions process.
The paper references a study recently commissioned by DfES: ‘Longitudinal
Study of Young People in England’. The study will have a main sample set of
15,000 young people and their parents. Interviews would start at age 13-14,
which is before critical pathway decisions are made, and will continue to follow
the young people until they reach age 25 which, it argues, is more fitted for
analysis of increasingly extended patterns of transition. To ensure that it can get
meaningful results for minority ethnic groups, it will boost the initial sample by
5,000 with an expected achieved additional sample of 3,750.
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